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THE GOLDEN 

OF THE 

^RLY ENGLISH CHUR' 



SIR HENRY HOWORTH 



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1 



THE GOLDEN DAYS OF THE 
EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 



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Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2011 with funding from 

University of Toronto 



http://www.archive.org/details/goldendaysofear03howo 



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Orxamentai, Intiiai. Letter of the Gospel of St. John in the 

LiNDISFARNE M.S. 



/'('/. ///., Frontispiece. 



THE GOLDEN DAYS 

OF THE EARLY 

ENGLISH CHURCH 

FROM THE ARRIVAL OF THEODORE 
TO THE DEATH OF BEDE 



By Sir HENRY H. HOWORTH 

K.C.I.E., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A. 

PRESIDENT OF THE ROYAL ARCH.?iOLOGICAL INSTITUTE AND 
TRUSTEE OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM 

AUTHOR OF 

'the LIVES OF POPE GREGORY THE GREAT AND AUGUSTINE THE MISSIONARY' 

"the HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS" ETC. ETC. 



WITH ILLUSTRATIONS 
MAPS, TABLES, AND APPENDICES 



VOL. Ill 



LONDON 
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W. 

1917 




DEC 1 2 1933 



//3/3 



All rights reserved 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER XI 

PAGE 

St. Cuthberht ....... i 

CHAPTER XII 
St. Cuthberht's Contemporaries, Friends, and Pupils io6 



APPENDIX I 
The Royal and High-Born Nuns . . . -175 

APPENDIX II 
Archbishop Theodore's Penitential . . . 238 

APPENDIX III 
CiEDMON, THE Morning Star of English Poetry . 262 

APPENDIX IV 

The Memorial Crosses of the Seventh Century in 

Northern England ..... 302 

APPENDIX V 

The Codex Amiatinus of the Bible: Its History and 

Importance . . . . . . .321 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 

Volume I .... . -339 

Volume II . . . . . . .361 

Volume III . . . . . . .384 

Index . . . . . . . -395 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Ornamental Initial Letter of the Gospel of St. 

John in the Lindisfarne MS. . . . Frontispiece 

FACING PAGE 

Map of Farne Island . . . . . .20 

Eyre, St. Cuthberht, p. 42. 

The Cross of Bishop Trumberht . . . .32 

Bishop Browne, Theodore and Wilfrith, p. 162, 

The Coffin of St. Cuthberht, restored from its 

Remains in the Library of Durham Cathedral . 68 

The Feretory of St. Cuthberht, at Durham . . 82 

From Smith's Bede, p. 264. 

Details of St. Cuthberht's Coffin . . 94, 96 

From Raine's St. Cuthberht, 

St. Cuthberht's Portable Altar and Pectoral Cross 98 

From Bishop Browne, op. cit. pp. 105, 279. 

Section of the Shaft of the Supposed Cross of 

Bishop tEthelwold . . . . .104 

Specimens of the Writing in the Lindisfarne MS., 

INCLUDING the DESCRIPTION OF THOSE WHO PUT IT 

together, a Portion of the Text with Glosses, 
AND AN Ornamented Capital . . . .108 

From Westwood, Palaographia Biblica, Plate 45. 

Ornamental Letter from the Gospel of St. Luke 
in the Lindisfarne MS. . . . . .112 

Initial Page of One of the Five Divisions of the 

Lindisfarne MS. . . . . . .116 

A Similar Page with Different Pattern . .118 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS vii 

FACING PAGE 

The Acca Cross . . . . . .144 

Details of Acca's Cross ..... 146 

Ivory Tablet in the British Museum commemorating 

St. Eanswitha . . . . . .186 

Crosses of Heiu and Bregusuid found at Hartlepool. 
With these I have placed a Fragment of a Cross 
OF Larger Size and somewhat Different Pattern 
from the same Place . . . . . 188 

Hubner, Insc. Brit., pp. 63, 69, 70. 

Memorial Cross of Hildithryth (probably St. Hilda), 
found at Hartlepool . . . . .188 

lb. p. 69. 

Memorial Crosses of Hildegyth, Berchtgyd, and 

KaNEGUT (?), FOUND AT HARTLEPOOL . . l88, I90 
lb. pp. 69, 70. 

Seal of Archdeacon Boniface, found at Whitby . 202 

From Haigh, Yorks. Arch, and Top. Soc. Journ., vol. iii. p. 370. 

Memorial Crosses of Oedilburga and Trecca . . 202 

Hubner, op. cit. pp. 66, 67. 

Memorial Stone of Huaetburga . . . . 202 

Hubner, op. cit. p. 66. 

Supposed Reliquary of St. Cyniburga at Peterborough, 
and Base of the Cross of Owin, St. ^theldrytha's 
Steward, from Haddenham, Cambridgeshire . 202 

Hubner, op. cit. p. 61. 

The Boundaries of Eormenberga's Estate in Thanet, 

marked by the Course traversed by a Hunted Deer 226 

From Thomas of Elmham's Chronicle, Rolls Series. 

The Figures of Christ on the Ruthwell and Bew- 
castle Crosses, showing their Close Resemblance 
IN Style and pointing to the same Artist and 
the same Period ...... 310 

From Mr. J. C. Montgomerie's photograph. 



;t6-3i 

Vol. 11 



VIU 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



FACING PAGE 

Portion of a Cross at Jedburgh, of the same Style 
AND Ornament as one side of that at Bewcastle 

AND OF some of THE FRAGMENTS AT HeXHAM . 312 

We have no evidence as to the person by whom or to whom 
this Jedburgh Cross was erected. See Stuart, Sculptured 
Stones of Scotland. 

Dedication of the Codex Amiatinus in its present 

Altered Form ...... 322 

Plan of the Jewish Tabernacle, from the Codex 

Amiatinus ....... 324 

Ezra writing his Bible Text, from the Codex 
Amiatinus \ to be compared with the Figure of 
St. Matthew in the Lindisfarne MS., opposite 
page 328 ....... 326 

Figure of St. Matthew writing his Gospel, from 

THE Lindisfarne MS. ..... 328 

See Westwood, op. cit. Plate 45. 

Plan of the Crypt at Repton .... 386 
East End of the Church at Cor bridge . . . 386 



Note. — I am greatly indebted to the Authors and Publishers of 
the works I have quoted for their permission to use the plates 1 
have borrowed from them. 



THE GOLDEN DAYS 

OF THE 

EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

CHAPTER XI 

ST. CUTHBERHT 

We will now turn from the Civil history of 
Northumbria at this time to its Ecclesiastical 
history. The most prominent figure in it was 
doubtless Cuthberht, not that he fills any notable 
place among the makers of history, but that in 
romance and popular estimation the ascetic hermit 
of Fame outweighs all his clerical contemporaries in 
the north, in fame and in the potency he exercised 
not only when living but more especially after he 
was dead. I shall take it for granted here that 
the Irish legend of the origin of Cuthberht is a 
fable, as I have shown in the introduction. His 
name is English, and in his poetical life of the 
Saint, Bede says he was born in Britain.-^ It is, 
nevertheless, a strange proof of the power of some 
legends that Ussher, Ware, Colgan, and even Dr. 
Reeves in his notes to Wattenbach should have 

^ Op. cit. chap. i. 
VOL. III. — I 



2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

countenanced the view, and it was certainly 
countenanced very largely at Durham. 

It is clear from the absence of any reference to 
the place of his birth or to his parentage that he 
was of humble origin. Bede claims that he had 
heard a story about his early life from Trumwine, 
the Bishop of the Picts/ who had been told it by 
Cuthberht himself. It illustrates the extravagant 
ascetic views then prevailing, which extended even 
to small children, who were taught that it was 
really wicked to jest and play games with other 
boys. Cuthberht excelled at such pastimes, and 
was a leader in them, and never seemed to weary, 
notably at leaping, running, wrestling, or standing 
on his head. One day a number of boys, Cuthberht 
being one, were engaged in a wrestling match in 
a meadow, when a small boy of about three years 
old ran up to him and exhorted him not to 
indulge in such idle sports, but to subject his mind 
as well as his limbs to a grave deportment. When 
Cuthberht took no heed of what he said, the small 
boy began to weep bitterly and, addressing him, 
asked how he who had been consecrated by God 
to teach even his elders could thus behave and be 
thus frivolous among children. Cuthberht listened 
attentively, and, being much moved by what the 
smaller child had said, altered his conduct, **and 
thus," moralises our historian, "the wantonness of 
a boy was restrained by the agency of a child." ^ 

A story like this is the despair of history, for 

^ Bede, //.£"., iv. I2. ^ gp^ ^//^ chap. iii. 



CUTHBERHTS CHILDHOOD 3 

Cuthberht must himself have been a child under eight 
years at the time, and he actually told the story of him- 
self ! What is not less remarkable is Bede's filling so 
large a space in his history with the tale, and being 
evidently in full sympathy with its moral, namely, 
that it was wicked for children to romp and play. 
It is remarkable that a thousand years later the same 
theories in regard to children were revived again in 
the same form, and are known to us as Puritanism ! 

The story here told from Bede is not contained 
in the earlier biography of the Lindisfarne monk. 
Of Cuthberht's early life, as there reported, we only 
know that he was brought up from about the age 
of eight by a widow named Kenswith or Kensped, 
at a village called Hruringaham or Ruringaham. 
Mr. C. Bates suggests the possibility that the 
harrying of Northumberland by Caedwalla and 
Penda after the death of JEdw'm in 62,3 may easily 
have left him an orphan and Kenswith a widow.^ 

The first incident reported of Cuthberht, both 
in the Anonymous Life and by Bede, represents 
him as a shepherd-boy tending his master's flock 

^ " The Home of St. Cuthberht's Boyhood," Arch. AeL, new 
series, x. 155. 

The same ingenious writer says that this Ruringaham was 
probably represented by a farm called Wrangham on high ground, 
about a mile and a half to the north-east of Doddington, in Glendale, 
on the way to Lindisfarne, and he contests the claims of the Scotch 
writers who favour a village six miles east of Melrose. The former is 
generally called Wrangham in the Dryburgh muniments. Mr. Bates 
says that one of the wells at Doddington is dedicated to St. Cuthberht, 
while a cave called Cuddy's Cave, which, according to uniform 
tradition, was once inhabited by the Saint, is situated near the village 
of Holborn in a direct line between Wrangham and Lindisfarne 
{ib. 158). 



4 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

(commendans suis pecora quae pascebit dominis) ^ on 
the hills bordering the river Leder. The name 
of the river is given in the former authority only. 
It is a stream now called the Leader, and coming 
from the north falls into the Tweed two miles 
below Melrose.^ Montalembert compares his life 
there with that of the shepherds of Hungary in the 
pMstas on both sides of the Danube.^ 

While his companions were asleep, Cuthberht, 
we are told, saw a sudden light streaming down 
from above, in which were choirs of angels coming 
down from heaven and then returning to their 
heavenly home escorting a soul of exceeding bright- 
ness, and he judged that he must have been either 
a bishop or some holy man among the faithful. 
When morning came it turned out, so says the 
saga, that Saint Aldan of Lindisfarne had died that 
very night and at the time when Cuthberht had his 
vision. The shepherd boy thereupon determined to 
abandon his occupation and to enter a monastery.* 

The equation between this story and Aldan's 
death makes it probable that Cuthberht adopted 
the monastic life In 651, and in that year it is 
dated by Symeon of Durham.^ 

The monastery he chose was close to his own 
home, namely, that of Melrose, then called Mallros.^ 

^ Bede, Vit. Oith., chap. liv. ^ Raine, St. Cuthberht, p. i6. 

3 Op. cit. iv. 381. 

* Vit. Anon., par. 8 ; Bede's Prose Life, ch. iv. ; Metr. Life, ch. iv. 
' i. 3- 

^' The name has a Celtic etymology, imil meaning bare and rhos 
a promontory (see Archbishop Eyre, Cuthberht, 13). 



CUTHBERHT AT MELROSE 5 

This, says Dr. James Raine, is not the religious 
house which we know so well, but an earlier 
monastic establishment a short distance below it, 
on the same bank of the Tweed. The site of it is 
still called Old Melrose. It is on a green sheltered 
slope a little below the point where the Tweed 
receives the scanty waters of the Leader, and then 
takes a bold semicircular sweep under the woods 
and rocks of Bemerside.^ 

Melrose was an offshoot from Lindisfarne, and 
its foundation was attributed to St. Aidan. At this 
time Eata, one of his pupils and its first abbot, was 
still there, and Boisil was the praepo situs, or prior. 
Bede describes the latter as possessing many virtues 
and as having a prophetic spirit, of which some 
reported instances will be related presently. 
Another Bosel, or Boisil, became the first Bishop of 
Worcester.^ The name of the prior survives in 
the little town of St. Boswells on the Tweed, and 
in the dedication of the church at Tweedmouth.^ 

When Cuthberht applied for admission into the 
fraternity at Melrose, Eata was away, and he was 
received by Boisil, who foreseeing, we are told, the 
great career which he was presently to have, com- 
pared him to Nathaniel. Bede claims that this 
story had been told him by a certain Sigfred, who 
was a youth in the monastery at Melrose at the 
time. He afterwards became "a devout priest and 
long-tried servant of the Lord in our monastery," 

^ Diet, of Chr. Biog., i. 725. ^ Vide supra, ii. 374, 388. 

2 Plummer, ii. 267. 



6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

that is to say, at Jarrow. Bede says he was in 
failing health, but he seems to have recovered and 
eventually become Abbot of Wearmouth, dying 
in 689. 

Boisil kept Cuthberht near himself and cherished 
him. A few days later Abbot Eata returned, and 
he received permission to give the young shepherd 
the tonsure and to install him as one of the brother- 
hood, among whom he became conspicuous for his 
diligence in reading, working, watching, and praying. 
He was strong and vigorous, and, Bede says, that, 
like Samson, who was a Nazarite, he abstained 
from intoxicating drinks, but otherwise he did not 
exercise exceptional abstinence in his food, as he 
did not wish to unfit himself for his necessary work. 
We have seen how King Oswy's son Alchfrid, 
for the redemption of his soul, gave Abbot 
Eata a domain in his kingdom called Inhrypun 
(i.e. Ripon) where to construct a monastery.^ 
Taking some of the brethren with him, of 
whom Cuthberht was one, Eata founded a 
monastery there, instituting the same rule as 
existed at Melrose. There Eata became abbot, 
continuing to hold the same post at Melrose, while 
Cuthberht was appointed guest-master or hospi- 
taller. While he held the office he was reported 
to have entertained an angel. The saga is prettily 
told, and is worth repeating. One day, going out 

* Archbishop Eyre says the monastery is reported to have stood 
between Stainergate and Priest's Lane, and to have been called the 
Scots Monastery {op. cit. 17, note). 



CUTHBERHT AT RIPON 7 

early In the morning from the inner buildings 
of the monastery to the guest-chamber, he found 
a young man sitting there, and thinking he was 
a mortal he entertained him in the usual way. 
He gave him water to wash his hands with, 
and himself bathed his feet, wiped them with a 
napkin and placed them in his bosom, humbly 
chafing them with his hands, as was apparently 
his wont with travellers. He asked him to 
remain till the third hour of the day, that he might 
then be refreshed with food, and be better able to 
face the snowy blasts which he would meet. The 
stranger said he could not stay, for he had very 
far to go. Cuthberht still pressed him to remain, 
and when the hour of tierce had arrived and meal- 
time was at hand, he laid the table and offered his 
guest food, and bade him refresh himself while he 
went out to get some newly baked bread. When 
he returned his guest was gone, and he saw no 
footprints in the snow. Thereupon Cuthberht, 
who greatly wondered, replaced the table in the 
inner apartment, on entering which he perceived 
a sweet fragrance all about, and looking round 
he saw three loaves of uncommon whiteness and 
beauty, and he said to himself that an angel of 
God must have visited him. He had come to 
feed and not to be fed, since the loaves were such 
as earth cannot produce. They surpassed lilies in 
whiteness, roses in smell, and honey in flavour, 
and must have come from the paradise of Eden. 
From that time so greatly did his sanctity and zeal 



8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

increase, that he was often allowed to see and con- 
verse with angels, and when hungry was refreshed 
with food specially prepared for him by the Lord.^ 

In 66 1 Eata and the brethren he had with him 
at Ripon, having refused to follow King Alchfrid 
when he adhered to the Roman use, returned once 
more to Melrose, and were replaced at Ripon by 
St. Wilfrid. A year later an epidemic broke out 
in the north, the precursor of the plague of 664. 
A year later still, the epidemic was ravaging 
England, and among those who were attacked 
and succumbed was Boisil, the prior of the abbeys 
at Lindisfarne and Melrose. Cuthberht was also 
attacked, and the brethren spent all the night in 
watching and praying for his life and recovery. 
When he heard of what they had done, he is 
reported to have said : '* What am I doing in bed ? 
It is impossible that God should shut His ears to 
the prayers of so many of His devout servants ! " 
He thereupon asked for his staff and hosen, and, 
rising up, tried to walk, leaning on his crutch. His 
strength increased daily, and the glandular swelling 
in his thigh (which was one of the usual signs of 
the plague) was absorbed, but he never quite got 
rid of its effects, and he continued to be troubled 
with pain from it for the rest of his life. Boisil, 
who survived Cuthberht's recovery for seven days, 
is said by Bede to have foretold his own death, 
and that the pestilence would last for three years 
before it would overtake Abbot Eata, when he 

^ Vit. A?ion.^ par. 12 ; Bede, Vtt. Cuth.^ chap. vii. 



CUTHBERHT AT RIPON 9 

too would be taken away, not, however, by the 
plague, but by the disease which the doctors 
call dysentery (niorbo quern dysenteriam niedici 
appellant). This also came about, as did his 
prophecy that Cuthberht would become a bishop/ 

When Boisil warned his pupil Bede that he 
had only seven days to live, and bade him diligently 
try and learn while he himself was able to teach, 
Bede asked him w^hat book he would advise them 
to read together which would take a week only 
to get through. ''St. John the Evangelist,'' he 
replied, ''for my copy of the book is^ stitched in 
seven sections, and we can read one every day."^ 

The famous relic-hunter, ^Ifrld Westowe, 
claimed to have removed the remains of Boisil 
from Melrose to Durham,^ and in Segbrok's 
catalogue of relics, dated in 1383, we have 
recorded: "The scull of St. Boysll the priest 
in a shrine ornamented with silver and gold and 
divers images ; the book of St. Boysll, the school- 
master of St. Cuthberht ; some of the robes and 
hair of St. Boysll the priest in a little ivory casket ; 
the inner tunic of St. Boysil the priest in an ivory 
turret, with images of gold and silver wonderfully 
ornamented ; the comb of St. Boysil the priest in 
a black case." 

Boisil was succeeded in his office by Cuthberht. 

^ Bede, Vit. Cuth., chap. viii. 

^ See Bede, Vit. Cuth., chap. viii. ; Raine's Bede., 19. Turgot 
says this book was in 1000 still kept at the Church of Durham {Sym. 
Dun., i. chap. 3). As we shall see, it is probable that it still exists. 
■ * Raine's Cuthberht^ 60. 



I o GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

On becoming prior, Cuthberht did not relax in 
his zeal, but, as Bede puts it, he worked hard at 
converting the surrounding populace far and wide. 
He reports how many of them had profaned religion 
by their evil ways, and in the time of the plague had 
abandoned the sacrament of the faith which they 
had adopted, and had had recourse to the remedies 
offered by their old idolatry, and by means of 
incantations and amulets, and other mysteries of 
demoniacal art, had sought to arrest the pestilence 
which had been sent by the Almighty. This, as it 
stands, reads rather like a fatalistic argument.^ 

Cuthberht used, like his master Boisil, to 
travel about the country, preaching and instructing 
the people in the neighbouring villages. *'lt was 
then the custom," says Bede, '' when a clerk or 
priest came to a village for all the villagers to 
throng and hear him." Cuthberht was wont to visit 
remote districts situated in wild mountainous places 
** fearful to behold," where it was difficult from the 
poverty and distance to supply them with in- 
structors, and where the old ways, no doubt, con- 

^ These amulets [alligaturae they are called in the biography of 
the Saint, while in his Eccl. History Bede calls them phylacteries) 
were used by the early Christians, and much patronised by them. 
The latter took them over from paganism, merely changing the 
formulae, which were supposed to have curative properties. Raine 
aptly quotes a modern instance from the proceedings of the Court 
of the Vicar-General at Durham on the 23rd July 1604, when at 
Wooler a man and woman were charged as common charmers of 
the sick, " who used to bring white ducks or drakes, and to sett 
their bills in the mouths of the sick persons, meanwhile mumbling 
uppe their charms in such strange manner as is damnable and 
horrible" (Raine's Cuthberht^ 19, note). 



CUTHBERHT AS AN EVANGELIST ii 

tinued to survive, to much later times, in spite 
of all effort. He was often away for a week or 
even a month at a time on these errands, being 
all the time in the mountains.^ It was customary 
for the travelling missionaries, and notably for 
St. Cuthberht, to use tents on such journeys.^ 

There were, in remote places, lonely groups 
of shepherds' huts, which having been roughly put 
together in summer were in winter ruinous and 
deserted. Stevenson speaks of these temporary 
habitations being still to be seen among the wilder 
Northumbrian hills, and as being called " sheals " or 
" shealings," and of their having long before arrested 
the attention of Camden when he visited this part of 
the country. The latter says of them : " All over 
'the wastes,' as they call them, as well as in Gilsland, 
you would think you saw the ancient nomadi, a 
martial sort of people that from April to August lie 
in little huts, which they call sheals or shealings, 
here and there among their several flocks."^ 

Once when Cuthberht found himself benighted, 
he entered one of these shealings to pass the night. 
He tied his horse to a ring in the wall, and set 
before it a bundle of hay, or rather of thatch, 
which the wind had blown from the roof, to 
eat, and meantime spent the night in prayer. 
Suddenly in the midst of the psalmody he noticed 
the horse raise its head, and pulling at the thatching 

^ Bede, Vit. Cuth.^ chap. ix. 

2 See Bede, Op. Min.^ 109-277 ; " tabernaculo soleinus in itinere 
vel in bello uti^'' Bede, Op.., xii. 249 ; Plummer, Bede., ii. 240. 
^ Camden, Brit, ed., 1679. 



1 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

of the roof draw it down. There fell out of it a 
folded napkin, in which the Saint found a loaf and 
a piece of meat yet warm, sufficient for a single 
meal. He divided these, and gave one-half to 
the horse, reserving the rest for himself. This 
story Bede claims that he heard from a devout 
priest of his own monastery named Ingwald, who 
reported that he had himself heard it from 
Cuthberht after he became Bishop.^ 

In another story of a miracle we have a nice 
trait of the Saint reported. He was on one of his 
journeys, accompanied by a boy, when his provisions 
ran short, and his companion's dejection was cured 
by Cuthberht pointing out a sea-eagle flying aloft, 
and remarking that by its agency their want would 
be supplied. As they proceeded along the river 
bank (the Anon. Life calls it the river Tesgeta)^ they 
noticed the eagle sitting there, whereupon he said to 
the boy : " Do you see our handmaid ? Run and 
search if the Lord has not provided us something." 
The boy soon brought back a large fish, which the 
bird had captured. ** Why have you not given our 
handmaid her share ? " he said. ** Cut it in two, 
and give her the portion which she deserves for her 
service " — which was accordingly done.^ 

When he was at Melrose, Cuthberht used to 
visit Abbess -^bbe at Coldingham. I have told a 
story about one of these visits in a later page.* 

^ Bede, Vit. Cuth.^ chap. v. 

2 Stevenson suggests this is a corruption of Tevyota, the Teviot. 
Bede, Op.^ Hist. Minora, ii. 268. 

' Vit, Anon.j par. 17 ; Bede, F//.,xii. * Appendix I. 



EARLY MIRACLES OF CUTHBERHT 13 

A fourth adventure of his, which happened when 
he was visiting the abbey at Tiningham, will also be 
found later on.-^ 

Bede reports another of Cuthberht's miracles, 
which also has a local colour, and which he claims 
to have learnt about at first hand. A certain 
nobleman (comes) called Sibba, who lived near the 
river "Opide"(?) (juxta fluvium Opide),^ begged 
the Saint to visit his house, where he had a servant 
who was at the point of death, and asked him to 
cure him. He accordingly blessed some water, 
which he bade them give to him. As some of this 
was being given to the sick man for the third time 
he fell into a deep and tranquil sleep, In which he 
remained the whole night, and in the morning was 
restored to perfect health. The servant who ad- 
ministered the water was called Baldhelm. ** He 
is living," says Bede, "to this day, and is now a 
priest in the church of Lindisfarne, where he leads 
a holy life, and holds it sweeter than honey (7^eferre 
melle dulcius kabet) to relate the miracles of the 
man of God."^ 

Of Cuthberht's aversion to, and perhaps dread of, 
women, whom he seems to have thought the most 
dangerous of worldly pitfalls, we have many stories. 
Their rigid exclusion from all the churches where he 
was honoured is explained by Symeon of Durham in 
his History of the Church of Durham, chap, xxii., as 

^ Appendix I. 

2 Stevenson suggests a corruption of Tivide, i.e. the Tweed {op. 
cit. 279). 

^ Bede, Vit. Cuth.^ 25 ; Vit. Anon.^ 36. 



1 4 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

due to his horror at the debaucheries and ill-conduct 
of the nuns of Coldingham, which I have described 
earlier.^ On the death of the royal abbess ^bbe, 
Cuthberht insisted that the two sexes at Coldingham 
should be rigidly separated, and he afterwards caused 
a special church to be built at Lindisfarne, known to 
the inhabitants as the '' Grene Cyrice " or Green 
Church, since it was situated on a green site, and 
he ordered that women who wished to hear Mass or 
the reading of the Bible should go thither, and 
should never approach the church used by him- 
self and his monks. ''This custom," says Bede, '4s 
so diligently observed, even to the present day, that 
it is unlawful for women to set foot even within the 
cemeteries of those churches where Cuthberht's body 
in its subsequent peregrinations found a temporary 
resting-place, unless compelled to do so by the 
approach of an enemy or the dread of fire." Symeon 
tells some stories to show how severe the divine 
penalty was believed to be for any breach of this 
rule. In one case he mentions a certain Sungeova, 
daughter of Bevon, called Gamel [ie. the old), who 
was struck dead for trying to cross the churchyard 
to avoid the puddles outside. Another woman, 
the wife of a rich man who afterwards became a 
monk, wished to see the beautiful ornaments in 
the church, and having ventured to intrude too far 
lost her reason and committed suicide.^ 

The same rule was observed at Durham, where 
the Saint afterwards lay. Thus a story is told that 

^ Bede, Vi^. Cuth.^ 25 ; Vit. Anon.^ 36. ^ /jist, Ec. Dun.^ ii. 8 and 9. 



ST. CUTHBERHTS AVERSION TO WOMEN 15 

when David, King of Scotland, married Maud, 
daughter of Waltheof, Earl of Northumberland, and 
the wedding party was passing through Durham on 
their way to Scotland, the bride with her waiting- 
maids went, out of motives of curiosity, towards 
the church, and had reached the limit appointed to 
women in the churchyard when they were told that 
no woman ever passed it with impunity. The 
Queen good-naturedly turned back, but Helisend, 
her waiting-maid, the most skilful embroiderer and 
weaver of purple in the kingdom, determined to 
make the experiment, and relying on her chastity 
put on the black cowl and hood of a monk, and, 
without being seen, took up her place in the church. 
She was at once struck with trembling, and could 
not move, and St. Cuthberht himself, we are told, 
in the most offensive terms ordered Bernard the 
Sacrist to eject the false monk. This was done. 
The offender afterwards became a nun and made 
her peace with the Saint. 

"It appears," says Mr. Raine, *' that at that time 
the line of demarcation was in the churchyard. If it 
be true that the blue cross which still reaches from 
pillar to pillar in the pavement of the middle aisle 
of the nave of the Cathedral at Durham, between 
the north and south doors, was at a later period the 
ne plus ultra, the Saint must have relaxed con- 
siderably in his misogyny." 

Mr. Raine tells a similar story, showing that 
Cuthberht was no respecter of persons, and accord- 
ing to which, Queen Philippa, wife of that most 



1 6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

potent person, Edward in., who in 1333 tried to 
sleep with her royal husband in the priory (now the 
deanery), was compelled by the monks to quit the 
place in hot haste and to seek shelter in the castle, 
clad only in her nether garments/ 

It is a conspicuous feature of Durham Cathedral 
that there is no real Lady Chapel, as in most large 
churches. The legendary reason for this is because 
St. Cuthberht objected to the intrusion of a woman 
(even of so great a personage as our Lady) upon his 
quarters, and expressed himself in a very emphatic 
way to Bishop Pudsey, who proposed to build such 
a chapel at the east end, and who thereupon raised 
the beautiful, if bizarre, Galilee at the west end. The 
story was probably invented to explain the Galilee. 

More than one miracle was attributed to this 
portion of Cuthberht's career. They are mostly 
otiose. I will report one which has more local 
colour. There was at this time a monastery at 
the mouth of the river Tine in Lothian, which 
was afterwards known as Tiningham, and was 
dedicated to St. Baldred. It was then a community 
of men, and it happened that some of the brothers 
were conveying wood for the use of the monastery 
on rafts, and when they drew near home and wanted 
to draw them to the shore a sudden and tempestuous 
wind came from the west and, catching the rafts, 
drove them to the mouth of the river. The monks 
who were in the monastery noticing this, launched 
some boats on the river to help their friends, but 

* Raine, St. Cuthberht^ 36 and y].^ notes. 



CUTHBERHrS EARLY MIRACLES 17 

the current and the wind were too powerful for 
them. They then had recourse to prayer, but this 
did not seem to avail them for some time, which 
was disconcerting, as a number of spectators from 
among the common people had gathered together 
on the other side of the river. As the monks 
sadly watched the rafts drawn out to sea, until 
they looked like five little birds floating on the 
waves, the people began to jeer at them, deeming 
that those who despised the ways of other mortals, 
and who had introduced a new rule of life, de- 
served to suffer such a calamity. For this attitude 
Cuthberht rebuked them, saying it would be more 
seemly if they joined their prayers to those of 
the brethren ; but they remained churlish', saying, 
*' Let no one pray for them ! May God have no 
pity on those who have robbed us of our old 
worship so that no one knows how to observe 
it now ! " Thereupon Cuthberht bent his head to 
the ground and the wind abated, and the monks 
were able to turn round and to bring back the 
rafts again to the beach, with those who steered 
them, and to lay them alongside the monastery. 
We are told the rustics were ashamed of their 
conduct. Bede claims to have heard this story 
from a most approved monk of his monastery. 

It would seem that St. Cuthberht, like St. Chad, 
accepted the decision of the Council of Whitby as 
decisive and conformed to the Roman rule, of which, 
according to Bede, he then became an ardent 
champion. 

VOL. III. — 2 



1 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

When he had spent some time at Melrose he 
was removed by Abbot Eata to Lindisfarne/ as 
prior, to teach the rules of monastic perfection with 
the authority of a superior. This shows that, 
as before at Ripon and Melrose, the practice 
of the Irish mission was contrary to the rule 
in Benedictine houses, for Eata presided over both 
monasteries. On his arrival Cuthberht immediately 
began his reforms, and urged the monks who clung 
to St. Aidan's ideals, both by his example and 
teaching, to adopt the Roman view, while he also 
worked assiduously at evangelising the common 
people in the neighbourhood, and became very 
famous for his alleged miracles — curing sickness, 
easing men's troubles and torments, and con- 
founding evil spirits when present, by his touch, 
his prayers, his commands, or by exorcism, and, 
when absent, by prayer only. 

His new discipline was not welcome to some of 
the monks, who preferred the ancient customs to 
the new Rule, but he won them over by tactful 
patience, and by daily practice brought them 
gradually round to his view. In the Chapter of 
the brethren he frequently discussed his " Rule," 
and when angry comments were made he would 
dismiss the assembly with some gentle words ; 
and would then depart, and resume his appeal 
the following day as if nothing had happened, 

* Lindisfarne is now known as Holy Island. It received the latter 
name, according to Archbishop Eyre, in the time of Bishop Carilef, 
and it first occurs in a charter of 1093 {op. cit. 16). 



CUTHBERHT AS PRIOR OF LINDISFARNE 19 

and as if he were starting afresh. He thus won 
them round by his perseverance. Whatever op- 
position or trouble he had to meet he bore it all 
with a cheerful countenance.-^ 

It would seem that sometimes he would pass three 
or four consecutive nights in vigil and meditation, 
during which he did not return to his own bed nor 
was there any other place out of the dormitory 
of the brethren where he could sleep. On these 
occasions he either devoted himself continuously to 
prayer or worked at some handicraft in the intervals 
of psalmody, or else he went round the island to 
examine each part of it. He used to reprove the 
brethren when they complained of being roused 
from their sleep at night or at noonday (meridianae 
quietis teinpore) ^ — this phrase shows the monks had 
their siesta in Northumbria as in Italy. 

He was of a very sensitive nature, and Bede 
says he could not complete the Office of the Mass 
without a profuse flood of tears, and when his 
penitents were confessing to him he would be the 
first to take compassion on them by weeping, and 
thus won over sinners to his way of life by his 
own example. The gift of tears was very much 
more available to the preacher in those emotional 
days. Bishop Stubbs describes it as curiously un- 
intelligible at the present day, but he probably never 
attended the revival services among the Methodists 
and other Nonconformist bodies. Bede at all events 
seems to speak of it as quite usual in the pulpit.^ 

^ Bede, Vit. Cuth.^ chap. 16. ^ lb. ' Comp. 0pp. ^ vii. 364. 



20 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Dunstan used it freely ; thus we are told of him 
** Sanctus quoque Spiritus . , , in oculorum rivulis 
elicuity ^ "Of Alcuin, on the other hand, it is said 
that he poured out his sermon with many groans, 
but very seldom gave way to tears." ^ 

Cuthberht's dress was ordinary and not remark- 
able either for neatness or slovenliness. It was 
the custom at Lindisfarne that none should wear 
varied or costly colours in their garments, but only 
use the natural colour of the wool.^ 

After passing several years in the monastery at 
Lindisfarne, probably as prior, he at length departed 
with the good wishes of the Abbot Eata and the 
brethren, and sought out what he had long craved 
for, namely, a life of secret solitude. It had been his 
practice when at Lindisfarne to withdraw at times 
into a certain place outside, where he was more 
secluded. The Irish monks used to call such a retreat 
** a disart." This absolute withdrawal from the duties 
of his position for purely personal reasons, and de- 
voting himself meanwhile to the morbid dangers of 
secret introspection, was according to even such a man 
of sense as Bede a movement from one form of grace 
to another still greater (virtute in virtutem). When 
at the end he virtually deserted his see and retired 
to his cell, his anonymous biographer speaks of 
it as ** a forsaking of secular honour." 

Raine says that on the southern slope of a long 
ridge of hills near the village of Howburn there is 

^ Stubbs' Dunstan^ p. 50. ^ Mon. Alc.^ p. 20. 

* Vit. Anon.^ chap. 16. 



+ ^ly OF ziui^e iSL\i?D 




[To/. II I ,^ facing p. 20. 



ST. CUTHBERHT BECOMES AN ANCHORITE 21 

a cave which has been invariably called Cuthberht's 
Cave, or, in the words of the villagers, Cuddy's Cave, 
which tradition says was inhabited by him.^ 

The Saint now felt that this temporary and 
periodical retirement was not enough, nor could he 
get the absolute seclusion he needed there. The 
place he chose for his new retreat was one of a 
group of small islets on the Northumbrian coast 
known as the Fame Islands, situated, says Bede, 
about a thousand paces to the east of Lindisfarne. 
His choice fell on the one nearest to the mainland. 
Previous to his going thither no man had been able 
to live there with any comfort. According to Bede, 
this was because the island was infested by demons. 
When he settled there, our historian claims that, 
armed as he was with heavenly weapons, the wicked 
enemy himself and all his host were dispersed. 

Mr. Raine thus describes the place : '' Fame 
Island consists of a few acres of ground partially 
covered with grass and hemmed around with an 
abrupt border of basaltic rocks, which on the side 
nearest the mainland rises to the height of 80 feet 
above the level of the sea. There is, however, a 
gentle slope on the side of the ocean, and on this 
side Cuthberht erected his habitation. The nearest 
point to Fame Island upon the coast is Bamborough 
Castle, from which it is distant about two miles 
and a quarter. The adjacent islands, all of which 
from an early period have been known by their 
respective names, are at low water sixteen in 

* Op. cit. 20 and 21. 



2 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 



number, and many of them are totally devoid of 
vegetation."^ 

Among the wild-fowl there the most interesting 
are the eider ducks, so connected with the legendary 
history of the hermits on the island. In the time 
of Reginald of Durham they were called St. 
Cuthberht's ducks, and he gives a picturesque 
description of them, showing he knew them well. 

In the Durham Accounts for 1 380-1, we read: 
'* Paid to a painter from Newcastle for painting one 
of the birds of St. Cuthberht, as a specimen for the 
altar screen {i.e, the reredos), i2d."^ 

When the Saint first arrived in the island they 
were in a natural state of wildness. But he so 
tamed them that, if we are to believe the story, he 
prescribed places for them to build in, and the 
times for their coming and departure, and when- 
ever a storm or other trouble was threatening they 
fled to him for refuge, while he occasionally 
performed miracles on their behalf.^ In the Anon. 
Life it is said the ducks used even to allow him to 
stroke them and to nestle in his bosom. The 
gentleness of the birds and the marked softness of 
their down were deemed the results of his special 

^ The Farnel slands, till the Dissolution, regularly supplied the 
great church at Durham upon days of festivity with porpoises, seals, 
and wild-fowl. Thus we read, in the accounts for 1538 : "For one 
sea-swine {pore. ?narin.) bought of the Master of Fayrne on the 
1st September, los. One sea-calf {vitul. martn.) bought of the 
Master of Fayrne, against the Festival of St. Nicholas, 5s." (Raine, 
op. cit. 22, note). 

Other accounts speak of the sea-fowl " procured out of the Ffarne 
yland against the Assize W^eek in 1628" (Raine's Cuthberht^ 22, note). 

2 Raine, op. cit. 1 19. » Reg, Dun., 27. 



ST. CUTHBERHrS HERMITAGE 23 

influence. ''It would appear," says Ralne, "that 
the ducks have some recollection of Cuthberht and 
his protecting hand, for in the summer of 18 18 I 
literally saw one of them hatching her eggs in a 
stone coffin overhung with nettles among the ruins 
of his mansion." ^ 

It was not only the birds which responded to 
St. Cuthberht's gentle ways. One of the miracles 
connected with him reports how once when, as was 
his wont, he was bathing in the sea and singing his 
vigils, and had been up to the neck in water, two 
otters [lutrae ; seals are probably meant) came from 
the water, and while the Saint kneeled on a stone, 
licked his frozen limbs and wiped them with their hair 
until life and warmth returned to his numbed feet.^ 

The fishermen on the coast of Northumber- 
land still hold to the legend that certain little shells 
of the genus Eutrochus which are found there, 
and which are known as St. Cuthberht's beads, 
are made by him, and that he can sometimes be 
seen at night seated on a rock and using one 
stone as a hammer and another as an anvil for 
his work. Scott refers to the story in " Marmion" : — 

'* But fain Saint Hilda's nuns would learn 
If on a rock by Lindisfarne 
Saint Cuthberht sits and toils to frame 
The sea-born beads that bear his name. 
Such tales had Whitby's fishers told, 
And said they might his shape behold 
And hear his anvil sound." ^ 



^ Raine's Cuthberht, 22 and 23. 

* Montalembert, iv. 386. ' Op. cit. canto ii. 



24 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Bede gives us a few lines in which he describes 
the cell (which he elsewhere calls tuguriunculus) 
in which Cuthberht spent his hermit days, and 
from the site of which he was said to have driven 
demons who sheltered in the other Fame islands. 
He tells us its containing boundary, for it was 
apparently a rath, was nearly circular, about four or 
five perches [quinque perticae) from wall to wall. 
Outside, the wall was higher than the stature of a 
man, while inside, by cutting down into the living 
rock, it was made higher still, in order, says his 
didactic biographer, " that he might curb the evil 
passion [lasciviam) of his eyes as well as of 
his thoughts, and raise up his mind to heavenly 
desires, for he could see nothing from his house 
[de sua tnansione) save heaven. The walls were 
built of neither hewn stone {sedo lapide) nor of 
brick and mortar (Jatere et caemento), but of un- 
wrought stone and of turves, the former of which he 
dug out of the foundations. Some of these stones 
were so large that it seemed hardly possible for four 
men to lift them. Nevertheless it was discovered 
that he had removed them from another place. 
Bede attributes this to supernatural aid. The cell 
was divided into two rooms by a partition : one was 
an oratory or chapel and the other a dwelling- 
place. The roof was formed of rough beams and 
thatched with bent-grass {faeno). From some 
other source, Montalembert reports that he sus- 
pended the hide of an ox before the entrance of his 
grotto, which he turned according to the direction 



ST. CUTHBERHrS HERMIT LIFE 25 

of the wind, and which afforded him a poor defence 
against the intemperance of that wild cHmate.^ 

At the landing-place on the island there was 
a large house {inansio) with outhouses, where the 
monks who came to see him were received and 
entertained, and near it was a spring of water.^ 

His dwelling, from being planted on a hard 
rock, was in want of water. Thereupon, having 
summoned some of the brethren, he asked them 
to join with him in digging in the middle of the 
hut, as he was assured that He who had turned 
the hard rock into a spring of water would provide 
them with what they wanted. Apropos of this, 
Bede quotes the eighth verse of the 36th Psalm : 
'* He will give us to drink of the torrent of 
His pleasure." They accordingly dug, and on the 
morrow they found the pit was full of water. 
They deemed it strange that while the hole was 
filled the water did not run over nor wet the 
pavement, nor was it ever exhausted. 

After his death the Saint's cell was occupied 
successively by a series of other anchorites, until 
in the beginning of the thirteenth century it became 
a cell of Benedictine monks. 

St. Cuthberht's buildings still largely remained 
intact in the twelfth century, when they were de- 
scribed in the life of the anchorite Bartholomew. 
It mentions the small low cottage which the Saint 
had built of roucfh stone and bent-sfrass, situated 
on the north side of the island at the only place 

^ Op. cit. iv. 394. 2 Bede, Vit.^ chap. 18. 



2 6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

accessible by a boat. The well was also there, 
with the rough narrow pathway leading to the 
oratory, which was purposely planted in a secluded 
place among the rocks.^ 

At first when Cuthberht settled at Fame he 
used to come out of his cell when the brethren 
came to visit him in order to minister to them. 
On these occasions he would wash their feet 
with warm water, while they in turn offered 
to take off his sandals and let them wash his. 
So much did he himself neglect his bodily needs 
in his anxious care for his soul, that when once 
he had put on his long hose or buskins he did not 
take them off for a twelvemonth. They were made 
of hide, and Mabillon says such hose were still in his 
day called des tricouses in France. After Easter 
Eve he never took them off again for a year until 
the return of the Pasch (the paschal feast was so 
called in England), when he was unshod for the 
ceremony of ''washing the feet," which was 
generally practised on Maundy Thursday. 

On account of his many genuflections, extensive 
callosities grew at the junction of his feet and legs. 

He was still not satisfied with the austerities 
he practised. The passion for such rigid penances 
grew more and more dominant. "" As his zeal 
for perfection grew," says Bede, ** he shut himself 
up in his cell, entirely away from the sight of 
men, and led a solitary life of fasting, prayer, and 
watchings, rarely holding converse from within with 

^ See Symeon of Durham^ i. p. 313. 



ST. CUTHBERHT'S HERMIT LIFE 27 

those that came to him, and this only by the 
window. At first he was wont to open the casemate 
so that he could be seen by the monks, and when 
he chanced to speak to them they greatly rejoiced ; 
but presently he shut this up also, and never un- 
closed it except for giving the blessing or for some 
other avowed necessity."^ This being his practice 
we may turn to his theory. As Bede reports in 
another part of the same work, he used to protest 
to the monks who sometimes visited him that if 
it were, possible he would like to secrete himself 
in ever so narrow a cell, where the cliffs of the 
swelling ocean should gird him round on every 
side and shut him out from the siorht as well 
as from the knowledge of men ; not even then 
would he think himself free from the snares of this 
deceitful world, but there also, he would dread that 
covetousness might tempt him to leave his retreat 
or suggest some other cause to lure him away.^ 

In regard to his mode of living we read that at 
first he used to accept a little bread from his monks 
for food, while he drank from the spring in his 
cell ; but afterwards he thought it better to live by 
the toil of his own hands. He therefore asked 
them to bring him some implements of husbandry 
and some seed corn (perhaps oats), but when the 
midsummer came he found that no corn had grown 
up. Thinking it might be that the ground was 
too sterile, or that his wish was opposed by the 
Almighty, he asked for barley instead of corn, and 

1 Bede, Vit. Cuth., chap. 18. 2 Qp^ ^//_ ^hap. 8. 



2 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

determined that if this did not grow either, it would 
be better for him to return to the monastery rather 
than to live by the work of other people's hands.^ 
They then brought him some barley long after the 
season for planting that grain, and there was little 
hope of its growing ; but it promptly sprang up. 
When it grew the birds came in flocks to eat 
it. Bede naively goes on to say (as if he fully 
believed the story) that Cuthberht reproved the 
birds for having taken barley which they had not 
sown, and bade them depart unless they had ob- 
tained God's consent. The birds at once flew away 
and did not attack the harvest again. Bede compares 
this with St. Anthony's feat of restraining the wild 
asses from injuring the little garden he had planted. 
He tells another story of two crows which had 
settled on the island and which began to pull the 
thatch out of the roof of his cell to build their 
nests with. On his reproving them without effect, 
he bade them in Christ's name depart, which 
they did. Three days later one of them returned, 
approached Cuthberht, spread out its wings, bowed 
its head, and uttered humble notes as if soliciting 
forgiveness. Thereupon the Saint, who understood 
their language, gave them leave to return to the 
island. The crow then went to fetch its com- 
panion, and they came back together, bringing him 
half a flitch of bacon. The Saint used to give some 
of the fat from this flitch, which was forbidden food 
to him, to the brethren to grease their sandals with. 

1 Bede, Vit. Cuth., 19. 



ST. CUTHBERHrS HERMIT LIFE 29 

The birds presently built their nests on the island, 
but never again did they do any harm to any one/ 

In these and similar stories we see the English 
counterpart of St. Francis, whose gentle goodness was 
effective in taming the wild ways of men and animals, 
and to whom the swallows of Alviano, the water- 
bird of Rieti, the pheasant of Sienna, the wolf of 
Gubbio, and the falcon of Laverna paid homage.^ 

It was not only living things which are said to 
have ministered to his needs. He had selected a 
spot by the seaside where the waves had hollowed 
out a deep and narrow cleft about 12 feet wide 
(this is still distinctly visible on the island), across 
which a bridge had to be laid. He therefore 
asked his brother monks, next time they went to 
see him, to take a log of wood 12 feet long. 
They promised to do so, but entirely forgot it, 
and expressed their regret for having overlooked 
his order ; but he comforted them and bade them 
stay in the island till the next day, when it was 
noticed that the tide had in the night drifted in 
a log of wood of the proper size and laid it on 
shore just where it was needed.^ 

Attracted by his fame, many people now 

^ Bede, Vit. CutJi.^ 20. 

^ Archbishop Eyre enumerates other saints who tamed wild 
animals, e.g. a wild boar which licked the wounds of St. Andronicus ; 
a lioness crouched at the feet of St. Tarachus ; a raven defended the 
unburied body of St. Vincent ; St. Martin commanded the serpents 
and they obeyed him ; St. Anthony of Padua summoned the fishes 
to come to his preaching when the heretics despised it (Eyre, Hist, 
of St. Ciithberht., 21). 

^ Bede, Vit. Cuth.^ 21. 



30 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

repaired to the island, not only from Lindisfarne 
but from the remoter parts of Britain, to confess 
their sins or to report to him the various tempta- 
tions which the devils had put before them, and he 
used duly to strengthen and console them by tales 
of the impotence of the evil ones. He confessed 
how they had often thrust him headlong from the 
lofty rocks or thrown stones at him, as if to slay him. 
They had also raised up fantastic temptations to 
tempt him to flee from the place, but had neverthe- 
less never been able to injure his body or to put fear 
into his mind. Plummer urges that all this shows 
that his mind had, in fact, become unhinged by his 
austerities, and he compares him with some of the 
wild Covenanters in Old Mortality, who also fancied 
they had visible conflicts with the powers of evil.^ 

He used to remind the brethren that the exalta- 
tion of his conversation was largely due to the fact 
that, as a hermit, he habitually despised the cares of 
the world and dwelt secretly with himself; "yet," 
he added, *'the life of monks is more wonderful, 
since they follow in everything another's commands 
and arrange their vigils, prayers, fastings, and 
manual labour by the orders of their abbot." He 
had known, he said, many of them who had 
excelled him in purity of mind and in prophetic 
grace. As an example he quoted his own master, 
Boisil, already named, who had foretold all that 
would happen to himself Only one of his pro- 
phecies, he said, remained to be fulfilled, which he 

* op. cit. Intr., xxx. 



BISHOP TRUMBERHTS MONUMENT 31 

sincerely hoped would never come about.^ In this 
Boisil had foretold that he was to become a Bishop. 

Thus did Cuthberht pass his days until the year 
684, when for some unknown reason Bishop 
Trumberht was deposed from his see. In the life of 
Eata it is said it -ws-spro culpa cujusdam inobedientiae. 
Perhaps he still clung to St. Aidan's ways too much ! 
Thereupon, at a synod held in that year at Twyford, 
on the Aln, Cuthberht was chosen to fill the see 
of Hexham. Both King Ecgfrid of Northumbria 
and Archbishop Theodore were present. The post 
was offered to the recluse in vain until the King and 
Bishop Trumwine went in person to his island, and 
after earnest entreaties brought him back to fill a 
place for which, by his theories and ideals, he was 
singularly ill fitted. He was consecrated at York 
as Bishop of Hexham on the 26th of March 685, 
by Archbishop Theodore. The vacant see was a 
specially unsuitable sphere for such an inveterate 
hermit as Cuthberht, and his old master Eata con- 
sented to exchange his own diocese of Lindisfarne, 
which he knew and where he was well known, and 
which was much better suited for him, for that of 
Hexham. 

There is a considerable probability that the 
monument of the deposed Bishop Trumberht still 
survives. It has been described by Bishop Browne. 
The stone was discovered at Yarm a few years ago, 
and was then used as a weight for a mangle. It is 
now preserved at Durham. It bears an inscription 

^ Bede, Vit. Cuth.^ chap. 22. 



3 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

in several lines, six of which are clear enough, and 
are written in English minuscules. The first line is 
entirely obliterated. The Bishop suggests that very 
probably it contained either the word *' Orate" or 
perhaps, more probably, the English equivalent 
" Gebid fore." 

Two letters can still be traced in the second 
line of the inscription, which, says Bishop Browne, 
are almost certainly p and r. These he expands 
into " pro Tru." 

The rest of the inscription reads quite plainly — 

" mberehc 
t >I< sac ►!< 
alia ►!< sign 
um Aefter 
his breodera 
ysetae " 

The whole would then read in English : — 

"Pray for Trumbercht the 'sacerdos.' Alia 
(erected) this monument for his brother." 

Sacerdos at this time in nearly all cases meant 
Bishop, and, as Dr. Browne says, no bishop at 
this time, except our Trumberht, bears a name con- 
sistent with these letters, while the language of the 
inscription is also of the date.^ 

Cuthberht was only a bishop for about two years, 
and we have hardly any information about his 
evangelical work, except at Carlisle, where he prob- 
ably felt he had a congenial sphere since the country 
was only recently occupied and settled by the 

^ Browne, T/ieodore and Wilfrid^ i6i and 162. 




Shaft of the Cross of Bishop Tru.muerht 



[VoL III., facing fi. 32. 



i 



CUTHBERHTS INFLUENCE IN SCOTLAND 33 

Anglians, while the King had given him a rich 
estate there. Bede says he went thither especially 
to ordain some of his priests and to veil the Queen. 
He was there, in fact, when Ecgfrid went on his un- 
fortunate expedition against the Picts, and there he 
gave the veil to his widowed Queen in a monas- 
tery founded by her sister/ His sphere of labours, 
however, extended beyond the diocese of Carlisle, 
and invites us to make a journey with him. 

It would seem that his missionary labours and 
his direct influence extended over the whole northern 
part of Ecgfrid's dominions. It certainly included 
the Lothians, and almost certainly extended to the 
Firth of Forth, which was then the northern frontier 
of Northumbria on the eastern side of England, and 
divided it from the land of the Picts. 

Ecgfrid's direct dominations also stretched farther 
north on the western side of the English 
Apennines than some have thought. On this point 
I differ from some other writers. In his Life of St, 
Wilfrid, yEddi says: '' sicut . . . E eg frit ho . . . 
ixgnum ad Aquilonem . . . per triumphos augebatur^ 
ita beatae memoriae Wilfritho episcopo . . . ad 
Aquilonem. super Brittones et Scottos Picto'sque, 
regnum> ecclesiarum Tnultiplicabatur.'"^ This is 
an exaggeration, but it seems to me clearly to 
imply that Wilfrid was the ecclesiastical head of all 
those portions of Ecgfrid's kingdom which were 
directly subject to the King, and were not merely 
vassal states. There can be no doubt that in 

^ Vide ante, ii. 107 and 108. ^ Raine, Historians of York, i, 21. 
VOL. III. — 3 



3 4 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

addition to the district of Carlisle, where Cuthberht 
spent a considerable time shortly before he died/ 
it included, therefore, the northern as well as the 
southern maritime border of the Solway Firth. The 
British kingdom of Strathclyde, with its capital at 
Dumbarton, was then limited to the strath or water- 
shed of the Clyde and did not include the country 
south and south-west of it, which was then largely 
settled by Anglians. 

It is only thus that we can understand how the 
diocese of Whitherne, the see of which had been in 
abeyance for a long time, was revived at this time, 
and why it had a succession of bishops all bearing 
Anglian names, and not one of whom probably 
could speak the British or the Irish tongue. These 
were Pecthelm, Frithuwald, and Pectwine. 

It will be useful to recall one or two stories con- 
nected with Cuthberht's doings in the land beyond 
the Solway Firth. Bede tells us how on one occa- 
sion he, ** in pursuit of some matters which required 
his presence," embarked on a vessel for the land 
of the Picts who were called **Niduarii."^ The 
Anonymous Life says they came to a place called 

^ Vide ante^ ii. 108-109. 

2 It is pretty plain that this voyage to the land of the Niduarii 
must have been made along the Solway Firth, which was then 
much frequented by travellers going to and fro from Ireland. 
The Niduarii were in fact so named from the River Nith (Nid), 
which flows into the Solway Firth. In the fabulous Irish life of the 
Saint he is said to have landed in Galloway (Galweia), whither he 
sailed in a stone-boat from Ireland on his first visit to England, and 
that he landed in the region called Rennii, in the port of Rintsnoc 
{ib. chap. xix.). This Skene identifies with Portpatrick in the Rinns 
of Galloway {Celtic Scotland^ ii. 203). 



ST. CUTHBERHT IN SOUTHERN SCOTLAND 35 

Mudpieraleges (Stevenson makes this a corruption 
of Niduarii). He was accompanied by two of 
the brethren, one of whom afterwards became 
a priest and was responsible for the miraculous 
story which Bede tells. The travellers had 
arrived at their bourne on the day after Christmas 
Day, the weather was very fine, and the aspect 
of the waves was smiling. They had not, there- 
fore, taken provisions for a stay, but immediately 
on their arrival a tempest came on and prevented 
them from starting on their return for several days, 
during which they suffered much from cold and 
hunger, and the ground was covered with snow. 
Meanwhile Cuthberht spent most of his time in 
prayer, and presently he took his companions to the 
foot of a cliff close by, where they found three pieces 
of a dolphin {tria frusta delphininae carnis ; probably 
a porpoise is meant), as if cut by human aid and ready 
for cooking. As he had foretold, the tempest, after 
lasting for three days, abated, and on the fourth day 
they returned happily to their own country.^ 

A saga reports how he came to leave the Picts' 
land. It is contained in the Irish life of the Saint, 
which, although an apocryphal story, was widely 
credited in the Middle Ages. It says that while 
he was living as a hermit there the daughter of a 
Pictish king accused him of having violated her, 
whereupon at the prayer of the Saint the earth 
opened and swallowed her up. This was at a place 
called Corven, ''whence it was," says the legend, 

^ Vit. Anon., 15 ; Bede, Vi'i.j xi. 



3 6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

"that no woman was permitted to enter a church 
dedicated to his honour." The story is doubtless a 
fable, but the prohibition it was probably invented 
to explain is certain. 

It is not only Cuthberht's tie with the land of the 
Niduarii that attests his influence beyond the Solway 
Firth, but also the fact of several churches in 
Scotland having been dedicated to him.^ Of these, 
the name and associations of Kirkcudbright in 
Dumfriesshire are the most interesting. Of the 
etymology of this place-name there can be no doubt 
whatever. Reginald of Durham calls it *' Cuth- 
brictiskhirche," and tells a story about it in which 
he says : '' Villula ipsa Cuthbrictis khirche dicitur ; 
quae a Beati Cuthberhti memoria, quae in eadem 
kabetur ecclesia, nomen sortiri videturT He says it 
was situated in the land of the Picts, and adds of it 
prettily, ''de fluvio ejus suburbania decurrente blanda 
dulcedine perornata esty^ In 1 164 he says ^Ired 
of Rievaulx happened to be there on St. Cuthberht's 
feast-day, when he saw a man undergoing punish- 
ment who was wearing round his naked body a ring 
of iron made out of the sword or other weapon with 

^ I will take the list from Bishop Forbes' Kalendars of British 
Saints'. Ballantrae, Hailes,Glencairn, Denesmor, Kirkcudbright, Glen- 
holm, Ednam, Drummelzier, Maxton, Edinburgh, Wick (a chapel), 
Prestwick, Hauster, Eccles, Drysdale, Girvan, Ewes in Eskdale, 
Straiton in Carrick, Mauchline, Maybole, Invertig, and Weem near 
Dunkeld. Fairs in his honour are still held on his day at Langton 
in Merse, Poole, Grange, and Linlithgow {op. cit. 318-19). In the 
Originales Parochiales it is said that affectionate memorials are still 
found at Melrose, Channel Kirk, and Maxton {op. cit. i. Preface, 
xxiii). 

2 Op. cit. chap. 85. 



ST. CUTHBERHT IN SOUTHERN SCOTLAND 37 

which he had committed a crime. This had created 
an ulcerous sore. The man having heard of the 
virtues of the Saint, had gone to pray for reHef, when 
we are gravely told the iron ring burst asunder.^ 

On the same day our author tells us that a most 
furious bull was offered as an oblation in the church. 
He adds that the clerks who dwelt in the latter — by 
whom he doubtless means scholars (who, he says, in 
the Pictish language were called " Scollofthes ") — 
began to bait the bull in the churchyard [in cymeterio 
Beati Cuthberhti), The church, he says, was made 
of stone {petrosa et de lapidibus compacta ecclesiola)} 
The bull broke loose and killed the youth {predictum 
scholasticum) who had incited the rest to torment it.^ 

This story, with its reference to the Pictish 
tongue still surviving in Dumfriesshire, shows that 
that county also belonged to the country of the 
Niduarii, and that the diocese of Whitherne com- 
prised the whole district north of the Solway, doubt- 
less also including part of Ayrshire. It will be re- 
membered that till the fourteenth century Whitherne 
continued to be under the archdiocese of York, and 
was treated as a Northumbrian diocese by Bede. 

St. Cuthberht had other ties with the south of 
Scotland, where in fact he was born. 

We may further remember as an additional 
argument in favour of the Northumbrian domination, 
both lay and ecclesiastical, in this district, the presence 
of the splendid seventh-century cross at Rushworth. 
in Dumfriesshire.* 

^ Op, cit. chap. 85. 2 /^^ 8 jjj 4 See Appendix IV. 



3 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

This will be a convenient place to intervene with 
a notice of what we know of the earlier history of 
the restoration of the see at Whitherne. 

When the bishopric was renewed, Plummer 
argues that its seat was planted in the monastery at 
Whitherne, which was hallowed by the memory of 
St. Ninian. He adds that in the lives of Irish saints 
it was called Rosnat and Magnum Monasierium^ 
and was represented as a great centre of monastic 
discipline and learning where several of them had 
their training.-^ 

The date of the revival is not exactly known, 
but it may be approximately fixed. Bede, writing 
in 731, says that Pehthelm was then bishop in 
the church called Candida Casa (i.e. the White 
House), which from the increasing number of 
believers had lately become an additional episcopal 
see and had him for its first prelate.^ This agrees 
with Richard of Hexham, who, in speaking of 
Bishop Acca (724-735), says: ''Sunt tamen qui 
dicunt quod eo tempore episcopalem eodem in 
Candida Casa inceperit et praeparaverit.''^ It is 
not only Cuthberht's connection with the land of 
the Niduarii that attests his influence beyond 
the Solway Firth, but also the names and associa- 
tions of the later Bishops of Whitherne. 

The name of Pecthelm or Pehthelm, as Mr. 
Plummer says, means, "helm of the PIcts." Can it 
have been given him when he became Bishop ? He 

^ Plummer's Bede^ ii. 129. ^ ^.^-.^ y. 23. 

' Church of Hexham^ Surtees Society, p. 35. 



THE LATER SEE OF WHITHERNE 39 

was perhaps a native of South Britain, however, or 
at least he was educated in the south, for he had 
been a deacon and monk for a long time under St. 
Aldhelm, and had reported how many miracles were 
performed at the grave of the Wessex bishop 
Haedde/ He was one of St. Boniface's many cor- 
respondents. Bede tells us that one of the stories 
he himself relates about the vision of a Mercian 
knight was told to him by ''the venerable Bishop 
Pecthelm."^ 

Boniface in a letter asks him for his prayers in 
behalf of his own very onerous mission, and sends 
him some small presents as a proof of his affec- 
tion for him {'' parva munuscula, id est, corporate , 
pallium, albis stigmatibus variatum et villosam ad 
tergendos pedes servoru7n Dei''). He also asks him 
for his opinion on a technical dogmatic point. 
Throughout ''Francia," he says, and the Gauls 
{''per totam Franciam et per Gallias'') the bishops 
held it to be a very great crime for a man to marry 
a widow to whose son by a former husband he 
had been godfather in Baptism. This, he says, he 
cannot find forbidden in the Canons, nor does he 
know in what category of sins it can be placed. 
He ends the letter with the pleasing phrase, 
** Sospitatem vestram Sanctis virtutibus proficere, et 
longo tempore valere te cupio in Christ 0.'' ^ The letter 
is dated in 735 by Diimmler. That is the year in 
which Florence of Worcester puts Pehthelm's death. 

1 Bede, H.E., v. 18. ^ Jd. v. 13. 

* Mon. Germ. Hist., Epist. iii. 282-3. 



40 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

He was succeeded by Frithuwald in 735 (see Cont. 
of Bede, ed. Plummer, i. 361/ and the Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle, MSS. D, E, and F,^ which say he 
was consecrated at York on the 15th of August, in 
the sixth year of King Ceolwulf, and died on the 7th 
of May 763, having been bishop twenty-nine years).^ 
H'e, again, was succeeded by Pehtwine, meaning 
'* Friend of the Picts," who was consecrated Bishop 
of Whitherne on the 17th of July ']62i at iElfet ee. 
He died on the 19th of September 776, after being 
bishop fourteen years/ I know nothing more of him. 

Let us now return to Cuthberht. We followed 
his story to the time when he was spending part of 
his latter days at Carlisle. 

It was while he was there that he said good-bye 
to his old friend Hereberht, or Herbert, who used 
to pay him a yearly visit, and whose name still 
attaches to St. Herbert's Island on Derwentwater,^ 
There he passed his life as a hermit, and there still 
remains a ruined chapel associated with his name. 

^ M.H.B., 288. 2 /^^ ^42. 

' His name suggests some connection with Frithogith, the Queen 
of Wessex, and Frithuberht, Bishop of Hexham, who were con- 
temporaries of his. 

■* Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, MSS. D, E, and F. 

* There are four islands on Derwentwater. St. Herbert's Island is 
almost in the centre of the lake, and is about 5 acres in size. The 
cell is at the north end, which is almost covered with wood. 
Hutchinson two centuries ago said it seemed to consist of two rooms, 
the outer one probably the chapel, 22 feet by 16, the smaller one 
being the cell. The latter is now lost ; the walls of the former still 
remain, at a height of about 3 feet above ground, built of unwrought 
slate-stones and mortar. Heaps of stones from the building lie 
around, and are now covered with ivy, moss, and brambles, and 
clasped by the roots of trees. The metrical life of St. Cuthberht says 
Herbert retired to this spot by the advice of his friend Cuthberht 
(Eyre, op. cit. 58 and 59). 



ST. CUTHBP:RnT AND ST. HEREBERHT 41 

He foretold his own approaching death to his 
friend, and promised to pray that as they had served 
God together here, so they might go to heaven 
together to see His light. They were, in fact, 
reported to have died on the same day, and seven 
centuries later, in 1374, Thomas de Appleby, the 
Bishop of Carlisle, appointed that a Mass should be 
said by the Vicar of Crosthwaite parish, in which 
Herbert lived, on the anniversary of the two saints 
in the island where Hereberht had died, and he 
granted an indulgence of forty days to all who 
crossed the water to pray in honour of the two 
friends.^ 

Wordsworth writes of them in some very prosaic 

lines : 

"... But he (Cuthberht) had left 
A fellow-labourer, whom the good man loved 
As his own soul ; and when, with eye upraised 
To heaven, he knelt before the crucifix, 
While o'er the lake the cataract of Lodore 
Pealed to his orisons, and when he paced 
Along the beach of this small isle, and thought 
Of his companion, he would pray that both, 
Now that their earthly duties were fulfilled, 
Might die in the same moment. Nor in vain 
So prayed he, as our chroniclers report, 
Though here the hermit numbered his last day, 
Far from St. Cuthberht, his beloved friend, 
These holy men both died in the same hour." 

Cuthberht had long been delicate, the result, 
no doubt, of his austerities, and in the year 686 he 
resigned his episcopal charge and returned to his 

^ Bede^ Smith's edition. Appendix, No. 23, p. 783, where the text 
of the indulgence is given. 



42 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

lonely dwelling at Farne.^ We are told how the 
Lindisfarne monks crowded about his boat when 
he left them and asked him eagerly when he would 
return. "When you shall convey my dead body 
again here," said Cuthberht. His last days were 
described by Herefrid, Abbot of Lindisfarne, to 
Bede. He tells us that on the 27th of February, 
the very day of Cuthberht's attack, he had visited 
the island to receive the Saint's salutation, and 
gave him the usual sign on his arrival. ** He 
came to the window and answered my saluta- 
tion with a groan." Herefrid then asked if he 
was suffering from his old disease, dysentery, or 
from some new complaint, and craved a bless- 
ing from him "for myself and my monks," and 
proposed to quit the island, as the tide was 
favourable. 

Cuthberht bade him return home, and when 
God should take his soul to Himself he told him to 
bury him in front of his oratory on the island under 
the eastern side of the cross which he had there 
erected. "You will find," he added, "on the 
north side of my dwelling a stone coffin, hid in the 
ground, the gift of the venerable Abbot Cudda. 
I also wish my body to be wrapped in a linen cloth 
which was given to me by Verca, the Abbess " 
{i.e. the Abbess of Tiningham), " which I was 
unwilling to wear in my lifetime, and have kept for 

^ As Bede says, when he had had passed two years in his 
episcopal office, knowing in spirit that his last day was at hand, he 
divested himself of his episcopal duties and returned to his much- 
loved solitude ( Vi/. Cuthb.^ ch. 36). 



THE LAST DAYS OF ST. CUTHBERHT 43 

my winding-sheet." Herefrid now returned to 
Lindisfarne and retailed the story to a full convent 
of the brethren, and told them to pray incessantly 
for their dying bishop. 

A storm which followed lasted five days, and 
prevented access to the island. When it had 
abated the monks put out to sea. On their 
arrival they found their bishop not in his oratory, 
but in the guest-hall at the landing-place on the 
beach. Herefrid remained to nurse him, while the 
rest went on to Bamborough on some necessary 
business. He first washed one of the Saint's feet, 
which had long troubled him. It was perhaps 
some disorder consequent on the plague from which 
he had suffered when a monk. He then gave him 
some warm wine. After this Cuthberht sat down 
quietly on his couch, with the abbot beside him. He 
told his friend he had lately taken up his residence on 
the beach so that he should be more easily accessible 
to those who might visit him from Lindisfarne, and 
said he had been there five days and nights without 
moving. Archbishop Eyre suggests that he had 
moved in order that the monks might not have an 
excuse for entering his cell, to which he seems to 
have had a great objection. When Herefrid asked 
what he had done for food, he produced five onions 
from under his coverlet, with which he had 
moistened his parched lips, and said he had eaten 
nothing else. Herefrid remarked that only half of 
one had been eaten, and also persuaded his 
master to allow some of the monks to come and 



44 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

look after him, to which the latter now consented. 
He selected two, one called Bede (not the historian) 
and another Walhstod. 

Herefrid on his return to Lindisfarne told the 
brethren of the Saint's determination to be buried 
at Fame, which troubled them much. They had a 
special conference, and set out to entreat him to let 
his remains be placed in the cathedral, but he urged 
that it would be better he should remain at Fame, 
for, since he was notoriously **a servant of Christ," 
culprits of all kinds would flock to his tomb {i.e. for 
sanctuary), and give much trouble to the Church by 
compelling it to intercede with the potentates of the 
world. They replied that if he would grant their wish 
they were prepared to undergo any trouble. They 
were anxious to have his tomb in the cathedral, so 
that they could visit it when they wished, and could 
exclude strangers if they thought good. He there- 
upon consented, and they received his message on 
their knees. 

Feeling that his life was ebbing, he asked the 
brethren to convey him to the oratory. It was 
nine in the morning. The door was open, but they 
knew that for many years no one had entered it 
but the Saint himself, and they now begged that one 
of them might do so, and thus attend to his wants. 
He selected Walhstod, who was then labouring 
from a dysentery. According to Bede, no sooner did 
Cuthberht lean onhis arm than his complaint left him. 

Abbot Herefrid used to sit beside him to obtain 
from him some parting message for the brethren 



ST. CUTHBERHrS LAST HOURS 45 

at Lindisfarne before he died. He reported that 
he spoke but Httle, and insisted on their cherishing 
peace, humility, unanimity in counsel, and hospitality, 
and showed a special abhorrence of those who 
departed from Catholic unity, who did not observe 
Easter at the proper time, or who led wicked lives. 
Mr. James Raine says he also gave the 
memorable command with reference to his body, 
to which Durham and its splendid endowments 
exclusively owe their origin. 

" Know and remember," said he to Herefrid, 
** that if necessity shall ever compel you out of two 
misfortunes to choose one, I had much rather that 
you should dig up my bones from their grave and 
take them with you in such sojourn as God shall 
provide, than that you should on any account 
consent to the iniquity of schismatics or put your 
necks under their yoke." ^ This and other similar 
phrases were probably Bede's own glosses. 

That this injunction contemplated the subsequent 
journeys of Cuthberht's remains after the destruc- 
tion of Lindisfarne, as some have supposed, seems 
to me preposterous. It probably rather had in 
view some possible heterodoxy being introduced 
at Lindisfarne. 

The end was now»at hand, and we are told that 
when nocturns had come round Cuthberht received 
from Herefrid the communion of the Lord's body 

^ The sentence, like others of a similar kind, points to Cuthberht's 
having had no doubt about his own superior sanctity and of the 
special preciousness of his own remains (Bede, Vit. Cuth., 28-32). 



46 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

and blood to strengthen him for his departure, and 
with eyes and hands lifted up heavenwards he 
commended his soul to the Lord in a sitting position, 
and passed away without a groan **into the life of 
the fathers " in the first hours of Wednesday, 
March 20, 687.^ He was probably only about fifty- 
six, for he was just grown up when he came to 
Melrose in 651. 

'* It is certain," says Dr. Bright, ''that he received 
the communion in both kinds, and clearly not 
during Mass. 

"... Rest dens antistes ad altar 
Pocula degustat vitae^ Christique supinum 
Sanguine munit iter." 

*' So also Guthlac, munivit se communione cor- 
poris et sanguinis Christi — both kinds being kept 
ready on the altar." ^ In the case of hermits this 
reservation must have involved some difficulties. 

Herefrid now communicated the news of the 
death to the other brethren who were on the 
island, whereupon one of them went with a torch 
in each hand to an eminence and thus conveyed 



^ Bede, H.E.^ iv. 29, and Vit. Cuth.^ 39 ; Vit. Anon., 42. 

2 Bright, op. cit. 387 and note 4 ; Bede, Vit., 39, and de Mirac. 
S. Cuth., ch. 36. Dr. Lingard says that at the celebration of Mass 
the communion was distributed under both kinds ; it was so also 
with the viaticum when the Mass was celebrated in the presence of 
the sick. When this was not convenient or possible, the rubric ordered 
that " the Housel " consecrated at the Mass should be kept for the 
purpose. "We enjoin," says- the Canon, "that the priest have housel 
always ready for those who need it, and that he carefully preserve it 
in purity." In monasteries it was generally preserved in the chapel 
of the infirmary, whence, as Bede says, it was brought for each man 
(Lingard, i. 46, note). 



DEATH OF ST. CUTHBERHT 47 

the sad news to the community at LIndlsfarne. 
His signal was seen by one of them who was in 
the watchtower there, and was by him communi- 
cated to the rest of the brethren in the church, 
who were praying. 

As soon as the Saint was dead the brethren 
washed his body from head to foot and wrapped it 
in a cere-cloth, no doubt that supplied by the Abbess 
Verca, and enveloped his head in a fair cloth or 
napkin. They then clothed him in the vestments 
of a priest (i.e. a cassock, amice, alb, girdle, stole, 
maniple, and chasuble). The sacramental elements 
were put upon his breast,^ and sandals were placed 
upon his feet. He was then conveyed over the 
water to Lindisfarne and buried with all due 
honour in a stone coffin (doubtless that which had 
been provided by Abbot Cudda, vide supra), and 
on the right side of the altar.^ 

Unlike most anchorites, who naturally become 
testy and self-willed, Cuthberht was a gentle 
creature. He tolerated counsel from his brother 
monks, who could not always accept the excessive 
austerities he chose as his own portion, and who 
begged for occasional (very occasional) relaxations 
at the Church festivals. Thus we find them urging 
upon him one day that while fasts, prayers, and 
vigils occupied most of their lives, they might 
at least rejoice on Christmas day — '' et illi inquiunt 

^ This is the way both Lingard and J. Raine understand the words 
in the Anonymous Life : " Oblatis supe?' sanctum pectus positis." 
2 Bede, Vit. St. Cuth., ch. 40. 



48 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

. . . hodie gaudeamus in Domino . . . cum epulan- 
tibus nobis et diem laetum ducentibus.'' ^ 

He seems to have accepted the rebuke and to 
have conceded Its reasonableness, while reminding 
them again and again of the need for continual 
watchfulness and prayer. 

Bede, as usual, illustrates this phase of the 
Saint's character by a story. He tells us how on 
one occasion, several persons having gone to the 
island to visit him, he spoke comforting words to 
them, adding that it was now time for him to 
return to his cell, and he bade them before return- 
ing home to take some refreshment, and pointed 
out a goose (probably a solan goose) which was 
hanging on the wall — '' pendebat enim auca in 
pariete^ This he bade them cook and eat in the 
name of the Lord. He then prayed with them and 
blessed them. The visitors, as they had brought 
other food with them, did not care to take the 
goose, for which act of disobedience they were 
punished by the arrival of a storm, which lasted 
seven days, during which they were shut up in the 
island. They visited the Saint (who did not know 
they had not followed his advice) more than once 
to ask his help. He bade them be patient. On 
the seventh day he, for the first time, saw that 
the goose was still hanging up. He then duly 
reproved them for their disobedience, and told 
them forthwith to put it In a cauldron and cook 
and eat it, when the sea would again become quiet, 

* Bede, Vit. St. Cuth.^ ch. 27. 



ST. CUTHBERHT AND THE SOLAN GOOSE 49 

and they might return home. " It happened," 
says Bede, ''that directly the goose began to boil 
in the cauldron the waters of the sea also ceased 
their boiling, whereupon they returned home with 
joy, and yet with shame, and were confirmed in 
their opinion that their master specially cherished 
his faithful servants, and punished those who 
lightly esteemed him.'* 

''I did not," says Bede, "learn the miracle 
from any vague authority, but from the statement 
of one who was present, namely, Cynemund, a 
monk of venerable life and a priest, and belong- 
inof to the brotherhood at Lindisfarne."^ 

It is quite necessary, if we are to judge of the 
mental simplicity and the quite naive and really 
childish attitude of the early mediaeval saints 
towards the problems of this life and the next, 
that we should steep ourselves in these trivialities. 
They measure the utter collapse of the human 
mind at this time in view of all issues save the 
pragmatic cares of life. We must always remember 
that this habit of mind, when accompanied by the 
effects of excessive self-torture, was much more 
impressive to the men of social position no less 
than to the simple crowd than the masculine 
virtues of the great ecclesiastics of the mediaeval 
Church.^ The effect of such austerities and of the 

1 Bede, Vit. St. Cuth., ch. 36. 

2 The extent of the asceticism practised by the more extravagant 
of these lonely saints is almost incredible. " A still further advance in 
rigour," says Plummer (i. xxxi), " was marked by the inclusus who was 
walled up alive in his cell. One saint at St. Gallen, styled Eusebius 

VOL. III. — 4 



5 o GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

morbid lives and the hysterical visions of these 
lonely recluses, which were nothing more than 
the counterparts of others in such widely separated 
religions as Muhammadanism, Buddhism, and 
Hinduism, may be gathered from the almost 
divine worship which was conceded to the 
anchorites, as well as from the quite extrava- 
gant gifts and legacies which they secured for 
the Church. 

This cult in later times and at certain shrines 
had displaced the invocation of the Saviour as the 
great Mediator, as may be gathered from the 
following prayer addressed to St. Cuthberht and 
preserved at Durham : — 

" Oratio ad Sanctufn Cuthbertu7n. 

"Sancte Pater Patriae, Cuthberte vir inclyte salve. 
Salve, dans miseris saepe salutis opem. 
Salve dulce decus, salve spes magna tuorum. 
Virtus nostra vale ! Vir pietatis age ! 
Sit tibi laus. Tibi dignus honor, tibi gratia detur, 
Qui, licet indigno, das bona saepe mihi. 
Tu mihi magna salus, mihi gloria saepe fuisti, 
Tu me dulcifluo semper amore foves. 
Oh quot saepe malis, quibus hostibus atque periclis 
Me, Pater, ereptum prosperitate foves 
Et tibi quid dignum reddam. Pater, O Pie Presul ! 
O Pater ! O clemens Pastor ! adesto mihi 
Ut placet et nosti, Pater, auxiliare petenti, 
Quaeso memento mei, dulcis Amice Dei." ^ 

Scotigena {i.e. the Irishman), is reported to have lived for thirty years 
when thus walled up "(see Pertz, ii. 93, 188). Of another, an Irish- 
man called Paternus, it was said by Marianus Scotus, '"''in sua clausola 
comhustus per igncm pe7't7-ansivit^ in refrigeritan" (Pertz, v. 558). 
^ Raine, Cuthberht^ 96. 



EXCESSIVE DEVOTION PAID TO ANCHORITES 5 i 

It was not only In such prayers that the Saviour 
in later times was forgotten at Cuthberht's shrine. 
Thus In one form of indulgence issued by the Bishop 
of Ely on 9th July 1235, to those who collected 
money for the fabric of the nine altars at Durham, 
repairs of the church there, etc., we find the following 
typical sentence : ** We for our part, fully confiding 
in the mercy of God and in the merits of the 
glorious Virgin, of St. Cuthberht, and of all the 
saints, release thirty days of enjoined penance to 
all those who shall bestow towards the fabric afore- 
said the pious bounty of their alms, or shall, during 
the seven years next continuing, visit the place 
aforesaid for the purpose of prayer." ^ The Saviour 
is not mentioned in the document at all. 

One reason for the extravagant reputation of 
St. Cuthberht was doubtless the story of the alleged 
incorruptibility of his flesh after death, which lent 
itself to a quaint Latin alliteration in the words, 
" Cujiis caro came car ens,'' and which, no doubt, 
greatly awed the devotees in days when the most 
childish credulity prevailed. 

Eleven years after Cuthberht's burial, the 
monks at LIndisfarne, deeming that nothing would 
then remain of him save his bones, proposed to 
take them up and to put them into a fitting coffin 
above ground, where they could be duly honoured. 
This wish was conceded by the bishop, and, ac- 
cording to Hegge's quaint words in his legend of 
St. Cuthberht : *' Whiles they opened his coffin 

^ Raine, Cuthberht, 100. 



5 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

they started at a wonder. They lookt for bones 
and found flesh ; they expected a skeleton and saw 
an entire bodie with joynts flexible. His flesh so 
succulent that there only needed heat to make his 
bodie live without a soul, and his face so dissem- 
bling death that, while elsewhere it is true that sleep 
is the image of death, here death was the image 
of sleep. Nay, his very funerall weeds were as 
fresh as if putrefaction had not dared to take him 
by the coat."^ The dismayed monks reported 
what they had seen to Eadberht, the Bishop of 
Lindisfarne, who was spending Lent in an adjacent 
island. They took with them the outer robes in 
which Cuthberht had been burled, and which they 
found in the same state of incorruption as the body 
itself. They did not disturb the other vestments, 
but wrapped the remains in a new garment, and 
then placed it above ground in a coffin which they 
had prepared. The bishop just referred to, who 
died soon after, was buried in the grave from which 
the body of St. Cuthberht had been taken. 

The statement about the remains of the Saint 
having been found uncorrupted is repeated on later 
occasions when the coffin was again opened. It 
was a common story told of saints. Its truth in this 
case is sharply criticised by Mr. James Raine, who 
makes an unanswerable case against the authority 
of the legend. He quotes some very damaging 
facts on the other side. It is, at all events, clear 
that the later monks always took care to have 

* Hegge's legend of St. Cuthberht, see Raine, Cuthberht^ 67, note. 



UNCORRUPTED CONDITION OF SAINTS BODY 5 3 

the face, which was the exposed part of the body, 
carefully covered with a face-cloth. Of this, 
Reginald, who described the opening of the coffin 
in 1 104, says, very frankly : '' The cheeks, face, and 
head were closely covered with a cloth, which was 
attached to all the parts beneath it with such 
anxious care that it was as it were glued to his 
hair, skin, temples, and beard. Through this his 
nostrils and eyelids were sufficiently visible, but 
not the skin below." This is confirmed by William 
of Malmesbury, who says, ''Fades tarn stride ob- 
vohUa sicdario ttt nullo Abbatis nisu dissotiari 
possety^ 

This is surely very suspicious, and becomes 
conclusive when we confront it with another fact 
mentioned by Raine. He gives an engraving of 
the Saint's skull when the remains were exposed 
at the opening of the coffin in 1826, and says 
that pieces of the very cloth which Reginald 
had described as glued to the face were still 
found fastened to it with no trace of flesh inter- 
vening. Not only so, but he says the eye-holes 
of the skull, in order to give the face-cloth the 
projecting appearance of eyes in their respective 
places, had been originally, and still continued, 
stuffed full with a whitish composition, which still 
admirably retained its colour and consistency, and 
which upon being removed from its place was 
easily pressed into a powder by the finger and 
thumb.^ 

^ G.P.^ ed. Hamilton, p. 275. ^ Raine, 214. 



54 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

All this goes to show that the story was 
based on quite sophisticated evidence. WilHam of 
Malmesbury names five saints, of all of whom it 
was said that their bodies remained uncorrupted, 
namely, ^thelburga, Wiburga, Edmund of East 
Anglia, Alphege, and Cuthberht. 

Cuthberht's case was, however, the critical 
one, and we find St. Dunstan at a later time 
enforcing the truth of incorruption in the case of 
St. Edmund by quoting it to the Abbot of Fleury. 
Thus he says : '' Quia sanctus . . . Cuthbertus . . . 
non solum adhuc exspectat diem primae resurrectionis 
incorrupto corpore, sed etiam perfusus quodam blando 
tepore''^ Reginald says that the body when ex- 
posed showed the Saint to have been of a tall and 
manly stature. 

The cult of Cuthberht was very widespread, 
especially within the radius of the influence of the 
great northern minster on the Tees. Miss Arnold- 
Forster, in her interesting and learned book on the 
dedications of English churches, remarking on the 
Saint's wide popularity, says that about ninety 
churches still bear his name. These she enumer- 
ates.^ Seventy of them are ancient and the rest 
belong to the last century. Of these, she thinks 
Crayke and Carlisle are probably the oldest. 
Several of those mentioned in Bishop Wessington's 
old list have had their dedications altered, notably 
that of Middleton, near Manchester — '' the most 

^ Stubbs, Du7istan^ p. 379 ; Plummer, ii. 271. 
2 Op. cit, iii. p. 350. 



WIDESPREAD CULT OF ST. CUTHBERHT 55 

southern point in the Saint's wanderings, which is 
now known as St. Leonard's, the French hermit 
having dispossessed the EngHsh one."^ Among 
the daughter churches of Durham which were 
dedicated to the Saint, that of Darhngton, built in 
the twelfth century, is remarkable. Outside of the 
Durham diocese he also shared in the dedication 
of the two great abbey churches of Bolton and 
Worksop. 

While for several centuries his name became 
almost obsolete as a dedicating one — the church 
of Milbourne, in Westmorland, in 1355, being the 
last in the known list of such foundations — it has 
revived during the last half-century. One such 
exists in Durham. Of these modern dedications, 
twenty are named by Miss Arnold-Forster. 

It is noticeable, however, that the Saint's fame 
was largely confined to the north of England, and 
especially that part of it where the influence of 
Durham extended. Shropshire is the only county 
in the southern province with two dedications to 
him, while there is one in each of the sporadically 
distributed counties of Somerset, Suffolk, Derby- 
shire, Dorsetshire, and Hereford.^ 

Another excellent proof of the influence of the 
Saint was the enormous estate which eventually 
accumulated in the hands of the priory he founded. 

In the Anonymous Life of St. Cuthberht, and 
according to Symeon of Durham, King Ecgfrid and 
Archbishop Theodore made over to him at his 

^ Miss Arnold-Forster, ii. p. 87. ^ Qp^ ^it. ii, 89-91. 



5 6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

consecration as bishop, the whole of the land 
in the city of York which extended from the Wall 
to the Church of St. Peter, as far as the great gate 
towards the west, and from the wall of that church 
as far as the City wall upon the south. They also 
gave him the vill of Creca (now Crayke, near 
Easingwold), with a circuit of three miles round it, 
** that he might have a dwelling in which to rest 
on his way to York or on his return thence," 
and where he planted some monks. As the land 
there, however, was inadequate, he received an 
addition at Lugubalia (otherwise called Luel), i.e. 
Carlisle, which embraced a circuit of fifteen miles, 
where he planted a convent of nuns, and where, as 
we have seen, he consecrated the Queen as a nun. 
There he also founded schools for the improvement 
of Divine service.^ 

It was on the estate just quoted, namely, in the 
Royal vill at Exanford (probably some place on 
the river Exe in Cumberland), that, after Cuthberht 
performed the miracle of raising a dead boy, King 
Ecgfrid also gave him the land called Cartmel, 
and all the Britons with it, and also the vill 
of Suthgedluit (Mr. Arnold suggests that this is 
one of the Yealands on Morecambe Bay), and 
what pertained to it. Symeon adds the rather 
cryptic sentence: '' Haec omnia sibi a smicto 
Cuthberto commissa bonus abbas Cineferth filius 
Cygincg sapienter ordinavit sicut voluit.'' ^ Symeon 

^ Vit. Anon. St. Cuth.y 13; Symeon, Hist. Ecc. Dun.., i. chap. ix. 
2 Sym. Dun., Hist. St. Cuth. (ed. T. Arnold), ch. vi. p. 200. 



GIFl^S OF LAND MADE TO CUTHBERHT 57 

further says that Ecgfrid, who was absent on his 
war with Wulfhere of Mercia, having been greatly 
helped by the prayers of St. Cuthberht, gave him 
Carrum {i.e. Carham) and all that belonged to it 
as a reward. 

When the Danes attacked and destroyed Lindis- 
farne in the year 875, the bishop and monks there 
removed the body of their saint from its shrine, 
and having placed the head of St. Oswald, a 
few bones of St. Aidan, some bones of Bishops 
Eata, Eadfrid, ^thelwold the anchorite, and, 
according to Leland, those of Abbot Ceolwulf, 
in his coffin, set out ''they knew not whither." 
Their long wanderings lasted for seven years until 
the Danes had been overcome by King Alfred. 
Reginald says that at the time they escaped it was 
high water at Lindisfarne, but the waves drew 
back and gave them a passage on dry ground ! ! ! 
They probably first fled to the Northumbrian 
hills. Symeon says they removed from place to 
place in Northumbria, like sheep fleeing from 
wolves. During their wanderings four only (some 
of the accounts say seven) of the monks were 
allowed to touch the coffin of the Saint. At first 
it would appear that the coffin was carried on their 
shoulders, but presently in a vision he is said, ac- 
cording to Reginald, to have suggested an easier 
way of portage, and miraculously supplied a horse 
and carriage on wheels ; Symeon calls it a carrum, 
and also a caballus vehiculus. The four privileged 
persons allowed to touch the bier and its contents 



5 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

were called Hunred, Stitheard, Edmund, and 
Franco, and Symeon says there were many of their 
descendants in Northumbria, both lay and clerical, 
living in his day, who were proud of a tie with a 
man who had been so honoured.-^ 

Three years later, namely, in SyS, St. Cuthberht 
in the form of a beggar is said by Symeon to have 
solicited charity from King Alfred at Athelney, 
who gave him a little of the food he was eating, 
whereupon the Saint promised and secured him a 
victory in the battle he was about to fight at 
Assandune.^ 

To return to the Saint and his wanderings. 
Prior Wessington of Durham reports how his 
remains ceased not to perform miracles at the 
various places where they halted. Thus it came 
about that in the western parts (in partibiis occi- 
dentalibus) wherever the remains rested, many 
churches and chapels were afterwards built in his 
honour. Wessington compiled and placed over the 
choir door of the Church of Durham in 1416a list of 
such of them as he knew of, which is still preserved, 
and which is given by Raine as follows : — 

Lancastrieschire. — Furnes, Kirkby Ireleth,^ 
Haxheved,* Aldynham,^ Lethom in Amun- 
drenesse,^ Meler,^ Halsall,^ Birnsale in 



^ Hist. Dun. EccL, 11. xii. ^ Ib.x. 

3 i.e. " West Kirkby." 

* Now known as Hawkshead, between Windermere and Coniston. 

* Aldingham, east of Furness. *"' Now called Lytham. 
^ Mellor, three miles north-west of Rlackburn. 

* Ten miles from Ormskirk. 



WANDERINGS OF ST. CUTHBERHT'S BODY 59 

Craven,^ Emmyldon in Coupeland,^ Lorton, 
Kelett In Lonsdall and Middleton near Man- 
chester. 

Cleyvfla7id (i.e. Cleveland). — Lethom, Kildale, 
Merton, Wilton, Ormisby. 

Rychmondeschir, Southcouton, Forsete, Over- 
ton near York, Barton (and, on the authority 
of Roger Gale, Marske, which the prior had 
overlooked). 

Yorke. — Pesholme, Fysshlake, Acworth. 

Duremschir. — Eccles, Cath. Dunelm, Cestre, 
Redmersell, Capella in Castr. Dunelm. 

Westmerlande. — Cleburn (now Cliburne) 
(Sanderson adds Dufton). 

Commerlande. — Church in Carlisle, Edynhall, 
Salkeld, Plumbland (Sanderson adds 
Bewcastle). 

Northumberlande. — Norham, Bedlyngton, 
Carram {i.e. Carham, near Coldstream), 
Ellysden in Ryddesdale, Haydon brigg, 
Beltyngeham.^ 

Accepting Wessington's statement that a church 
dedicated to Cuthberht in early times meant that 
the Saint and his company had rested there, and, 
further, that the cortege started from Lindisfarne 
and finished its journey at Craike ; Raine, using 

* This is situated in Yorkshire. 

2 Embleton in Cumberland ; Lorton, the next entry, is in the same 
county. 

^ Raine's Cuthberht^ 44, note. In addition to the churches it is 
very probable that crosses were also set up at other resting-places 
of the Saint, which were of less importance. 



6o GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

the above list, tries to trace their journey. He 
says : " Elsdon^ was the first place towards which 
the fugitives directed their steps. They then 
travelled down the Reed, from which they turned 
upwards to Haydon Bridge.^ Afterwards they 
ascended the South Tyne to Beltingham, thence 
they followed the line of the Roman Wall to 
Bewcastle, and then went in a southern direction 
to Salkeld, three miles south-west of Kirkoswald, 
thence to Edenhall, and thence to Plumbland, 
four miles south south-east of Cockermouth, so- 
called, according to Reginald, from the dense woods 
round it, and afterwards into Lancashire to the 
places above mentioned. Next they came towards 
the Derwent, whence they determined, at the 
instance of Eardulf, Bishop of Lindisfarne, and 
Eadred, Abbot of Carlisle, to pass over into Ireland, 
as the only place of safety. They hired a ship, 
which was to meet them at the mouth of the 
Derwent, in Cumberland, and the body of the 
Saint was put on board. Those who supported 
the Bishop and the Abbot in this course had not 
told the majority of the company, who were 
taken by surprise when they found themselves left 
behind on the beach. ' Farewell, turn the prow 
to Ireland,' said the former. The majority who 
were left behind now appealed to St. Cuthberht 
not to allow himself to be thus carried off 
as a prisoner, while they were left like sheep 

* In Redesdale, once covered with forest and morasses. 
^ Six miles from Hexham. 



WANDERINGS OF ST. CUTHBERHrS BODY 6i 

to the teeth of wolves. Thereupon a storm 
arose and the ship had to return, and In the 
confusion the book of St. Cuthberht's Gospels, 
now known as the Lindisfarne Gospels, fell into 
the sea and disappeared. According to Symeon, 
Cuthberht thereupon appeared in a vision and told 
one of them, named Hunred, where they would find 
it. They accordingly proceeded along the coast 
as far as Whitherne, in Galloway. There they 
found it on the sands almost three miles from hio^h- 
water mark during the ebb of a spring tide."^ In 
the list of the relics at Durham we have the entry : 
** Item. The book of St. Cuthberht with the copy 
of the Evangelists."^ While in this wild country 
the travellers suffered much from want of proper 
food, and for some days lived on a horse's head 
which they had salted and some stale cheese. The 
former they had bought for five silver " sicli " 
{(juinque solidorum sic lis argenli).^ 

Returning to Raine's account of the itinerary 
of the Saint and his conductors. After recover- 
ing the book they proceeded to Westmorland, 
where they lingered a while, first at Cliburne 
and next at Dufton.* They then crossed over 
Stainmore into Teesdale, where, as the name 
of the hamlet shows, they stayed a while at 
Cutherston.^ Thence crossing the hills to Marske ^ 
they went to Forcett and Barton, and then south- 

^ Sym., Hist. Ecc. Dun.^ ii. 12. ^ Raine, Cuthberht^ 126. 

^ Reg. of Durham, ch. xv. 

* Under the shelter of Dufton fells. ^ i.e. Cuthberht's stone. 

^ In Swaledale. 



6 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

wards to Craike, to a property given to Cuthberht 
on his consecration, lingering on the way at 
Cowton, and afterwards at the various places in 
Cleveland above mentioned. Raine says he had 
omitted the legend of Cuthberht's voyage in a stone 
boat-shaped coffin down the Tweed from Melrose 
to Tilmouth, the remains of which were reported to 
have been preserved at the latter place. Remains 
of a stone coffin are indeed there, but the story 
itself was an invention of the eighteenth century, 
and it was not the only one of the kind made by 
Lambe, an editor of a poem on Flodden Field.^ 

The cavalcade reached Craike in the autumn 
of 882.^ There Abbot Eadred seems to have 
ingratiated himself with the Danish chief Guthred, 
under whose auspices the brethren moved to 
Cuncacestre (now Chester-le-Street), where Bishop 
Eardulf had fixed his episcopal see. There, accord- 
ing to Symeon, he built them a wooden cathedral, 
which the Danish ruler handsomely endowed.^ 
It remained there for a hundred and thirteen 
years, and presently the King, at the bidding of 
St. Cuthberht, gave them all the land between the 
Tyne and the Wear as a perpetual possession for 
the Saint, with the right of inviolable sanctuary, 
so that any one who reached it was safe for thirty- 
seven days.* 

The next important event in the fortunes of 

1 Raine, 43-47- 

2 There, according to Symeon of Durham, they were sheltered by 
Abbot Geve, and stayed four monihs {//I'sl. Dun. Ecc, ii. ch. 13). 

2 I/k 28. * Sym. Dun., id. 13. 



VISIT OF ATHELSTANE TO THE SHRINE 63 

the Saint's remains was the visit of King Athel- 
stane to his shrine at Chester-le-Street on his 
way to Scotland to punish King Constantine for 
the breach of his treaty with him. The lordly 
gifts presented by the King on this visit are duly 
enumerated/ and are worth recording here. They 
consisted of a copy of the Gospels, which contained 
a statement that it had been presented to St. 
Cuthberht by Athelstane ; ^ ''two chasubles, one 
alb, one stole with a maniple, one girdle [cingulum)^ 
three altar-cloths, one chalice of silver, two patens, 
one made of gold and the other of Greek work 
[Graeco opere), one censer of silver, one cross 
ingeniously made of gold and ivory, one royal cap 
{Regius pileus) woven of gold, two tablets of gold 
and silver (probably they were two paxes), one 
missal, two copies of the Gospels ornamented with 
gold and silver, a Life of St. Cuthberht written 
in verse and prose (doubtless Bede's two lives), 
seven palls, three curtains [corlinas) (these were 
probably to be hung on iron rods on each side of 
the altar), three pieces of tapestry {tapecia) (doubt- 
less to cover the bare w^alls of the chancel), two 
cups (coppas) of silver with covers, three large bells, 
two horns fabricated of gold and silver, two banners, 
one lance, and two bracelets of gold."^ 

Athelstane's son Eadmund also visited the 
shrine on his campaign in Scotland to ask the 

1 See Cott. MS., Brit. Mus., Claudius D, iv. 

^ It was in the Cotton Library, Otho B, 9, and was, unfortunately, 
burnt in the Cotton fire in 1731. 
^ See Raine, op. cit. 51 and 52. 



64 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Saint's aid. He offered his prayers there, and 
placed two bracelets which he took from his own 
arms on his body, together with two palls of 
Greek workmanship (duo pallia Graeca)} 

The next notable visitor who is recorded among 
those who went to the Saint's shrine was a monk 
from Winchester whose narrative is extant. He 
tells us he brought with him to Durham some vest- 
ments, and put them with his own hands on Cuth- 
berht's body.^ These vestments no doubt included 
the famous stole and maniple still preserved in the 
library at Durham, which had been embroidered for 
Bishop Fritheston of Winchester by Queen ^Ethel- 
dreda, who had died in 933, as is recorded in a 
stitched inscription on the vestments themselves. 

Presently, and in 995, the body of St. Cuthberht, 
with its treasures, was again removed, in consequence 
of a praemonition received by Bishop Aldune of a 
fresh threatened attack from the Danes, and was 
taken to Ripon for two or three months. Symeon 
says the removal of the whole community, young 
and old, with its property took place without any 
mishap.^ It was then determined to build a fresh 
church at Durham, on a site which, according to 
Symeon, had been pointed out by Cuthberht himself. 
The first church there (a wooden one) was replaced 
by Bishop Aldune by a stone one in 999, in which 
the Saint's body was reverently deposited. 

The famous Bishop Alfwold of Sherborne, 

* MS. Cotton, Claudius D, iv. fol. 221 ; Raine, 53 and note. 

• Thorpe, Diploni,, 321. » H.D.E., iii. 



ST. CUTHBERirrS SHRINE 65 

1045-1058, also visited the shrine of St. Cuthberht. 
WilHam of Malmesbury says of him that he was 
devoted to the memory of the Saint and continu- 
ally repeated an antiphon about him, the words of 
which he gives.^ We are told he had the audacity 
to raise the lid of the coffin and to talk with the 
dead man as with a friend. He also put a pledge 
of his love on his head {xeniolum in perpetui pignus 
amoris deposuil).'^ 

The church became the nucleus and mother of 
the splendid cathedral we all still so much venerate, 
of which St. Cuthberht's shrine was the greatest 
treasure, and which was begun by Bishop Carilef. 
While the new cathedral was building, St. Cuth- 
berht's remains were removed to a fine stone 
tomb in the cloister garth, raised a yard above the 
ground, and was covered with a large and beautiful 
broad marble slab. They were translated thence 
in 1 104 to the stone feretory or bier on which the 
metal shrine stood, which had been prepared for it 
in Carilef's cathedral, and was placed behind the 
screen and in the apse of the nave. Reginald says 
the feretory was supported by nine pillars. 

I will now revert to an interesting story en- 
shrined in one of Reginald of Durham's miraculous 
tales. ** In times of old," he says, ** there flourished 
one Alfred Westoue (who was the grandfather of 
Ailred of Riveaulx, to whom Reginald dedicated his 
book), who for the love he bore to St. Cuthberht 
was granted peculiar privileges, for as often as 
1 G.P., ii. 82. 2 ji,^ 

VOL. HI. — 5 



66 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

he pleased he might freely open the coffin of the 
Saint and might wrap him in new robes as he 
thought fit, and he could obtain from him what- 
ever he wished without delay ; and from long 
familiarity we are told he attained to such a degree 
of cordiality with him that it was his custom to 
cut the overgrowing hair of his venerable head, 
to adjust it by dividing and smoothing It with an 
ivory comb, and to cut the nails of his fingers, 
tastefully reducing them to roundness." The 
purpose of this might well be to secure some relics 
to dispose of, to such devotees as would pay 
handsomely for them. " He was in the habit of 
showing some of his friends portions of the cuttings 
of the hair, and by way of experiment, after he had 
filled a censer with burning coals, he would, by aid 
of silver tongs {cumforcipe), which he had fashioned 
for the express purpose, expose a single hair to 
the flames in the sight of all. But the hair," adds 
the ingenuous narrative, " would immediately, after 
the fashion of gold, glisten in the midst of the fire 
and undergo neither injury nor diminution ; and 
after an hour, when removed by the tongs, would 
assume its former colour. Whence," says Reginald, 
*'it is believed those forceps, along with the large 
ivory comb, perforated in its centre, are found in 
the coffin of the blessed Bishop, still retaining their 
original beauty and freshness, and with the 
reverence of honour are placed upon a tablet by 
the side of his body." 

All this interesting story is introduced by 



I 



A STORY OF ALFRED WESTOUE 67 

Reginald to illustrate a quaint miracle which he has 
to tell. In this he says, that by the carelessness of 
the custodian Alfred, a hole in Cuthberht's coffin 
had been left open, whereupon a weasel, which the 
famous teller of stories diagnoses in a primitive 
way as fera quaedain subterranea quae non esse 
dinoscititr bestia pecudis sed reptile quoddam ter- 
renum aniviae viventis . . , de murium genere, and 
which was about to produce young, made its nest 
in a corner in a quiet place of the coffin in which to 
do so. She used to enter the hole which was near 
the Saint's feet without disturbing his remains or 
garments when going to and fro to procure food for 
its little ones. The Saint was very angry with the 
custodian for this neglect, and bade him expel the 
intruder. This was speedily accomplished.^ 

The silver forceps or tongs and the comb above- 
mentioned as having afterwards been found in his 
coffin, had nothing to do with Cuthberht's day 
therefore, but dated from post-Conquest times. 
The forceps disappeared at the Reformation, but 
the comb still remains in the Library at Durham. 

We will now return to the later translation of the 
Saint's body, of which we have two minute accounts, 
one from an anomymous writer, and the other from 
Reginald of Durham. 

The former tells us that the brethren opened 
the outermost receptacle one day as soon as it was 
dark, and prostrated themselves before the venerable 
chest amid tears and prayers, and then, aided by 

* Reginald of Durham, op. cit. ch. 26 ; Raine, op, cit. 58 and 59. 



62, GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

instruments of iron, they forced it open, when inside 
they found another chest covered on all sides with 
hides carefully fixed to it by iron nails and bands. 
At the command of the prior they broke open the 
iron bands and inside found a coffin of wood (which 
had been covered all over with a coarse cloth of 
a threefold texture) of the length of a man, and 
covered with a lid of the same description. The 
brethren were convinced that this was the actual 
coffin in which the Saint lay, and made up their 
minds not to disturb his remains any more, but 
were persuaded by one of their companions named 
Leofwin (''meaning in Anglian a dear friend," says 
our reporter), that it was their duty to open this 
second coffin also. They accordingly moved the 
venerable body from behind the altar into the 
middle of the choir, where there was more ample 
space for their investigation. They first took off 
the linen cloth which enveloped the coffin, and then 
tried to peer into the interior through a chink with 
a candle, but without success. They accordingly 
lifted the lid, and then found a third cover resting 
on transverse bars, and occupying the whole length 
and breadth of the coffin, so as to conceal its con- 
tents entirely. On its upper part, near the head, 
lay a book of the Gospels. They raised this lid by 
means of two iron rings fixed in it to lift it by, one 
at the head and the other at the feet. Reginald ^ 
describes this innermost coffin {theca) as a quad- 
rangular chest with a flat cover, like the lid of a box. 

* Op. cit, ch. 43. 




o 



'-J 



c/: 



•5 



ST. CUTHBERHrS COFFIN 69 

It was made entirely of black oak. He doubts, he 
says, whether "it had acquired this colour by age, 
from some device, or from nature." The whole 
of it, he adds, was externally carved with admirable 
enaravino- of minute and delicate work. The 
design was divided into small compartments, 
occupied by divers beasts, flowers, and images, 
which seemed to be inserted, engraved, or furrowed 
out in the wood. This excellent description is 
fully borne out by the remains of the coffin still 
extant. These designs, which are made with 
incised lines, seem, says Mr. Raine, to have been 
cut on the surface of the wood by a sharp pointed 
knife or chisel, and partly by some instrument such 
as the '"scrieve" of the woodman; this is con- 
firmed by the fact that a slight single line made with 
the point of a knife, but now scarcely discernible, 
runs between each engraving.^ 

Reginald also speaks of the coffins themselves 
as having an outer cover decorated with gold and 
precious stones, and fastened irremovably to them 
by long iron nails. 

Let us now turn from the coffins to their 
contents, which are particularly interesting as 
specimens of the artistic work and the burial rites 
at a time when we have very few evidences remain- 
ing. The anonymous writer says, that having 
raised the lid at the bidding of the prior, the 
brethren smelt an odour of the sweetest fragrancy. 
They found the body of the Saint lying on its 

1 Op. cit. 189. 



70 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

side in a perfect state, and from the flexibility of 
its joints representing a person asleep rather than 
one dead. It contained, besides, the head of ''the 
glorious king and martyr Oswald," and the bones 
of the confessor and priest Aidan and Bishops 
Eadberht, Eadfrid, and Ethelwold, those of the 
Venerable Bede (which were contained in a small 
linen sack), and, according to William of 
Malmesbury, ''the bones of King Ceolwulf, monk 
and saint." ^ These relics were not in the coffin 
originally, but had been placed there in later times, 
and after the Danish invasion, being such as had 
afterwards been rescued by Alfred above named. 

The anonymous writer says that the two monks 
who had been deputed to remove the venerable 
body from the coffin stood at the head and feet, 
and holding it by those parts it began to bend in 
the middle like a living man, and to sink forwards 
from its natural weight of solid flesh and bones. A 
third then ran up by special command and 
supported its middle in his arms. They then 
placed it reverently upon tapestry and other robes. 
Having removed the other relics from the coffin, 
they again replaced the Saint's body in it. It was 
midnight, and they sang a Te Deum and psalms of 
exultation, and in the morning reported all they 
had seen and done to the Bishop, who was 
credulous about some of the details. The following 

^ Raine, op cit. 79. In a Durham MS. mentioned by Raine it is 
said there were also bones of the hermits Baiter and Billfred and of 
Ebbe and Elfirge, and bones and hair of St. Ethelwold the priest who 
succeeded Cuthberht as hermit at Fame. 



CONDITION OF THE SAINTS BODY 71 

night they therefore again took out the coffin, and 
again put the body on some robes and tapestry on the 
pavement and proceeded to unwrap the outer cover- 
ing, which was a vesture of a costly kind. Next 
below this was a purple dalmatic, and then a linen 
robe, doubtless a chasuble. All these swathements 
retained their original freshness. The chasuble 
which the Saint had worn for eleven years in his 
grave was removed by the brethren on this occasion, 
and was afterwards preserved in the church. Having 
examined the body carefully, and "ascertained that 
it was a body in a state of incorruption," they, in 
addition to the robes it already wore, clothed it with 
the most costly pall they could find in the church, 
and over this they placed a covering of the purest 
linen. They then replaced it in the coffin. The 
other things which they had found with it they also 
replaced, namely, an ivory comb and a pair of 
forceps, still retaining their freshness, and, as became 
a priest, a silver altar, a linen cloth for covering 
the sacramental elements and a paten. There was 
also a chalice — small in size, but precious from 
its materials and workmanship. Its lower part 
represented a lion of the purest gold, which bore 
on its back an onyx stone made hollow by the most 
beautiful workmanship. It was attached to the 
lion so that it could easily be turned round by the 
hand, although it could not be separated from it. 
The only relic found in the coffin, which was 
replaced there, was the head of St. Oswald.^ 

^ Raine, op. cit. 81. 



7 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Let us now turn to Reginald, who gives some 
further details. He says that the pillow on which 
the body lay was made of costly silk, and had 
been previously placed under the body. So far as it 
was covered by it, it shone with all the brightness 
of a recent texture. But that part of it which had 
been occupied by the relics of the other saints was 
devoured by moths and reduced to dust and ashes. 
These latter relics were placed in certain wooden 
receptacles, and were preserved elsewhere in the 
church in a larger repository specially made for 
them. Instead of replacing the Saint on the floor 
of the coffin, they made a platform on four feet, 
which they placed inside it, and on it put the body, 
so that it lay not more than half down the coffin. 
In regard to the vestures in which he lay, Reginald 
says his body was everywhere immediately en- 
veloped with a very thinly woven sheet of linen, 
being the winding-sheet which the Abbess Verca 
gave him. Next to this was his priestly alb, 
with an amice on his neck and shoulders. His 
cheeks and face were covered with a cloth. 
Above all these was a purple face cloth, which 
concealed the mitre. He adds that no similar 
kind of cloth as this last was made in his time. 
Upon his forehead was a fillet of gold, not of 
woven work, " but it was externally covered with 
gold," and sparkling with precious stones all over. 
Above the alb was a stole, the extremities of which 
were visible near his feet, and a fanon, described 
by Archbishop Eyre as a silk cloth, hung behind 



ST. CUTHBERHTS BURIAL VESTMENTS 73 

the shoulders and tied round the neck, to which 
was attached a small hood which covered the 
back of the head and was worn under the mltre.^ 
These were his priestly vestments. Over them 
were his episcopal robes, consisting of a tunic and 
dalmatic of costly purple tinged with red and 
ornamented In the loom. 

Speaking of the dalmatic, he says '' it still retained 
the grace of its original freshness and beauty, and, 
as it were, crackled in the fingers of those who 
handled it on account of the solidity of the work and 
the stiffness of the thread. In it were interwoven 
figures as well of birds as of small animals, ex- 
tremely minute in their workmanship and sub- 
division. To add to its beauty, the robe was 
variegated with frequent dashes of citron colour, as 
it were in drops. The edge was surrounded by a 
border of a handsbreadth in width made of thread of 
gold-like embroidery. There was a similar border 
upon the extremity of each sleeve around the wrists 
of the glorious bishop, while round the neck was a 
broader one covering the greater part of both 
shoulders, as well as hanging in front." ''His 
hands," he says, "reclined upon his breast, and 
appeared to be extended out with fingers towards 
heaven." In regard to the chasuble which was 
moved from the body at this time, he says ''it was 
afterwards kept in an ivory casket at Durham, 
and many miracles were attributed to it. On 
the saint's feet were episcopal shoes or sandals, 

^ op. cit. 172 and 3 notes. 



74 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

which were perforated in front with numerous very 
small holes." ^ 

Next to the dalmatic, says Reginald, "his holy 
body " was clothed with other costly robes of silk, 
the nature of which was not clearly ascertained. 
Above these was a sheet nine cubits in length and 
three and a half in breadth, in which the whole 
mass of holy relics had been swathed. It had a 
fringe of linen thread of a finger's breadth on one 
of its edges ; on the sides and ends was woven a 
border of an inch wide, bearing upon it a very 
minute and projecting workmanship fabricated with 
the thread itself, and containing on its extremity 
figures of birds and beasts, so that between each 
pair of them was represented a branching tree 
dividing the figures. The tree appears to be put- 
ting forth leaves on both sides. Under this, on the 
adjacent compartment, the interwoven figures of 
animals again appeared. This sheet was removed 
from the body of the Saint at the time of the trans- 
lation, and was long afterwards preserved in the 
church, entire, on account of the gifts daily given 
to it by the faithful.^ 

Above the sheet was still another cloth of a 
thicker substance and of a threefold texture, which 
covered its whole surface and all the relics beneath 

^ Plummer says of such funereal sandals that, although a Christian 
significance may be given them, they are probably derived from "the 
hellshoon " with which it was the custom for the heathen to bind the 
feet of a corpse {Gisla Saga^ Orig. Isl.^ ii. 208, where we read "it 
is customary to bind hellshoon on men on which they may walk to 
Valhalla." Plummer, ii. pp. 270 and 271). 

"^ Raine, op. cit. 90 and 91. 



CONTENTS OF ST. CUTHBERHTS COFFIN 75 

it ; and above it was a third envelope saturated with 
wax, which had covered the inner coffin of the holy 
body externally to exclude the dust. 

These three sheets were taken away at the 
time, and instead of them there were put on the 
body others much more elegant and costly ; the 
first was of silk, thin and of most delicate texture. 
The second was costly, of incomparable purple 
cloth ; and the third, which was the outer and last 
of all, was of the finest linen.^ 

Reginald repeats the list of the otherobjects found 
in the coffin, as given by the anonymous author. 
He adds that the scissors, according to report, had 
been used to cut his hair. In regard to the comb, 
he says it was perforated so that three fingers might 
almost be inserted in the hole. It was of almost 
equal length and breadth, and had acquired a ruddy 
tint.^ I have been particular in giving details of 
these objects because of the rarity of such descrip- 
tions relating to so early a date, and of their 
intrinsic interest to the historian of art. 

At length all things were ready for the trans- 
lation, and there was a great flocking to Durham 
of men of all conditions. One of the abbots who 
came, complained of the secret character of the 
late proceedings, at which the integrity of the 
Saint's body was said to have been proved ; 
and even suggested that the story of the local 
monks, who had a special interest in it, was a 
fiction. The discussion grew very warm when 

^ Raine, op. cit. 91. ^ lb. ch. 42. 



7 6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Ranulf, Abbot of Seez, afterwards Archbishop of 
Canterbury, intervened and persuaded the monks 
to have the matter duly investigated. Thereupon 
the prior led the way, followed by the Abbot just 
named, Richard, Abbot of St. Albans, Stephen, 
Abbot of St. Mary at York, and Hugh, Abbot of 
St. German at Selby, all in their albs ; next came 
Alexander, brother of the King of Scotland (after- 
wards King), and William, chaplain to the Bishop 
of Durham, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. 
Then followed forty monks and seculars, and lastly 
came the brethren of the Church. After a prayer 
the body was brought into the choir, where the coffin 
was reopened. The prior then raised his hand and 
forbade, under tremendous penalty, any stranger but 
the Abbot of Seez touching the body or anything con- 
nected with it, and he told the rest of them to stand 
hard by and to look but not to touch. The abbot afore- 
said, with a brother of the Church, unfolded the vest- 
ments around the venerable head (which, as we have 
seen, was covered with a cloth that was glued to it), 
raised it a little with both his hands in the sight of 
all, and bending it backwards in different directions 
found it perfect in all the joints of its neck, and 
firmly attached to the rest of the body. He then 
touched the ear and drew it backwards and forwards 
in no gentle manner, and satisfied himself that the 
body consisted of solid nerves and bones and was 
clothed with the softness of flesh, and, we are told, 
took care to ascertain the perfect state of the feet and 
legs. He then pronounced it to be as sound and 



INSPECTION OF ST. CUTHBERHT'S REMAINS 77 

entire as when It was forsaken by its soul. It will 
be noted that the Abbot of Seez, a very prejudiced 
person, was, in fact, the only witness. All things 
being arranged as before, the body of the Saint was 
raised on to the shoulders of a number of bearers, 
who bore it along. It was preceded by the various 
caskets of relics of the other saints, the Bishop 
bringing up the rear, and was duly acclaimed by the 
crowd outside. When the procession had gone 
round the outside of the church it halted at the east 
end, where the Bishop preached a sermon, which 
Reginald says was appropriate to the occasion, but 
quite wore out the patience of many of the hearers 
by its prolixity. It was apparently interrupted by 
a sudden downfall of rain, whereupon the brethren 
hastily took up the coffin and carried it into the 
church, when the rain suddenly ceased. This 
incident was accepted as a proof that it was not 
pleasing to God that the sacred body should remain 
any longer in unholy ground.^ William of Malmes- 
bury, in reporting the event, tells us that the face-cloth 
clung so closely to the £ace of the Saint that the 
Abbot of Seez tried in vain to separate it from the 
parts to which it was attached. He goes on to say 
that, after the ceremony above described, all things 
were ready in the new church for the translation of 
the body, namely, a choir of monks, an altar, and a 
sepulchre. The only obstacle was the frame of timber 
upon which the newly built arch of the choir had 
been " turned," which it was intended to remove by 

^ Raine, op. cit. 83-85. 



7 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

degrees. " But, oh, most holy one " {i.e. Cuthberht), 
says Malmesbury, ''thou sufferedst not the longing 
desires of thy servants to be further delayed, but 
didst thyself at midnight lay it flat on the ground ! 
for who else could have done so mighty a deed ? " 
The Prior heard the noise and ran to the spot, car- 
ing little for the scaffold but sadly afraid for the 
altar and pavement, but both, as well as the wood- 
work, were saved from injury by the Saint.^ 

Let us now continue the story of the shrine. 
Among the various institutions of the Middle Ages 
a very singular one was the purchasing of "letters 
of fraternity," by gifts and otherwise, from other 
communities in order to secure their prayers. We 
are told that in 1175, Dufgal, son of Sumerled, 
Stephen his chaplain, and Adam of Stamford 
received **the fraternity," i.e. **the brotherhood" of 
the Church, at the feet of St. Cuthberht on the vigil 
of St. Bartholomew, and the said Dufgal offered 
two gold rings to the Saint, and promised that he 
would annually pay the convent a mark of silver, 
either in pence or in an equivalent.^ 

The treasuries of churches and shrines were 
too handy for needy kings in the Middle Ages 
to avoid plundering them when ready money was 
so scarce. Thus we read that when Henry iii. 
visited St. Cuthberht's shrine In 1255, and while 
he was at his devotions, a courtier whispered in his 

* Malmesbury, De Gest, Pont.^ lib. iii. ch. 135 ; Raine, op. cit. 

93, 94. 

2 MS. at Durham, B, iv. 24 ; Raine, 151, note. 



ST. CUTHBERIirS SHRINE 79 

ear that certain of his bishops had hidden much 
treasure in St. Cuthberht's tomb. *' The King 
made shorte, and opening the tomb found it to be 
even so ; whereupon he devised to borrow the same 
lest they should charge him with profanation of the 
holy reliques ; but Paris {i.e. Matthew Paris) com- 
plaineth that they were never half payd again." ^ 

Perhaps the most famous of the relics connected 
with the name of Cuthberht was his corporal, i.e. 
the napkin he used for covering the sacramental 
elements. His anonymous biographer and Regi- 
nald both tell us it was placed with the other objects 
in the coffin at the translation of 1104.^ There it 
remained till 1346, when, according to Sanderson, 
on the night before the battle of Durham {i.e. of 
Neville's Cross), the 17th October 1346, there 
appeared to John Fosser, then Prior of the Abbey 
of Durham, a vision commanding him to take ''the 
holy corporax cloth " wherewith St. Cuthberht 
covered the chalice when he used to say Mass, and 
to put the same holy relique upon a spear-point, and 
next morning to repair to a place on the west of 
the city of Durham called the Red Hills, and there 
to remain till the end of the battle. The reporter 
of this claims that " the English victory was due to 
the presence of the monk and of the holy relic he 
had with him." 

" Shordy after," he adds, "the Prior caused a 
very sumptuous banner to be made with pipes of 

* Lombard's Top. Dict.^ 86 ; Raine, St. Cuthberht^ 230. 
2 Raine, pp. 81 and 91. 



8o GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

silver, to be put on a staff five yards long, with a 
device to take off and put on the said pipes at 
pleasure, and to be kept in a chest in the feretory 
when they were taken down, which banner was 
shewn and carried about in the abbey on festival 
and principal days. On the height of the upper- 
most pipe was a pretty cross of silver, and a wand 
of silver, having a fine wrought knob of silver on 
either end, that went over the banner cloth to 
which it was fastened, which wand was the thick- 
ness of a man's finger, having at either end a fine 
silver bell. The wand was fastened by the middle 
to the banner staff under the cross. The banner 
cloth was a yard broad and five quarters deep, and 
the bottom of it was indented in five parts and 
frinored, and made fast all about it with red silk and 
gold. It was also made of red velvet on both sides, 
sumptuously embroidered and wrought with flowers 
of green silk and gold, and in the midst thereof was 
the said holy relic and corporax cloth enclosed, 
which corporax cloth was covered over with white 
velvet half a yard square in every way, having a 
cross of red velvet on both sides over that holy 
relique, most artificially compiled and framed, being 
finely fringed from the edge and skirts with fringe 
of red silk and gold and three fine little silver bells 
fastened to the skirts of the said banner-cloth like 
unto sacring bells, and being so sumptuously 
finished was dedicated to holy St. Cuthberht, to the 
intent that for the future it should be carried to any 
battle as occasion should serve. Whenever it was 



ST. CUTHBERHrS BANNER 8i 

carried In procession it was the clerk's office to 
attend it, with his surphce on, with a fine red 
painted staff having a fork or cleft at the upper end 
thereof, which cleft was lined with soft silk, having 
down under the silk to prevent bursting or bruising 
of the pipes of the banner, which were of silver, or 
taking down or raising up again by reason of its 
great weight. There were always four men to go 
along with it, besides the clerk and the man who 
carried it. There was also a strong girdle of white 
leather, that he who bore St. Cuthberht's banner 
did wear whenever it was carried abroad. The 
banner was made fast to it with two pieces of white 
leather, and at each end of the two pieces a socket 
of horn was fastened to put the end of the banner 
staff into." ^ 

The Bursars' Roll for Durham Cathedral under 
the years 1355-6 contains an interesting entry, 
showing that the banner accompanied King Edward 
the Third to recover Berwick from the Scots in his 
campaign of that year. It reads : ''The expenses 
of Sir William de Masham, ' the Terrarer,' towards 
Scotland with the banner of St. Cuthberht, in the 
suite of our Lord the King, with a pipe of wine 
and a tent bought for the same, ^15, i6s. 8d."^ 
Again : " To expences of William de Cheker at 
Newcastle with the banner of St. Cuthberht to 
be carried to our Lord the King."^ 

In 1 400-1, Henry iv. marched against Scotland, 
and we duly find an entry in the account books of 

1 (9/. df. 26, quoted by Raine, 106-108. ^3. 109. * Id. 

VOL. III.— 6 



82 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Durham : '' For a belt bought for carrying the 
banner, and for expenses incurred twice at New- 
castle, and towards the march with the banner of 
St. Cuthberht, by order of the Lord and King and 
the Prior, 8s. od."' 

Charges continue to appear for mending the 
banner and for carrying it, and in 1522 it was 
again in the field against Scotland to sustain the 
English at Flodden. Nor was this its last 
appearance. It was to lead a serried host once 
more. This was in the great rebellion of the 
Percies and Nevilles against Henry viii. in defence 
of the great northern abbeys in 1536, known as the 
Pilgrimage of Grace.^ 

Sanderson tells us the final doom of the banner. 
He says that '* after the dissolution of the abbey it 
fell into the hands of Dean Whittingham, whose 
wife, being a Frenchwoman (as was reported by 
credible eye-witnesses), did most despitefully burn 
the robe in the fire." 

Let us now return to the history of St. 
Cuthberht's shrine. In the year 1372, John, Lord 
Neville of Raby, spent ^200 in building a fine 
feretory of marble and alabaster on which to plant 
the shrine of St. Cuthberht. This work was 
executed in London and taken to Newcastle by sea 
at the cost of the donor, and thence removed to 
Durham at the expense of the Church. The work, 
together with the fine screen presented by the same 
nobleman, was finished in 1380, when the altar was 

^Raine, 137. ^ See Raine's Hexham^ Appendix CXXXVI. note i. 




The Remains of the Feretory and Tomu of 
St. Cuthrerht, 



[/'</. II [., facing p. 82. 



ST. CUTHBERHT'S FERETORY 83 

solemnly dedicated to the Virgin, St. Oswald the 
Martyr, and St. Cuthberht.^ A minute description 
of the feretory as it existed at the Dissolution is 
extant. *' It was 2^1 ^^^^ ^^^^Z ^^^ 23 broad, and 
was of most curious workmanship of fine and costly 
green marble, all lined and gilt with 'gold, having 
four seats in places convenient underneath for 
pilgrims or lame men * sitting ' on their knees, to 
lean and rest on in the time of their offerings and 
prayers. It was deemed one of the most sumptuous 
monuments in all England, so great were the 
offerings and jewels bestowed on it. At the end of 
the shrine, and adjoining it, was a little altar where 
mass was said only on the great and holy feast of 
St. Cuthberht's day in Lent, at which the Prior and 
the whole convent did keep open household in the 
Frater-house.^ They did dine together on that day, 

* Raine, op. cit. no. 

^ It will be profitable to set out the supplies prepared by the 
Cellarer of Durham for the week's festivities on the occasion of 
St. Cuthberht's great week, which is in notable contrast with the 
austerities of an earlier day. In an undated Cellarer's Roll at 
Durham we read : — 

" The week of the feast of St. Cuthberht and the Nativity of the 
Virgin, a horse-load of fish from Sunderland, 2od. ; 260 salt herrings, 
2/7; twenty cod fish {dogdraves), 1/7; six oxen and a half, 55/-; 
twenty-one sheep, 35/10 ; three kids, 7/2 ; twelve pork pigs, 5/4 ; 
seven dozen and three chickens, yj^j ; four dozen and a haljf pigeons, 
i8d. ; other fowl {volatil), 3/1 ; cows' feet, 6d. ; fish, 8/5 ; 780 eggs, 
5/1 ; five pounds of pepper, 6/8 ; half a pound of saffron, 7/6 ; six 
pounds of figs ; six pounds oi xdi\svs\s {racemi magni)^ I2d. ; a quarter 
of cloves {garioptoi) ; a quarter of mace {de maces\ i2d. ; four flagons 
of oil, 6/8 ; two pounds of currants {racemi de currans\ lod. ; two 
flagons of honey, 2/-; six pounds of almonds, i8d. ; one pound of 
ginger, I2d." 

In another document dated 1312-1315, and also referring to 
St. Cuthberht's feast, we find : — 



84 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

and no other, and at that feast and certain other 
festival days they were accustomed to draw up the 
cover of St. Cuthberht's shrine. Beino^ of wains- 
cot a cord was fastened to a loop of iron at each 
corner, which cords were all fastened together at 
the ends over the midst of the cover, and a strong 
rope was fastened to the loops and bindings of the 
cords, which ran up and down in a pulley under the 
vault over St. Cuthberht's feretory for the drawing 
up of its cover. To this rope were also fastened 
six fine round silver bells, which made such a 
goodly sound that it stirred all the people's hearts 
in the church. And the said cover was very finely 
and artificially gilded, and on each side of it were 
joined four living images curiously wrought, and 
on the east end was painted the picture of our 

" Milk, 3/4^ ; eight horse-load of fish, 28/- ; 4500 white herrings, 
26/10I ; playc {i.e. plaice), Sperlings, soles, 1 1/9 ; three salmon with six 
iruyts salm {i.e. salmon trout), 3/- ; an ox and three quarters, 12/- ; 327 
geese, 73s. i6d. ; 302 chickens, 40s. 3d. ; thirty-eight chickens, 3/5 ; 
i8(?) capons {altil)., 5/6 ; thirteen porkers, 5/- ; six dozen of plovers, 
4/2 ; eight dozen of curlews, 2/- ; forty ducks, 6/- ; three stone of lard, 
6/- ; 3000 eggs, 20/-." 

A much larger provision was made for the week's feasting about 
the same time, when Prior Burdon was installed, when the Bishop, the 
Priors of the Cells, and the Justices of the Palatinate were present : — 

"Forty loads of white fish, ;^8. i. i ; 11,400 herrings, £->,. 5. o ; 
191 salmon and thirty trouts {truytes\ £7. 12. 3 ; sixty-six porkers, 
;^i. 5. 8 ; 552 chickens and sixteen (?) capons {altil\ £2. 19. o ; 14,500 
eggs, £^. 3. 5 ; milk, 3/- ; milk and fresh-water fish, 4/8 ; vinegar 
{vino ac.\ and milk fodder {prebenda\ and milk, 3/9 ; congers, 7/- ; 
bacon and veal, 15/1 ; ib. 7/-; a stone of lard, I5d. ; dripping, 
{oxitus)^ mutton suet, 2/2 ; turbut and playc, 25/6 ; sixteen lampreys, 
18/-." 

In another similar entry we have mention, inter alia, of rice {rys), 
honey, almonds, pepper, and cinnamon (Raine, St. Cuthberht, pp. 158, 
159, notes). • 



ST. CUTHBERHT'S FERETORY 85 

Saviour sitting upon the rainbow to give judgment, 
very artificially and lively to behold ; and at the 
west end was the picture of our Lady with Christ on 
her knee ; and on the height of the said cover from 
end to end was a most fine 'bratishing' of carved 
work, cut throughout with dragons, fowls, and 
beasts, most artificially wrought, and the inside of 
the coverino- was all varnished and coloured with a 
most fine sanguine colour, and within the same on 
the north and south side were almeries of wainscot 
finely painted with little images for the reliques 
belonelnof to St. Cuthberht to lie in, and when the 
shrine was drawn, i.e. opened, these almeries were 
opened so that every one might see the reliques 
with the jewels and all the other reliques which were 
hung on irons all round the feretory, and which were 
accounted the most sumptuous and richest jewels 
in all this land, with the beautlfullest of the fine 
little images that stood in the French pierre (the 
altar screen within the feretory), which had been 
given by kings, queens, and other great estates. 

" Within the feretory were many fine little 
pictures of several saints of imagery work (i.e. 
carved work), all being of alabaster, set in the French 
pierre, all being curiously engraved and gilt, and the 
Neville's cross and bull's head (i.e. the arms of the 
family) set upon the height. 

" At the east end of the feretory were very fine 
candlesticks of iron, like unto sockets, which had 
lights set In them before day, that every monk 
might have the more light to see or read in their 



8 6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

books at the nine altars when they said Mass. 
Somewhere within the feretory was the box for 
holding the offerings of the faithful." ^ 

One duty of the keeper of the feretory when any 
man or woman was disposed to offer prayers or some 
gift at the shrine, was that "when they had said 
their prayers and offered anything, if it were gold, 
silver, or jewels, to instantly hang it on the shrine, 
and if it were some curious object, such as a 
unicorn's horn [i.e. a narwhal's tooth) or the tusk 
of an elephant or such like, to put it within the 
feretory north of the shrine."^ 

In 1383, Richard de Segbrok was appointed 
shrine-keeper, and drew up a list of the relics which 
were preserved in the feretory under his care. 
Among the entries we find : An image of St. 
Cuthberht, the gift of William the Bishop ; in a 
small enamelled coffer the cope of St. Cuthberht, 
in which he lay in the ground for eleven years ; 
a small coffer of ivory containing a robe of St. 
Cuthberht ornamented with tassels ; a particle of 
the cloth which St. Ebba gave to St. Cuthberht, in 
which he lay for four hundred and eighteen years 
and five months, and a part of the chasuble in 
which he lay for eleven years, in a corporax case 
(this no doubt once contained the corporal after- 
wards inserted in St. Cuthberht's banner, as above 
described) protected by glass {glaucd stepata) ; an 
ivory casket ornamented with gold and silver con- 

^ Sanderson, quoted by Raine, 111-113. 
^ lb. p. 114. 



RELICS KEPT IN CUTHBERHT'S FERETORY 87 

taining the gloves of St. Cuthberht (the casket 
was the gift of Dom. Richard de Birtley, monk of 
Durham) ; the book of St. Cuthberht with the copy 
of the EvangeHsts ; a cloth dipped in wax which had 
enveloped the body of St. Cuthberht in his grave, 
and one of his vestments ; two sandals in a case of 
black leather; *'in a green sheet was a winding- 
sheet of a double texture, which had enveloped 
the body of St. Cuthberht in his grave — Elfled ^ the 
Abbess had wrapped him up in it." All these were 
apparently at one time or another in the Saint's 
coffin, and were all, with the exception of the books, 
destroyed at the Reformation. 

In addition to the income secured by the church 
at Durham itself by the exhibition of the Saint and 
his relics there, a selection of them was used for 
the same purpose by monks who perambulated the 
country to make separate collections for various 
Church and charitable purposes. The practice was 
revived in 14 10. On one of these occasions 
William de Hexham took with him a cross of 
silver gilt with an image of the Virgin inside it, 
and a sandal which St. Cuthberht had worn during 
divine service.^ On another occasion, when the 
great tower of Durham had been injured by 
lightning, John Walkere, a monk, was sent round 
with indulgences, and took a fragment of the white 
cloth in which the Saint's body had been swathed 
four hundred years.^ 

* A mistake of Segbrok for Verca, ^ Raine, 139. 

^ lb. 149. 



8 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Bishop Pudsey was a great patron of these elee- 
mosynary missions. It is reported that in his time 
miracles were performed by the Saint's relics in 
Scotland, and notably at Dunfermline, where St. 
Margaret, a great devotee of the Saint, was buried, 
and where they reaped a large harvest. The Queen 
herself had bequeathed to th.e shrine a copy of the 
Gospels in silver covers, a robe of fair linen, and 
a cross decorated with pearls and precious stones.^ 

m 

The shrine of our Saint was endowed with a 
large number of other vestments and robes, of 
which a list exists.^ Among them, probably the 
most valued was the *' Parliament rpbe " of Rich- 
ard II. '* It was made of blue velvet, wrought with 
great lions of pure gold, *an exceedingly rich 
cope.'"^ A more curious possession consisted of 
two pairs of pillows, of which one is described as 
of Cuthberht downe^ [ie. of the down of the eyder 
duck). Another item consists of two poles for 
carrying the banner of St. Cuthberht in procession 
and in times of war, with a cover of hide containing 
the said banner.*^ 

^ Raine, 91, notes. According to Reginald of Durham, on this 
occasion St. Cuthberht's remains preceded those of the Queen, 
although she was so greatly reverenced all over Scotland {I'if. 
ch. 98). He, in fact, had precedence of all English saints in 
early times. The same writer tells us how on one occasion, 
to test the matter, three large candles were labelled with his 
name and those of his early rivals, St. Edmund of Bury and 
St. ^thelfleda, and the candle which burnt the fastest was St. 
Cuthberht's, this having been accepted as a test of their potency. 
On another occasion when his merits were put in competition with 
St. Thomas of Canterbury and St. Edmund, the matter was tested by 
tossing a coin. 

2 1^. 142. • 13. 135, note. * Id. 142. * 3. 143. 



TREASURES OF ST. CUTHBERHT'S SHRINE 89 

Among the later patrons of the shrine were 
the hapless King, Henry vi. and his vigorous queen. 
They visited it in September 1448, and we read that 
on the feast of St. Michael the Archangel the King 
attended in person the first vespers, the procession, 
the mass, and the second vespers, in the cathedral.^ 
In the succeeding wars the Lancastrian cause was 
handsomely supported by the Prior and Convent 
of Durham.^ 

The last reputed miracle performed by St. 
Cuthberht at his shrine took place in July 1502, 
while Margaret, the daughter of Henry vii., stayed 
at Durham on her way to be married to the Scottish 
King, when one of her suite who had been ill for 
many years was restored to good health.^ 

His "pyx," as it was customary to call the 
collecting-box at his shrine, which had received 
a long succession of alms, of which the accounts 
are fully preserved, was first reported to be empty 
in 15 13-14, surely a rather pathetic proof that 
times were changing. 

In his Remains Camden has a paragraph show- 
ing that the merits of the Saint were being there 
doubted even by the orthodox. The story is amusing. 
*' Not many years ago," he says, "a French Bishop 
returning out of Scotland and coming to the church 
of Durham and to the shrine of St. Cuthberht, 
kneeled down, and after his devotions offered a 
bauby {sic\ saying, ' Sancte Cuthberte, si sanctus sis, 
ora pro me ' (Saint Cuthberht, if thou beest a saint, 

' Raine, 159. 2 /^ 162-3. ^ lb, 165. 



90 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

pray for me), but afterwards being brought to the 
tomb of Bede, where he also said his orisons, he 
offered a French crown, with this alteration : 
^ Smicta Beda, quia sanctus es, or a pro Tne^ (Saint 
Bede, since thou art a saint, pray for me)."^ 

The shrine and the feretory were not the only 
notable monuments of the Saint at Durham. We 
are told that when he was placed in his new 
resting-place there was made in his honour a large 
and curious image representing him ** finely pictured 
with beautiful gilding and painting in the form he 
was wont to say Mass, with his mitre on his head, 
a crozier staff in his hand, and his vestments 
curiously engraved, which was placed upon the 
tombstone as soon as his body was enshrined, and 
round the same were set up wooden ' stanchels,' so 
close that a man could not put his hand between 
them and could only look through. It was covered 
with lead, not unlike a chapel." This precious and 
harmless monument was ruthlessly destroyed by 
Dean Whittingham, as were many other ancient 
treasures, " being unwilling," says the reporter, ** that 
any monument erected in memory of the holy St. 
Cuthberht, a person sent hither by the will of 
Almighty God to be the occasion of building this 
monastical church and house, or of others formerly 
famous in the Church, or benefactors to it, as the 
priors, his predecessors, had been, and from whom 
he and his successors derived the conveniences and 
comforts of life, should remain undefaced ! " ^ 
^ Raine, i68. '^ Sanderson, in Raine, 74, note. 



NOTABLE MONUMENTS OF ST. CUTHBERHT 9 1 

Dr. Bright says that a curious pictorical repre- 
sentation of the popular stories about St. Cuthberht 
may be found behind the northern stalls of Carlisle 
cathedral, with labels in English. One scene exhibits 
him as forbidding " layks {i.e. games) and plays, as 
St. Bede in his story says." In another we read : 
" Her saw he Aydan's sowl up-go, To hevyn blyss 
w' angels two." In a third we have : *' Her Bosile 
teld hym y^ he must de. And after y* he (bishop) 
suld be." In the death scene Cuthberht rests, with 
hands clasped, in the arms of an attendant (Herefrid), 
while another monk kneels in front of him. '' When 
bishop two yerys he had beyn, on Fame he died 
both holy and clene." ^ These labels offer us a very 
reliable specimen of the early dialect of Cumberland. 

It is not wonderful that the Saint who had 
brought so much profit to Durham should have been 
very specially recorded in other monuments. The 
middle one of the nine altars there was dedicated 
to St. Cuthberht and to St. Bede. Many of the 
windows in the great church were painted with 
stories from his life or with his miracles. These 
are almost entirely destroyed. On the other hand, 
we still have at York one of the finest specimens 
known of fifteenth-century glass, which, notwith- 
standing that it has suffered damage in several 
removals for the purpose of saving it from de- 
struction, and still more from repairs, remains a 
glorious monument of the skill and taste of the 
English glass painters. This is the famous 

^ Op» cit. 499. 



9 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Cuthberht window In York Minster, where it 
almost fills the south end of the eastern transept. 
It contains eighty-five panels devoted to the various 
incidents of the Saint's life, and has been described in 
detail in a masterly monograph by my learned friend 
Canon Fowler, F.S.A., in xh^ Journal of the York- 
shire Arch. Society, iv. 249-368. Describing the 
glass, he says : " Nothing can surpass the rich gemlike 
effect of, for instance, the little pot-metal sparkling 
ruby flowers set in the midst of the clumps of green 
or yellow leafage. Such details point to a period 
when art was naturalised, and the poetry of colour 
perceived intuitively."^ It is noticeable that the 
scenes of the earlier part of the Saint's life in the 
window are taken from the mythical Irish Saga. 
He was also represented as the companion of St. 
Oswald in a fine alabaster statue in the altar screen 
at Durham. Another image of him was in the screen 
between the nave and chancel. A great figure in 
stone, holding his crozier in one hand and St. 
Oswald's head in the other, now much mutilated 
and removed within the feretory, was in one of the 
external canopies of the central tower. 

The part taken by the brotherhood of Durham 
in the famous rebellion known as the Pilgrimage 
of Grace naturally brought upon it a very special 
vengeance from the authorities, and we read how the 
shrine of St. Cuthberht was then cruelly ''defaced." 

At the visitation held at Durham, Sanderson 
says that the Commissioners Lee, Henley, and 

1 Op. cit. p. 368. 



OTHER MONUMENTS OF ST. CUTHBERHT 93 

Blithman found many valuable and goodly jewels, 
especially one precious stone, which by the valua- 
tion of the visitors and their lapidaries was of 
sufficient value to redeem a prince. "After the 
spoil of his ornaments and jewels," he says, ''they 
approached near to his body, expecting nothing but 
dust and ashes, but perceiving the chest he lay in 
was strongly bound with iron, the goldsmith, with 
a smith's great forge-hammer, broke it open, when 
they found him whole, uncorrupt, with his face, 
hands, and his beard as of a fortnight's growth, and 
all the vestments about him as he was accustomed to 
say Mass, and his ' metwand ' of gold lying by him. 
When the goldsmith perceived that he had broken 
one of his legs in breaking open the chest, he was 
sore troubled at it and cried, whereupon Dr. Henley 
hearing it, called to him and bade him cast down 
the bones ; the other answered he could not get 
them apart, since the sinews and skin held them 
together, so that they would not separate. Then 
Dr. Henley examined him {i.e. the Saint) and 
found he was whole, and told them to take it down. 
Whereupon the visitors had him carried into the 
revestry till the King's pleasure concerning him 
was further known, and on the receipt thereof the 
prior and monks buried him in the ground under 
the place where his shrine had been, and which is 
still marked by a large blue stone, behind the altar. 
In the pavement near it are some grooves said to 
have been made by the knees of the pilgrims. It 
was therefore had in greater regard than the remains 



94 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

of St. Edmund, St. Thomas, and others, which were 
all burnt." 

Harpsfield, Archdeacon of Canterbury in Queen 
Mary's reign, describing the same occurrence, 
tells us how Cuthberht's wooden coffin, which 
was cased in white marble, was broken, and his 
body was by orders of Bishop Tunstall put in 
a grave at the very spot where the shrine had 
been. 

Mr. Raine, although very strongly prejudiced 
against the old order of things, speaks pathetically 
of the ruthless destruction of the priory (so closely 
connected with our Saint), and her children. *' She 
was bent down to the ground," he says, " like a 
second Niobe bereft of her offspring. Her daughter 
cells of Holy Island, Fame, Jarrow, Wearmouth, 
Finchale, Lythum, and Stamford, and her college 
in Oxford, had all been annihilated by the Act 
27th Henry viii., 1536. She had, like a full-grown 
oak upon the summit of a hill, seen the axe of 
innovation lay flat one green tree after another 
beneath her with an uninjured edge, and she. must 
daily and hourly have anticipated the" levelling of 
that same unblunted axe against her oWn dry root. 
She had endured five hundred years, and if eight 
stately trees (densissima silva) which grew under 
her protecting shade had been cut away, she, the 
mother, standing as she was, unimpaired and stretch- 
ing out her branches from side to side, must have 
known she was to fall at no distant period." ^ Her 

*0/. ciL 172, 173. 




"^:;:'|!|;iiiiillliliS3IKil!feffi^ 

Details of St. Cuthrerht's Coffin. 

[Vo/. 1 1 1., facing p. 94. 



DEFACEMENT OF CUTHBERHT'S MONUMENT 95 

fate, indeed, came four years later, with that unspar- 
ing hurricane by which : 

" Green leaves, with yellow mixed, were torn away, 
And goodly fruitage with the mother spray." 

It was not the shrine only which was largely 
destroyed, but the other memorials of the Saint 
also. 

Nor was it till about three centuries had passed 
away that the grave of the Saint was again disturbed. 
This was on 27th May 1827, when many of the 
more interesting remains were removed to the 
library at Durham, where they are now kept. 

When the cover of Frosterly marble, 8 feet 
10 inches by 4 feet 3 inches, which had been 
placed there in 1542, was then removed, it dis- 
closed a stone grave made of freestone. At the 
bottom of this was a large high coffin of oak in 
great decay, not shaped, as usual, with projecting 
shoulders, but in the form of a parallelogram. It 
had been made of oak planks one inch and three- 
quarters in thickness, and had been ornamented with 
a "mitred" moulding, with which exception its 
bottom, lid and sides were plain ; rods of iron, half 
an inch in diameter, had been inserted at proper 
distances in a perpendicular hole made down the 
middle of the plank. There were three such rods, 
which were meant to strengthen it, beside which 
were three large rings on each side, riveted to the 
coffin by four screw-nails to each. The lid was 
nearly entire, but from the dampness of the grave 



96 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

was shrunken like a scroll of shrivelled parchment. 
The mouldings were all loose. Otherwise, the rest 
of the coffin was in fragments. Inside it were the 
remains of another in a still more decayed condition, 
and here and there were still clinging to it fragments 
of the envelope, which Mr. Raine thinks was origin- 
ally made of skin. 

These fragments of the inner coffin and its 
ornaments are very interesting from the extreme 
rarity of any similar remains of that date, and a few 
lines may be devoted to them. The most perfect 
fragment, representing the upper part of the figure of 
St. John, doubtless formed one of a series of similar 
figures which were cut on the sides and ends of the 
coffin. The incised lines are about an eighth of an 
inch in width and depth, and have an angular section. 
The figures have mostly a nimbus, their right hand 
is generally elevated and laid upon the breast, with 
the first two fingers extended as if giving the bene- 
diction, and the left hand, covered by a part of the 
robe, supports a book, probably intended to re- 
present the New Testament. The figure has the 
inscription iohannis (sic) by its side ; on the other 
side, stretching over the edge of the wood, 
are the letters Kus, probably the last letters 
of Markus — St. Mark — of whose fiofure no trace 
remains. There is also the lower part of a figure 
of St. Luke, with the inscription lucas, and im- 
mediately beneath it a bull with a nimbus round 
its head. There are others of St. Thomas (with 
his name), St. Peter (holding the keys in his right 
• 




Details of St. Cuthberht's Coffii 



[k'o/. II I., fachig p. 96. 



CARVINGS ON CUTHBERHT'S INNER COFEIN 97 

hand), St. Andrew, St. Matthew, St. Michael, 
St. Paul (a bearded figure with the letters pa), a 
fragment of a figure inscribed kar, a fragment of 
another figure representing the Saviour, as appears 
from a broken inscription in Runic letters repre- 
senting a contraction of lesus Sanclus. 

The figures on the lid and bottom are of larger 
size ; only small fragments remain of them. '* I 
have before me," says Mr. Raine, "tracings of the 
heads of these four figures, some of them with 
wings, the face of the largest of which is five inches 
long ; another, of almost the same size, holds a 
sceptre, and a mutilated inscription beginning with 
scs inclines one to believe it a representation of St. 
Oswald ; and a third, inscribed iac, designates pro- 
bably St. James. Of the fourth, only the face remains. 
Large fragments with representations of drapery exist 
which evidently belonged to the heads just named. 

On a piece of the lower end of the lid is a short- 
winged figure, the '' label " to which is worn away. 
There are other curious fragments, such as a well- 
carved figure of the Virgin and Child, the two fore feet' 
of a lion, the head and neck of an eagle in a nimbus, 
and on a small fragment of wood the letters pus, evi- 
dently the latter part of episcopus, probably attached 
to a figure of St. Cuthberht which has been lost. 

Mr. Raine calls attention to the resemblance of the 
letters in the inscriptions just named to the more 
simple of the capitals in St. Cuthberht's Gospels,^ 
as also to the capitals of another MS. of the 

^ Vide infra. 
VOL. III. — 7 



9 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

same date at Durham/ on which Johannis is so 
used as the nominative case of the Evangelist's 
name, instead of Johannes.^ 

Some interesting relics of the Saint were found 
in his coffin when it was opened. Most of these are 
now in the library of Durham Cathedral. For the 
most part, if not altogether, the vestments, however, 
belong to a later time. The original ones were 
no doubt too humble and homely to suit the position 
after the shrine became very rich. Among the sub- 
stituted pieces which still remain at Durham are 
some notable specimens of the needlework and 
embroidery of a later date, namely, the stole and 
maniple embroidered in the tenth century for 
Bishop Frithestan of Winchester, by Queen ^^Iffled 
(sic), as is proved by the embroidered inscription 
on them.^ There is also a robe of Saracenic or 
Persian origin with fine designs in Eastern taste, 
probably of still later times. Other remains, how- 
ever, can claim a closer personal tie with the 
Saint himself. His episcopal ring, a plain one 
ornamented with a sapphire, was saved at the de- 
struction of the priory. It afterwards fell into the 
hands of Thomas Watson, Dean of Durham, a 
devoted Roman Catholic, who was made Bishop of 
Lincoln in 1557. He presented it to Sir Thomas 
Hare, by whom it was given to Anthony Brown, Lord 

^ A, ii. 7. See Raine, St. Cuthberht, 192. ' lb. 

■ See Raine, St. Cuthberht^ 205. A minute and excellent account 
of these embroideries has been published by Professor Baldwin Brown, 
and Mrs. A. H. Christie in the Burlington Magazine^ vol. xxiii. pp. 6 
and 67. 





o 

a; 

u 

Q 

w 






a 

Pi 

w 

PQ 
H 

u 



RELICS IN ST. CUTHBERHT'S COFFIN 99 

Montacute. He gave it to Doctor Richard Smith, 
Roman Catholic Bishop of Chalcedon, who states 
these facts in his Flores Historiarwn, p. 1 20. Accord- 
ing to Alban Butler, he gave it to the Monastery 
of English Canonesses at Paris, who also preserved 
a tooth of the Saint.^ In 1855 it was transferred 
to St. Cuthberht's College at Ushaw. There is a 
figure of it in the ArchcBologia yEliana, vi. 66-68. 

Cuthberht's pectoral cross was also found in his 
coffin in 1826, and is preserved at Durham. It is 
of the shape known as a cross pattde. It was found 
among the remains of the robes, and was attached 
by a silken thread covered with gold. A cross, says 
Bishop Browne, with arms of the same type in the 
main motive, is figured in one of the magnificent 
pages of the Lindisfarne Gospels. The cross is of 
gold, with a large garnet in the centre, another in 
each angle, and twelve upon each of the branches. 
The loop by which it was suspended is of bright 
yellow gold. One of the arms had been broken 
long before and had been repaired with rivets. 
Some of the thread by which it was suspended was 
observed on the neck of the skeleton. 

'*I consider," says Raine, "the cross as a personal 
relic of the Saint, and it was adopted by the monks 
of Durham after 1083, or perhaps earlier, as is 
shown by the symbol on their seal of the priory, 
which is inscribed : The seal of Cudberht the holy 
Bishop." The matrix is still extant at Durham, 
and I have given a picture of it. 

^ Raine, St. Cuthberht^ 174-176. 



loo GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Another personal relic of the Saint, which is also 
preserved in a ruined and fragmentary state at 
Durham, is Cuthberht's portable altar. Bishop 
Browne has described and given a figure of it. He 
says it is 6 inches by 5|- inches square, and consists of 
a piece of oak one-third of an inch thick, covered 
all over with a silver plate. A considerable part of 
the silver has been lost on both sides. In all 
probability the tablet of wood had been used by 
itself before St. Cuthberht's time for the purpose of 
a portable altar, for it bears the inscription : 

INHONOR . . . SPETRV 

The letters are of a very early type, correspond- 
ing to those in the Lindisfarne Gospels. The N 
has its left member much longer than the other ; 
the O is diamond shaped, and the S is like a Z 
turned round. The Petru must be the Greek 
genitive of Petros. 

On the other side there is an inscription on the 
silver face in raised repousse letters, beaten out 
from behind. It reads : 

P . . . O S . . . S 

that is, Petros Apostolos, or Paulos Apostolos. The 
inscription on the wood makes it practically certain 
it was Petros. 

In the centre of what may be called the obverse 
side is an ornament in a circle. It consists of an 
equal-armed cross with a circular centre, and semi- 



ST. CUTHBERHT'S PORTABLE ALTAR loi 

circular or horseshoe extremities to the arms. In 
the four angles formed by the arms are pretty 
patterns of Anglian interlacements of a continuous 
line. 

Round the circle is an inscription which has 
been found difficult to read. It is part of a Greek 
phrase written in Latin letters. In this all agree. 
Mr. Raine, following that on Acca's altar/ has 
read it, '^O HAGIA ET ERASTE " (O holy 
and beloved), and suggested the additional word 
Trinity or Wisdom or Mary. Bishop Browne 
objects that there is no question that the middle 
word is EC, the Greek preposition for "of" or 
"out of" or "from." He further thinks that Mr. 
Raine s G or S cannot be maintained. The curved 
lines like an S are only marks of division between 
words.^ The mixed inscriptions and other features 
of the monument seem in any case to compel the 
conclusion that the maker of the altar was a Greek. 

As we shall see, a similar altar was found on 
the breast of Bishop Acca when his tomb was 
opened about the year looo.^ 

According to Bede, Cuthberht wrote a set of 
expositions entitled Ordinationes suae ecclesiae, and 
beginning Prima regula est de Do7nino. He also 
wrote Praecepta vitae regularis,^ This shows that 
in his time the Benedictine Rule had not yet 
become dominant in England as it became in later 

* Vide infra. 

* Bishop Browne, Theodore and Wilfrith^ 278. 
^ See Raine, op, cit. 199-201. 

* Bale, Scriptores Brit.^ i. 84 ; Diet, of Chr. Biog., i. 728. 



102 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

times. In fact, it is probable that its use in England 
was at this time limited to St. Wilfrid's monasteries. 

In his dying speech the Saint seems to allude 
to one of his tracts in his reference to a body of 
rules and regulations drawn up for the Church over 
which he presided. The book of the Gospels which 
he habitually used was expressly written for him by 
Eadfrid, who presently became the eighth Bishop 
of Lindisfarne, and it is known as the Lindisfarne 
Gospels. An account will be given of it later on 
under Eadfrid. It remained at Lindisfarne till the 
monks were driven out by the Danes, and then 
became the companion of the Saint's travels, and, as 
we have seen, fell into the sea in the Solway Firth and 
was afterwards recovered. It still bears evidence 
of its bath. Presently it was returned to Lindisfarne, 
where a colony of monks from Durham had settled 
in 1095 ^^^ had built the church of which so many 
interesting ruins exist. There it remained till the 
Dissolution, and subsequently fell into the hands 
of Sir Robert Cotton, apparently after it had been 
stripped of its rich covering. With his library it 
passed to the British Museum, and is now numbered 
*' Nero D, iv." It lost its binding at the Reforma- 
tion/ 

A copy of St. John's Gospel which was put 
on the lid of the inner coffin of St. Cuthberht, and 
was found there when it was opened in 1104, was 
not replaced, but remained in the church till the 
Reformation, when it fell into private hands and 

* See Raine, 34, note. 



ST. CUTHBERHT'S GOSPELS 103 

became the property of one of the Earls of 
Lichfield, one of whom gave it to the Rev. T. 
Phillips, author of the Life of Cardinal Pole, who 
presented it to the College of Jesuits at Liege in 
the year 1769. When the college was suppressed 
some of its members brought it to England.-^ It is 
now at St. John's College at Stonyhurst. It is a 
very interesting volume, and there is good reason 
to believe it is the very book from which Cuthberht 
read to his master Bosil when the latter was dying. 
The MS. is of small size, only 5^ by ^\ inches, 
and there are nineteen lines of text on each page. 
It was described by the Rev. John Milner in the 
sixteenth volume of the Archcsologia. It bears the 
following inscription on the leaf opposite to the 
beginning of the Gospel : ** Evangelium Johannis 
quod inventum flier at ad caput Beati Patris nostri 
Cuikberhti, in sepulchro jacens anno translationis 
ipsiusy This gloss is in a very ancient hand- 
writing. The characters of the writing of the book 
itself, says Westwood, bear intrinsic evidence of an 
antiquity as high as the age of St. Cuthberht, and 
it is written without chapters, verses, diphthongs, 
or points of any kind. The letters are all uncials 
or capitals, and for the most part Roman, but having 
the ** N " often of the Anglo-Saxon form, with the 
oblique stroke arising very low upon the first 
perpendicular stroke. 

Dr. Milner points out a number of variants in 
the text, which go to show that the version it 

^ Raine, p. 78, note. 



104 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

followed was not that of the New Vulgate of 
Jerome, but of the Old Vulgate which preceded 
Jerome's alterations. It is noteworthy that it con- 
tains the story of the woman taken in adultery. 
The first word " In " in the book is alone written in 
red letters, and the passage " Fuit homo missus a 
Do" commences with a capital " F " rather smaller 
than the initial ** I." The name Johannes is spelt 
correctly.^ 

Reginald of Durham tells a quaint story of this 
book. He says that in the time of Hugh, Bishop 
of Durham, William, Archbishop of York, visited 
the shrine of St. Cuthberht, and was shown the more 
precious treasures of the church ; among others, was 
the most precious of all, the book of St. Cuthberht 
which the sacrist Benedict, who was dressed in 
his alb, carried suspended around his neck. The 
archbishop took it, opened and read it, and 
then hung it round the necks of his domestics 
and friends in turn. The sacrist had never seen 
the precious book opened before. It was kept in 
three bags, one enclosed within another, made of 
red leather.^ 

Another companion of Cuthberht's wanderings 
was the polished stone cross which Bishop ^thel- 
wald, his friend, had designed.^ It was probably 
made in the fashion of the other crosses of the time, 
and ornamented with interlaced work. On it 

^ Westwood, op. cit.^ " The Gospels of Saints Augustine and 
Cuthberht," 5 and 6. 

* Reginald of Durham, Libellus^ ch. xci. 

* Sym. Dun., Hist. EccL Dun.y i. ch. xii. 




Shak'J' of the Cross which Bishop Browne identifies 

AS THAT OF BiSHOI' /KtHELWOLD. 



[ / 'ol. [II. , facing p. 104. 



^THELWALD^S CROSS T05 

i^thelwald put his own name, but it had apparently 
been made in honour of St. Cuthberht. It was at 
Lindisfarne until the Danes came. They broke off 
its head, which was afterwards fastened to the body 
again with lead. In Symeon of Durham's day it 
was standing erect (starts sublimis) in the cemetery 
at Durham. We are told it accompanied Cuthberht's 
remains in their perambulations.^ How an object 
of such weight could have been thus moved about 
is not easy to understand ! Bishop Browne has 
suggested that this monument still exists in part 
in a beautiful shaft of a cross which was some years 
ago taken out of the wall of St. Oswald's Church at 
Durham. I have his permission to reproduce this 
shaft, of which he says there is no reason of date or 
style why it should not be as tradition makes it, 
the shaft of ^thelwald's cross.^ 

^ Hist. Eccl. Du7i.^ i. ch. xii. Leland says it was still there in his 
day {Co 11.^ i. 370). 

^ See Browne, Theodore and Wilfrith.^ 209, 293. 



CHAPTER XII 

ST. CUTHBERHTS CONTEMPORARIES, 
FRIENDS, AND PUPILS 

However exemplary a saint Cuthberht was, he 
was a very unsatisfactory, not to say ridiculous, 
bishop, and we cannot realise how his diocese was 
managed at all while he hid away in his anchorite's 
cell and refused to see any one save through a peep- 
hole. On his death St. Wilfrid took charge of the 
see for twelve months until a fitting occupant could 
be found for it. As we have seen, Wilfrid's stricter 
discipline and more rigid adherence to Roman ways 
caused much heart-burning among the monks there. 
A suitable successor was presently found in a certain 
Eadberht,^ who was doubtless a monk of the 
monastery. Bede describes him as a man renowned 
for his knowledge of the Scriptures and for his 
observance of the divine precepts and almsgiving. 
He every year gave a tithe not only of his four- 
footed beasts, but even, says Bede, of all corn and 
fruits, and also gave clothes to the poor.^ He 
tells us further that he took off the thatch from the 
oaken church built by St. Aidan at Lindisfarne, 

1 Bede, H.E., iv. 27 [29]. * 2 /^^ 

106 



BISHOP EADBERIIT 107 

and covered not only the roof but also the walls 
with lead.^ As we have seen, he consented to the 
translation of St. Cuthberht's body, which he ordered 
the monks to carry out on the anniversary of his 
deposition, 20th March 698.^ 

Bede tells us that Eadberht used in Lent and 
during the forty days before Christmas to retire to 
a place encompassed by the ocean {i.e. some island 
other than Fame), where he indulged in various 
austerities. He was absent on one of these retreats 
when the translation of Bede's remains took place, 
and when the monks took him a portion of the 
Saint's garments he kissed them as if they had 
still been on the latter's body. He then bade 
them deposit the remains in the new coffin they 
had prepared and in its new garments. ** I am 
very certain," he added, "that its old resting-place 
will not long remain empty, having been sanctified 
by so many miracles of heavenly grace." He 
added that the man would indeed be happy to 
whom the Lord should grant the privilege of lying 
in the same spot. He fell ill and died on the 6th 
of May 698, after having been bishop for ten years, 
and they buried him in the grave where Cuthberht 
had once been, and placed the latter's new coffin 
with that Saint's body in it on a stand over the old 
grave. " The miracles of healing sometimes wrought 
in that place testified," we are told, **to the merits 
of both." ^ 

Alcuin, in his poem, "de Clade Lindisf. 

I Bede, H.E., iii. 25. ^ /^^ jy^ 28 [30]. ^ y^. 



1 08 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Monast.," vv. 169 and 170, attributes a miracle to 
him not mentioned by Bede.^ 

"Composuit precibus Eadberht minitantia mortem 
Flabra, plus praesul vester et ipse pater." 

He has a place in the Calendar on May the 8th. 

His relics shared the fate of those of St. 
Cuthberht, and some of them were placed in his 
coffin and were found in it when it was opened in 
1827.^ A life of him in Anglo-Saxon which, ac- 
cording to Hardy, is entirely taken from Bede, is 
extant in two eleventh-century MSS.^ 

He was succeeded by Eadfrid, who became a 
priest at the age of thirty, spent the rest of his 
life in writing books, and was greatly devoted to St. 
Cuthberht. In regard to this, Symeon's words are : 
'' MultuTn fervens amove y The author of the an- 
onymous life of Cuthberht dedicated it to Eadfrid 
and to *'the family" at Lindisfarne, at whose instance 
he said he had written it. His fame rests very 
largely on his having been the scribe of the most 
interesting and beautiful of all early illuminated 
MSS., namely, the so-called Lindisfarne Gospels. 
This famous book was described in the inventories 
of the House at Durham as " Liber S. Cuthberti qui 
demersus est in mare,'' referring to the bath it had had 
in the sea.* At the Dissolution it passed into the 
hands of Robert Bowyer, Clerk of the Parliaments in 
the reign of James i., from whom it was acquired by 

* See also Plummer, ii. 271. 

^ Raine, Cuthberht^ 79 ; Diet, of Chr. Biog., ii. 3. 

^ Hardy, Catalogue, i. 365. * Ante, p. 102. 




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THE LINDISFARNE GOSPELS 109 

Sir Robert Cotton, and is now labelled '' Nero D, iv." 
among the Cottonian MSS. in the British Museum. 
The text of these Gospels with theirinvaluable North- 
umbrian criosses has been edited for the Surtees 
Society by Stevenson and Waring, while a more 
exact rendering was brought out by the Syndics of the 
Cambridge University Press and edited by Kemble 
and Hardwick, and since their deaths by Skeat. The 
glosses have been printed by Karl Bouterwek/ 

The origin and earlier history of the volume are 
told in a gloss it contains written in the tenth 
century, and in the Northumbrian dialect, by the 
scribe Aldred, who in it styles himself the son of 
Alfred and Tilwin, and who was not improbably, 
as Dr. O'Conor urged in his Catalogue of the 
Stozve MSS., the same Aldred who was Bishop of 
Chester-le-Street from 957 to 968.^ 

The paragraph in question is not quite clear in 
meaning, is written in the vernacular, and contains 
occasional Latin words. It was thus translated by 
Professor Skeat : ^ — 

" Eadfri^, Bishop of the Lindisfarne Church, at 
the first wrote this book in honour of God and Saint 
Cu^berht and all the saints in common that are in 
the island. And Ed'ilwald, Bishop of the people of 
the Lindisfarne Island, made it firm on the outside 
and covered it as well as he could, and Billfri^ the 

* Dig vier Evangelien in altnordhumbrischer Sprache, 800, 1857 ; 
Diet, of Chr. Biog., ii. 7. 

2 Op. cit. ii. 180. 

* The Gospel according to Saint John in Anglo-Saxon and 
Northumbrian Versions^ 1878, p. viii. 



1 1 o GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Anchorite {se oncre,) wrought in smith's work the 
ornaments that are on the outside and adorned 
it with gold and also with gems, and overlaid it 
with silver, a treasure without deceit [faconleas fek, 
i.e. with unalloyed metal), and Aldred, an unworthy 
and most miserable priest, with the help of God 
and Saint Cu^berht overglossed it [kit ofergloesade) 
in English (on englisc) and made himself at home 
{gihamadi) with the three parts — Matthew's part, 
for the honour of God and St. Cud^berht, Mark's 
part for the Bishop, and Luke's part for the brother- 
hood, — together with eight oras of silver for his 
own admission, — and Saint John's part for himself, 
together with four oras of silver [deposited] with 
God and Saint Cu^berht, to the end that he might 
gain admittance into heaven through God's mercy, 
and on earth happiness and peace, promotion and 
dignity, wisdom and prudence, through Saint 
Cu^berht's merits. 

** Eadfri^, CEa^iluald, Billfri^, and Aldred made 
and adorned this Gospel book in honour of God 
and Saint Cud^berht." 

There is no reason to doubt the tradition in the 
Abbey thus preserved by Aldred as to the origin 
of the book, which was their greatest treasure. 

Sir E. M. Thompson (who has discussed the 
authorship of the glosses, some of which are 
written in red ink and some in black, with certain 
variants in orthography) attributes them all to this 
same Aldred.^ The text, he says, was written by 

^ Cat. MSS. Brit. Mus.^ ii. Latin, i6 and 17. 



THE LINDISFARNE GOSPELS iii 

Bishop Eadfrld, who held the see from 698 to 721. 
It was doubtless written before he became Bishop, 
since It would seem to have been put together in 
honour of St. Cuthberht, who died in 687. 

The fame and importance of the MS. necessitate 
a somewhat detailed description of It, since it is by 
far the most important artistic monument associated 
with St. Cuthberht and his companions. Westwood, 
in describing it, says : "This noble MS., the glory 
of the Cottonian Library, and the most elaborately 
ornamented of all the Anglo-Saxon MSS., consists 
of 258 leaves of thick vellum, measuring 13I by 
9I inches, and containing the four Gospels written 
in double columns, according to Jerome's version, 
with an interlineary Anglo-Saxon gloss. The text 
of the Gospels is preceded by the Epistle of St. 
Jerome to Damasus, Jerome's own preface, the 
Epistle of Eusebius to Carpianus, the Euseblan 
Canon, the arguments of each Gospel, and the 
capittda of the Lessons to be read on different 
festivals. The Ammonlan sections and references 
to the canons are noted in the margin." 

Sir Edward Thompson points out that the 
arrangement of the chapters of all four Gospels 
corresponds with that in the well-known Codex 
Amiatinus, which I have discussed in an appendix, 
and I see no reason to doubt that the text was, 
in fact, taken from that most famous of Abbot 
Ceolfrld's MSS. 

In describing the writing, the same great 
authority says the text is written stichometrically 



1 1 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

in very beautifully formed half-uncial letters of a 
massive type, with occasional use of capitals, the 
words being generally separated. Each Gospel is 
divided into sections for Lessons, each one begin- 
ning with an ornamental initial letter and numbered 
in red. The subdivisions of Ammonian sections 
are marked by smaller initial letters, as well as by 
the marginal reference numbers. 

The titles of the Gospels and generally those 
of the prefaces, etc., are in red half-uncial letters 
like the text. Each Gospel also has with the title 
similar letters in gold the names of the symbols : 
p, IHS, XPS, "Mathaeus homo," " Marcus leo," 
"P Lucas vitulus," *' ^ Johannis (sic) aquila." The 
colophons and some of the titles are in large and 
fanciful slender capitals, red and black. The titles 
and colophons of the Eusebian tables are also in 
the same fanciful capitals.^ 

Westwood gives us more details. He says : 
" The text of the Gospels is continued throughout, 
without any illuminated capitals to the several 
divisions, the first letter of each verse rather larger 
than the text, and coloured with patches of red, 
green, etc. The letters of the Latin text are quite 
similar to, but smaller than, those of the Book of 
Kells, the Gospels of St. Chad, of Mac Regol, etc. ; 
the * d ' is either uncial or minuscule, the * f, p, q ' 
with short tails below the lines ; the ' r ' either 
capital or shaped like ' n ' ; the * s ' also either 
capital or like * f,' the top elevated above the line. 

^ Thompson, op. cit. 15. 



-f^l^XlcasUToilTT^- 



]U<^\prCT'Vair^Uv,r y^p'^--^ .Aocnuchnnrncn^^ 







Ornamental Inhiai. Letter of St. Luke's Gospel in the 

LlNDISFARNE .MS. 



[l^o/. 1 1 1., facing; fi. 112. 



THE LINDISFARNE GOSPELS 113 

The letters at the end of the Hnes are often 
singularly conjoined for want of space." ^ The 
whole or part of the first word in each of the various 
capitals in the volume is formed of ornamental 
letters. The first page of each Gospel (and in 
St. Matthew, also of the " Liber generationis ") and 
of the first preface of St. Jerome, is in large letters 
of most elaborate patterns, with borders, etc.^ 

On the subject of the illustrations I find 
myself differing from those who have written on 
the book. 

It seems to me quite plain that these ornamental 
letters and the illuminations generally were the 
handiwork of more than one artist, and consist of 
three quite different types of ornament. One of 
these classes, constituting the great portion of the 
book, is of unmistakably Irish work, and must, it 
seems to me, have been designed and painted by 
an Irish artist. They are precisely of the type and 
technique of the illuminations contained in well- 
known Irish MSS. Is it impossible that a famous 
Irish artist named Ultan, mentioned as a well- 
known illuminator ^ by ^thelwulf in his poem on 
the abbots, was the painter of these wonderful Irish 
pictures ? 

"The large initial letters are of gigantic 
dimensions and most elegantly ornamented with 
a combination of geometrical patterns, interlaced 
ribbons, spiral lines, and intertwined lacertine 

* Westwood, Pal. Bibl.^ 163. ^ Thompson, op. cit. 15. 

• Vide infra^ p. 133. 
VOL. III. — 8 



1 14 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

animals, birds and beasts with necks, legs, and 
bodies knitted and woven together, while the 
most perfect harmony and accuracy of detail are 
maintained. 

" The pigments are brilliant and generally light 
in tint, and are for the most part thickly laid on. 
This gives the patterns the appearance of enamel, 
an effect which Is generally enhanced by filling in 
the interstices with black. Gold is used in one or 
two places, but only as minute spots or to fill small 
triangles. 

'' Many of the fanciful letters and the initial 
letters of sections are filled with patches of colour, 
and are edged with or laid upon a background of 
red dots, which are often arranged in patterns."^ 

" The initial letter * N ' of the Epistle of St. 
Jerome has the first stroke elongated down the left 
margin of the page, and the connecting stroke is 
composed of two large spiral ornaments. The 
Initial of the ' Liber generationis ' is large and of 
the rounded form; the *i' formed Into a long 'j,' 
crossing the lower part of the '1,' and the *b' also 
large and of the rounded form (as in the Gospels of 
the Bibliotheque du Roi, published by Silvestre, etc.), 
and the initial letters of the two other Gospels, 
* I N I ' i^Initium) and * I N P ' [In Principio), are 
conjoined together as In most of the early Anglo- 
Saxon and Irish Codices, the first stroke being 
nearly 1 1 Inches long. 

" The wonderful precision and delicacy of touch 

^ Thompson, op. cit. 16. 



THE LINDISFARNE CxOSPELS 115 

exhibited in the ornamental patterns of which these 
three initials are composed have justly attracted the 
admiration of every writer on the subject. It is 
difficult to imaoine what were the instruments of 

o 

the caligrapher, so perfectly regular and free from 
error is the drawing, even in the most complicated 
parts of the patterns ; indeed, from the appearance 
of the reverse of the leaves, it seems evident that 
a very hard instrument has been used." Westwood 
suggests that it could only have been executed by 
means of cut tools or blocks. The other letters 
in these ornamental pages vary from half an inch 
to I J inch in height ; they are greatly diversified in 
form, scarcely any two being alike, many of them 
the result of the fancy of the caligrapher, ''others," 
says Westwood, '' obtained from other sources than 
the Roman alphabet. The pure Greek letters found 
in this and other contemporary MSS. are to be 
accounted for from the intercourse between the 
Irish, Anglo-Saxon, and Greek Christians. The 
capital ' M ' also, singularly formed, as it mostly is, 
of three perpendicular strokes united across the 
middle with one horizontal bar, or occasionally 
with two bars, is not to be found in any Roman 
inscription." 

'' The Eusebian Canons are inscribed within 
highly ornamented columns supporting rounded 
arches of beautiful execution, except the first 
words of the prefaces, arguments, and capitula 
of each of the Gospels, which are written in letters 
of larger size and ornamented like the title-pages." 



1 1 6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Let us now turn to another class of designs. 
These include, beside the Illuminated title-pages, 
the initial page of each of five divisions of the 
volume. They are completely covered with 
coloured tesselated patterns of the utmost intri- 
cacy, generally disposed so as to form a cruciform 
design in the centre of the page. This elaborately 
beautiful feature is entirely peculiar to the MSS. 
executed In Ireland or by the Irish scholars, and in 
its neatness, precision, and delicacy far surpasses 
the productions of contemporary artists on the 
Continent. The style and design point, however, 
to another hand than the author of the paintings 
last described. 

A third artist was probably a foreigner, or 
some Englishman who had learnt from a foreigner. 
His are the likenesses of the Evangelists, each 
accompanied by his respective symbol. They each 
occupy a page at the head of the several Gospels, 
and are executed in a style of art quite unlike that 
of the Irish or early Anglo-Saxon school, and bear- 
ing evident traces of Byzantine origin, not only in its 
composition but also in the Greek words inscribed 
(in Roman capitals) — "O Agios Matthaeus," instead 
of the Latin " Sanctus Matthaus," and which in 
the picture of St. Mark is written *' O Aglus (sic) 
Marcus," with a Latin termination. Waagen says 
of the designs : " They are, notwithstanding, very 
different from the contemporary Byzantine and 
Italian paintings, as well as from those of the 
monarchy of the Franks of the eighth and ninth 




IxiTiAi. Pack of One of the Five Divisions of the 

LiNDISFARNE MS. 



[ / 'cl. III. , facing p. 1 16. 



THE LINDISFARNE GOSrELS 117 

centuries, for in all these the character of ancient 
art, in which the four Evangelists were originally 
represented. Is very clearly retained in the design 
and treatment ; these paintings, on the contrary, 
have a very barbarous appearance, but are executed 
in their way with the greatest mechanical skill. 
Nothing remains of the Byzantine models but the 
attitudes, the fashion of the dress, and the form of 
the seats. Instead of the broad antique execution 
with the pencil, in water colours, in which the 
shadows, lights, and middle tints were given, all 
the outlines here are very delicately traced with the 
pen and only the local colours put on, so that the 
shadows are entirely wanting, with the exception 
of the sockets of the eyes and along the nose. The 
faces are quite Inanimate, like apiece of calligraphy ; 
the folds of the drapery are marked with a very 
different local colour from that of the drapery itself; 
thus, for instance, in the green mantle of St. 
Matthew they are vermilion. Besides this, there 
is no meaning except in the principal folds of the 
garments ; in the smaller ones the strokes are quite 
arbitrary and mechanical. Among the colours, 
which are often laid on very thick, only the red 
and blue are, properly speaking, opaque, but all of 
them are as brilliant as if the paintings had been 
finished only yesterday. Gold, on the contrary, is 
used in very small portions."^ 

It is most unlikely that these last pictures with 

^ Waagen's Art and Artists in England^ i. 137 ; West wood's 
Palceographia Sacra^ 162-164. 



1 1 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

their inspiration should have been painted by the 
Irish scribes, who almost certainly illuminated the 
rest of the volume. 

In reofard to the covers of the volume, there is 
some ambiguity. '' Aldred, as we have seen, says 
that Oi^ilwald, Bishop of the people of the Lindis- 
farne Island" {i.e, Eadfrid's successor), made it {i.e. 
the book) firm on the outside and covered it as well 
as he could, and Billfrid the anchorite wrought in 
smith's work the ornaments that are on the outside, 
and adorned it with gold and also with gems over- 
laid with silver, a treasure without deceit {i.e. made 
of unalloyed metal).^ Symeon of Durham says 
that Eadfrid's successor, " the venerable Ethel wold " 
{sic) ordered it to be ornamented with gold and 
decked with gems, and that the work was carried 
out by Billfrid the anchorite.^ Who was he ? 

Stubbs says that Billfrid is made a contemporary 
of St. Balthere.^ Some of the relics of Balthere and 
Billfrid were put in St. Cuthberht's coffin.* Billfrid 
is no doubt the " Bilfrith presbyter" mentioned 
among the anchorites in the Liber Vitae at Durham, 
which also mentions a '* Balthere presbyter." 
Symeon of Durham tells us he lived the life of an 
anchorite at Tiningham and died in 757.^ Balthere 
is probably the same as Baldred in Bishop Forbes' 
Kalendars of the Scottish Church, 273 and 274. 
He says that his church at Tiningham had the 

* Thompson, op. cit. p. 16. ^ Symeon of Durham, H.D.E., ii. 12. 

* Diet, of Chr. Biog., i- 3'^- '* Raine, Si. CiitJibei'ht, 79, note. 

* Op. cit. ii, ch. 2, 




A Similar Vack from thi-: Lindisfarne MS. 

[ l^'o/. III. , facing p. 1 1 8. 



BISHOP EADFRID 119 

right of sanctuary, and that at Prestoune Kirk (sic) 
some places near the church are still known as 
St. Baldred's well and Baldred's whill (a pool or 
eddy in the river). A rock which impeded the 
navigation is said to have moved to the shore at 
his bidding. It is still called the toitrsha or 
scapha of St. Baldred. His cave is also shown 
on the coast near Aldhame.^ " Both tradition and 
the existence of a ruin on the Bass Rock," adds 
Forbes, '' testify to the former habitation of an 
island saint, who, known as Baldred or Balthere, 
was honoured in Scotland on the 6th of March. 
The legend in the Aberdeen Breviary is to that 
effect."^ Alcuin has a long notice of him in his 
poem de Pontificis Ecclesiae Eboracensis^ in which 
he speaks of his living on the wild coast of 
Northumbria — 

" Inter monstra maris, scopulosas inter et undas, 
Ut possit portiim portans attingere tutum 
Est locus undoso circumdatus undique ponto, 
Rupibus horrendis, praerupto et margine septus" — 

battling with the hosts of fiends. He tells us how 
he rescued a soul from them, and was also wont to 
walk upon the sea like St. Peter.^ Symeon of Durham 
gives his date in the calendar as 756.* 

Let us now return to Eadfrid's career. Bede 
dedicated his prose Life of St. Cuthberht to him in 
the words: ''To the holy and most blessed father 

^ Forbes, op. cit. 273. ^ lb. 

^ Raine, Historians of the Church of York^ p. 388. 

^ Hist. Reg.y ch. 42. 



1 20 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Eadfrid, Bishop, and to all the Congregation of the 
Brethren who serve Christ in the Island of Lindis- 
farne : Baeda, your faithful fellow-servant, sendeth 
greeting. " I n acknowledgment of his having written 
this work at their bidding, the monks of Lindisfarne 
promised that he should be duly remembered in 
their prayers. He died in 721,^ and some of his 
relics were preserved in St. Cuthberht's coffin.^ 

Symeon of Durham tells us that he rebuilt the 
oratory at Fame where Cuthberht had lived his 
solitary life. Cuthberht had been succeeded as 
hermit there by Ethelwald. Bede calls him 
Oidilwald in his history, and ^dilwald in his 
biography of St. Cuthberht. He had lived some 
years at Ripon and presently received the priest- 
hood there, where Cuthberht was doubtless his 
companion. Bede reports a story about him which 
he had heard from Gudfrid, afterwards abbot of 
the monastery at Lindisfarne. '* On one occasion," 
he says, ''he had visited the island with two of 
the brethren to hear * the Reverend Father Oidil- 
wald.' On their return to the mainland they were 
overtaken by a storm, and there seemed no hope 
of escape. On looking behind them they saw 
the hermit on the island praying for them. The 
storm thereupon abated until they had reached the 
land and dragged the boat ashore, when it returned 
again." ^ In his Life of St. Cuthberht, Bede states 
that after many years of monastic life Oidilwald 

^ Florence of Worcester, M.H.B., 541. 

2 Raine's Cuthberht, 60, 79. ' H.E., v. i. 



BISHOP EADFRID 121 

had been found worthy "to ascend to the dignity 
of a hermit's profession." Cuthberht's oratory had 
gone to decay, and the planks of which It had been 
built had been riven asunder. His successor stopped 
up the chinks with straw or clay lest he should be 
hindered from his devotions by the fierceness of the 
weather, and he further nailed up a calfs hide in 
that corner where he and St. Cuthberht were often 
wont to pray.^ He remained on the island for 
twelve years and died there in 699, but was buried 
in the church at LIndlsfarne. His feast-day, accord- 
ing to Raine, was 23rd March, but his biography 
is entered in the Acta Sanctorum on 3rd March. ^ 
" Oldilwald presbyter" heads the list of hermits 
in the Liber Vitae. Some of his bones and hair 
were found In St. Cuthberht's coffin.^ 

He was succeeded as Hermit of Fame by 
Felglld above named. For him Bishop Eadfrld 
put the oratory into thorough repair from its 
foundations. Felglld made a relic of the calfs skin 
previously named, and cut it up into small pieces to 
give away to the unfortunates who were ill. He is 
said to have first tested it on himself, and having 
soaked a piece of It, he washed his face with the 
water, and thus cured a red tumour which had 
troubled him for a long time and had latterly by 
neglect become much worse. Bede claims to have 
heard this from a devout priest at Jarrow whom 
he knew, who had been allowed to feel the hermit's 

^ op. cit. chap. xlvi. * Diet, of Chr. Biog.., ii. 228-9. 

^ Raine, Cuthberht^ 79, note. 



I 2 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

face through his little window and thus to testify to 
the cure. He tells us Felgild was over seventy years 
of age when he himself wrote Cuthberht's life/ 

Eadfrid was succeeded as Bishop at Lindisfarne 
by Athelwald or ^^ilwald, who had been a servant 
{minister) of St. Cuthberht,^ and had became 
praepositus or prior of the Abbey of Melrose, 
which office he filled when the anonymous Life of 
Cuthberht was written. At the time Bede wrote 
his prose Life he had become abbot,^ and still filled 
that office when King Aldfrid visited the monastery 
to hear Dryhthelm's visions.* 

There is some difficulty about the date of his 
succession to the see; it is generally put in 724, 
but in that case it must have been vacant for 
three years after the death of Eadfrid, who died in 
721. Mr. Plummer seems to me to be right in 
making him succeed on the death of his predecessor 
in 721.^ As we have seen, he caused a beautiful 
stone cross to be erected in memory of St. Cuthberht 
with his own name upon it at Lindisfarne,^ and, as 
we have also seen, he also caused a cover of gold 
and jewels to be made for the Lindisfarne Gospels, 
which is no longer in existence ; it had been re- 
moved before the book came into Sir Robert 
Cotton's collection.''' 

Among Aldhelm's letters there is one addressed 
to him by a certain yEthelwald,^ who some have 

^ Bede, Vit. St. Cuth.^ xlvi. * Vit. Anon.^ par. 23. 

' The book is dedicated to Bishop Eadfrid. * Bede, H.E.^ v. 12. 

^ Op. cit. ii. 297. ' Vide ante^ iii. p. 104. 

' Sym. of Durh.^ i. chap. xii. ^ Vide ante^ ii. p. 458. 



DRYHTHELM THE ANCHORITE 123 

thought was our Bishop. His remains were carried 
about with those of St. Cuthberht, and were eventu- 
ally placed in his shrine.^ He was remembered 
among the saints, his day being 12th February.^ 
His episcopate, according to Symeon, lasted for 
sixteen years. If this be correct, his death must 
have occurred in 'j'^'j or 741, according as we fix 
his consecration in 721 or 724, on which critical 
matter, as we have seen, there is a difference between 
the authorities. Symeon of Durham puts it in 740, 
William of Malmesbury in 'J^i^, and Florence of 
Worcester in 739. It would appear that in Eadfrid's 
time the abbacy and bishopric of Lindisfarne had 
ceased to be held by the same person, for Bede tells 
us that '' Gudfrid, a venerable servant and priest of 
Christ," who presided over the brethren at Lindis- 
farne, where he was educated, told him a story 
about Fame which he repeats.^ 

We will now devote some paragraphs to 
Dryhthelm and his famous visions. 

Bede says of him* that he was the head of a 
family i^pater-familias), living in a district of the 
Northumbrians which is called Incunengingum 
(doubtless Cunningham, situated in the south of 
Scotland, where the Abbey of Melrose had posses- 
sions at a later time^), and that he and his house- 
hold led a religious life. Having fallen sick, he 
grew worse and worse and presently died at night- 

^ Raine's Cuthberht^ 79. ^ fj^E.^ ed. Smith, p. 197, note 30. 

» Bede, H.E., v. i. ^ lb. v. 12. 

* See Acta Sanctoru7n^ 2nd February, 604, 606, and 897 ; Did. of 
Chr. Biog.^ ii. 230. See Liber de Melrose^ i. 72-74. 



1 24 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

fall, but early in the morning he came to life again 
and suddenly sat up, on which those who had sat 
by him weeping, fled in terror, only his wife remain- 
ing, although in great fear. He bade her be 
comforted, for he had now risen again from the 
death which had held him, and had been permitted 
to live again among men, but his subsequent life 
was to be very different from his former one. He 
presently rose and repaired to the oratory of the 
little township where he lived (advillulae oratorium, 
which the Saxon translation reads ''to ^aere 
ciricean \aes tunes ") and continued to pray till day- 
light, when he proceeded to divide his possessions 
into three parts, one for his wife, a second for his 
children, and a third to be distributed among the 
poor. He then went to Melrose, the eldest daughter 
of Lindisfarne (and at that time probably under the 
same abbot), where he adopted the tonsure and re- 
paired to "a secret dwelling," and there lived to the 
end of his days in a state of great contrition. He 
reported to those who sought him what he had seen 
while out of the body. 

He was silently conducted, he said, by one with 
a shining countenance and a bright garment. As 
he judged, they went to the north coast until 
they came to a valley of great breadth and depth 
and of infinite length. On one side of this were 
dreadful flames, and on the other intolerable 
snow and hail, which were flying and drifting 
about. Both places were full of men's souls, 
which were tossed from one side to the other by 



DRYHTHELM^S VISION 125 

the violence of the storm, thus alternating between 
scorchincr heat and bitino- cold without intermission. 
Dryhthelm thought this must be hell, but was told 
it was not so. When they reached the farther end 
of the valley it began to grow dusk and to be filled 
with darkness, and it presently became so thick that 
he could see nothing save the shape and garments 
of him that led him. As they went on through the 
shades of night there suddenly appeared frequent 
globes of black flame, rising as it were out of a 
great pit and falling back again into the same. 
There he was left alone by his conductor, who 
vanished while the black balls of fire flew hither and 
thither, and he noticed that the tops of the flames 
were filled with human souls which, like sparks in 
smoke, were sometimes thrown up on high and 
presently dropped down again, while an insufferable 
stench pervaded the place. 

After standing there a Ions: time much disturbed, 
he heard behind him the voice of a most hideous 
lamentation and of loud laughing, as of a rude 
multitude insulting captured enemies, and as it 
came nearer to him he saw a crowd of evil spirits 
dragging the wailing and lamenting souls of five 
human beings into the midst of the darkness. 
While the devils laughed, their victims wept. One 
was shorn like a clerk, another was a layman, and 
a third a woman. The evil spirits dragged them 
down into the midst of that burning pit, and as 
they went deeper he could not distinguish between 
the lamentation of the men and the laughing of the 



1 26 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

devils — only a confused sound reached his ears. 
Presently some of the dark spirits from the flaming 
abyss rushed at him on all sides, and much distressed 
him with their glaring eyes and the stinking fire 
proceeding from their mouths and nostrils. They 
threatened to lay hold of him with burning tongs, 
which they held in their hands, yet they dared not 
touch him. 

Looking around for assistance in this blinding 
darkness where he was surrounded by enemies, 
there appeared behind him a star shining amidst the 
gloom, which came rapidly towards him, growing 
brighter by degrees, whereupon all the evil creatures 
with their pincers dispersed. The bright light 
proved to be his guide, who then proceeded to take 
him, as it were, to the south-east, and conducted 
him out of the darkness into an atmosphere of clear 
light. He then saw a huge wall before him of 
boundless length and height, in which there was no 
door or window or stair. But as soon as they 
reached the wall they were, as it were, lifted to the 
top of it. Within was a vast and delightful field, 
so full of fragrant flowers that its odour at once 
dispersed the dreadful stench that had pervaded 
the dark furnaces. . . . The light of the place 
was greater than that of day or of the sun at 
meridian height. In this field were innumerable 
assemblies dressed in white, and many companies 
seated and rejoicing. Dryhthelm thought this 
must be heaven, but his conductor said it was 
not so. 



DRYHTHELM'S VISION 127 

Having passed these mansions of blessed spirits 
he saw a much more beautiful light, and also heard 
most sweet voices of people singing, and a fragrance 
far exceeding that he had noted before. As he 
was hoping they might go in there, his guide 
stopped and then turned round and led him back 
again by the way they had come. 

His conductor then explained what it all meant. 
The valley with its two flanks of burning heat and 
freezing cold was the place where souls were tried 
and punished who had failed to confess and amend 
the crimes they had committed, and had post- 
poned repentance till the point of death, and thus 
departed from the body. Those who, even at 
death's door, confessed and repented, would all 
reach heaven at the Day of Judgment, but many 
would be relieved even before then by the prayers, 
alms, and fasting of the living, and more especially 
by the celebrating of Masses. The dark and stink- 
ing pit, on the contrary, was the mouth of hell itself, 
from which whosoever fell would never be delivered 
throughout eternity. Similarly, the flowery meadow 
he had seen was the place where those were put 
who had done good works in the world, but not 
sufficient to entitle them to heaven. Eventually, 
however, they would come thither, and at the Day 
of Judgment they would see Christ and enter into 
the joys of His kingdom; while those who were 
perfect in every deed, word, and thought would 
go Immediately to that place of effulgent light and 
sweet singing he had seen. 



128 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

**As for you," he said, "who are returning to 
live among men, you also, if you study to direct 
your speech and behaviour in righteousness, shall 
after death have a residence among these joyful 
troops of blessed souls. When I left you for awhile, 
it was to ascertain what was to be your fate." 

Dryhthelm tells us he was not at all anxious to 
leave that delightful place, but he dared not ask his 
guide any more questions, and on a sudden, he knew 
not how, he found himself again alive among men.^ 
In this translation I have almost entirely followed 
the Rev. J. Stevenson, which I could not improve 
upon. 

Such was the story which Dryhthelm told, and 
which he no doubt believed. Bede says he did 
not tell his story to everybody, but only to those 
who might profit from it. Such tales, as we have 
seen, were the ready products of the excessive 
asceticism of the anchorites, which produced a wild 
imagination and fantastic dreams. 

Near Dryhthelm's cell lived a monk named 
Haemgils, eminent for his good works. *' He is 
still living^ a solitary life," says Bede," in the island 
of Ireland, supporting his declining age with coarse 
bread and cold water." It was from him that the 
latter heard the story, as told by Dryhthelm himself. 
Haemgils is commemorated among the hermits in 
the Liber Vitae, 

Dryhthelm also reported his vision to the saintly 

* Bede, H.E.^ v. 12. 2 /^ jj^ ^^i. 



DRYHTHELM'S FAME 129 

scholar, King Aldfrld, and it was at his request that 
he entered the monastery of Melrose and adopted 
the tonsure. At that time ^cTilwald or Ethelwald, 
who afterwards became bishop of Lindisfarne, was 
abbot there. 

Dryhthelm was assigned a secluded place near 
the monastery where he might indulge in continual 
prayer. This was near the river, into which he 
used often to go down and completely submerge 
himself, remaining there as long as he could endure, 
and meanwhile saying prayers. He sometimes 
remained in the water up to his waist or his neck, 
and when he came out he did not take off his cold 
or frozen garments till they grew warm and dried 
on his body. When in the winter those who be- 
held the broken pieces of ice floating about, which 
he had made when he took ''his dip," would 
say, " It is wonderful, Brother Dryhthelm, that you 
are able to bear such violent cold." He merely 
answered, for he was a man of but simple and m- 
different wits, " I have been still colder." Thus, says 
Bede, he continued to subdue his aged body with 
daily fasting till he was called away.^ MSS. D and 
E of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle put Dryhthelm's 
vision in 693. The Annales Xantenses^ which 
contain some English entries, put it in 671 ; this, 
says Plummer, is too early. Roger of Wendover 
dates it in 699.^ It must have been some little time 
before the death of Aldfrid (705), as the latter used 

1 H.E.^ chap. xii. ^ Pertz, ii. 220. 

^ Plummer, Bede^ ii. 294. 
VOL. III. — 9 



1 30 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

to go very often {saepissime) to hear Dryhthelm at 
Melrose. 

^Ifric wrote an Anglo - Saxon homily on 
Dryhthelm.^ Alculn also wrote some lines in which 
he versified part of the story of his vision. Here 
is a sample of them : — 

" Tunc mihi post tergum fulsit quasi Stella per umbras, 
Quae magis accrescens properansque fugaverat hostes 
Dux erat ille meus veniens cum luce repente ; 
Cujus in adventu daemones alvi."^ 

His name is mentioned among those of the 
anchorites in the Liber Vitae of Durham. 

Plummer^ has an interesting note on this type 
of vision, in which the principal feature is the 
existence of a place of torment of freezing cold as 
well as one of scorching heat. Bede himself ac- 
cepted this view ; thus he writes : — 

" Ignibus aeternae nigris loca plena gehennae, 
Frigora mixta simul ferventibis algida flammis. 

Non sentitur ibi quidquam nisi frigora, flammae 
Foetor et ingenti complet putredine nares." ^ 

In another place Bede traces the notion to the 
passage in Luke, where he says, " there shall be 
weeping and gnashing of teeth," and glossed it 
thus: ''The weeping comes from the heat, and the 
gnashing of teeth from the cold, thus proving a 
double hell {^gehenna\ one of great heat and the 

* Ed. Thorpe, ii. 348. 

2 " Carmen de Pont.," Historians of the Church of York^ Rolls 
Series, vv. 953-955. 

•Bede, Opp.^ i. pp. 101-102. Plummer, ii. 296. 

* Bede, de Die Judicii^ Opera^ i. 101-102. 



THE ABBEY OF CRAIKE 131 

other of great cold."^ In one of Wulfstan's 
homilies^ we read: ** There sometimes eyes weep 
immoderately by reason of the heat of the furnace, 
sometimes teeth chatter from the cold." 

Plummer notes how Claudlo, in Measure for 
Measure, III. i, says: — 

" To bathe in fiery floods, or to reside 
In thrilling regions of thick-ribbed ice." 

We will now turn to a small corner of our sub- 
ject which receives no illumination from Bede, and 
was overlooked by him. Lindisfarne had several 
cells or subordinate houses in addition to Melrose : 
St. Balthere's or Baldred's at Tiningham, Cununga- 
ceastre or Chester-le-Street, Norham, Gainsford, 
and Craike (near York). Craike is described as 
a village on a commanding outlier of the Wolds, 
which towers above the country formerly occupied 
by the forest of Galtres. Mr. Thomas Arnold 
has given some good reasons for treating it 
as the abbey apostrophised by ^thelwulf in his 
interesting poem *'de Abbatibus," which was 
dedicated to Bishop Ecgberht (802-829). It is 
not quite certain, however. In that poem he tells 
us that when King Ecgfrid was killed by the Picts, 
his son Aldfrid succeeded him, and was in turn 
succeeded by his son Osred. His turbulent and 
dissipated life I have previously described. Among 
his evil deeds, he killed some of his great nobles and 

* Bede on Luke xiii. 28. 
2 Vide ed. Napier, 138. 



1 3 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

drove others into monasteries/ One of them, says 
yEthelwulf, was Eanmund,who abandoned the world 
and adopted a religious life, and with some other 
nobles entered a monastery. We are told in the 
anonymous History of St. Cuthberht that King 
Ecgfrid gave the latter the hill and three miles 
round it at Craike, that he might have a residence 
*' mansio " to stop at when he went to York or 
returned from it.^ There apparently Eanmund 
built a monastery for himself and his friends. 
This was during the episcopate of Bishop Eadfrid, 
{i.e. 698-721). The bishop gave him pious in- 
structions and assigned a teacher to the community. 
Eanmund now sent to St. Ecgberht, the famous 
missionary who, as we have seen, converted the 
Columban Church to orthodoxy, asking him to con- 
secrate an altar for his monks ; he refers to the 
altar as the sacred table of God [vtensa sacrata 
Dei). Ecgberht sent him a kindly message, and 
told him that he had seen in a vision a certain 
hill on which Eanmund was to build a chapel. 
The latter thereupon proceeded to build it and 
to cover it with lead — 

" Exterius tabulas perfundens tegmine plumbi " — 

and in it was duly placed the altar. The bishop 
now wrote him another letter, in which he con- 
trasts the days when robbers occupied the hill, with 
the better times in which they were then living, 
i^thelwulf in his poem describes the life of the 

^ Symeon of Durham^ ed. Arnold, i. p. 268. 
2 Op. cit. xxxvii. 



THE ARTIST-MONK ULTAN 133 

monks there as marked by fervour and zeal, and 
speaks of its parti-coloured statue of the Virgin, 
with its white vesture/ 

He also refers to one of Eanmund's pupils, a 
Scot, named Ultan, who was a priest and skilled 
in illuminatinor books.^ He was also a zealous 

o 

teacher and lived to be an old man. Mr. Gammach 
says he might be the Ultan or Ulton who had a 
chapel in Valay in the Scottish Hebrides, and 
whose arm, enclosed in a silver shrine, was served 
by a distinguished member of the clan of the 
O'Donnells in the island of Sanday, off the Mull 
of Cantyre. This seems to me very doubtful, as 
the name was a common one. I have suggested 
that he may have been one of the illuminators of 
the Lindisfarne Gospels. His death-day in the 
Calendar w^as August the 8th, but Colgan puts 
it on January the i7th.^ Miracles were performed 
at his grave, while a portion of his relics are said 
to have relieved a monk who was at death's door. 

The description of it in the poem is picturesque. 
We read that when his body had long been con- 
sumed in the bowels of the earth, it pleased the 
monks to raise their brother's ashes from the tomb, 

* "Talibus exornata bonis in vestibus albis 

Inclita, sed vario comptim, permixta colore, 
A dextris Virgo et Genitrix adstare videtur, 
Rectoris, caelos terras qui et numine portat" 
(^thelwulf s poem, Sym. of Durham^ ed. Arnold, i. 273). 

' " Comtis qui potuit notis ornare libellos 

Atque apicum speciem viritim sic reddit amoenam, 
Hac arte ut nuUus possit se aequare modernus 
Scriptor " {ib. p. 274). 

^ Diet, of Chr. Biog., iv. p. 1060. 



134 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

and place them with washen bones in the interior 
of a sepulchre built in the marble of the sacred 
temple. The consecrated bones of the pious father 
were brought forth, they were reft from the rich store 
of the earth's bowels. Hence, when the bones 
had been washed, and pure linen sheets were bear- 
ing his remains beneath the light of day, suddenly 
two birds approached and alighted upon the sheets. 
Their backs glistened, awe-inspiring, with varied 
tints ; chanting hymns with their beaks, they sweetly 
sing in harmony to the delight of all, while with 
their wings they veiled the skull of the Saint. So 
all day long they ceased not to tend the holy bones, 
and pour forth songs in beauteous strains, until the 
light of the sun had drawn up all moisture and had 
left the remains dry. (The translation of this 
paragraph in the original baffled me, and I owe 
it to the kindness of my cherished friend, Sir E. 
Kenyon.) 

We are next told of a certain priest, who was a 
great benefactor of the House, named Fridegils, and 
of a very pious brother named Cuicuin, probably 
a Celt who was a skilful smith and a very holy 
man, and who mingled the singing of psalms 
with his noisy occupation.^ 

* " Ferrea qui domitans potuit formare metalla, 
Diversisque modis sapiens incude subactum 
Malleus in ferrum peditat stridente camino. 

Hinc matutinis completis quam bene Psalmis 
Continuo insonuit percussis cudo metallis 
Malleus et vacuas volitans cum verberat auras. 
Jam coenam fratrum peditans caldarius ornat " 

(Arnold's Symeon of Durhain^ i. 276-7). 



THE MONK MERCHDOF 135 

When he died, a choir of angels came to escort 
him to heaven, and ^thuin/ a monk, commended 
his soul to God : — 

. . . "animam Domino commendat in astra." 

i^thelwulf then tells the quaint story of a certain 
Merchdof, who had become a monk after living in 
the world, and who, like Dryhthelm, when very ill, 
claimed that he had temporarily died and come to 
life again, and had seen in the other world his young 
sons who had died in infancy but " after baptism." 
They went to meet him and accompanied him 
before the Judge at the Judgment. He asked 
on his knees to be permitted to enter, when the 
Judge reproached him for his former infidelity to his 
wife, and bade him seek her and solicit her pardon. 
He accordingly did so, but she instantly ordered 
him away. She did this in strident terms. ^ Then 
when he humiliated himself to the extreme point 
of licking the ground with his tongue before her, 
she relented so far as to ask that he might be 

^ Mr. Arnold suggests that this may have been JE^3. (Etha) 
the anchorite, whose death at Craike in 767 is mentioned in the 
Historia Rggufn. The terminations of many Saxon names, he 
justly adds, were variable. Thus Ceola for Ceolric, and Saexa, 
Cutha, and Siga for Saexwulf, Cuthwine, and Sigwulf {op. cit. p. 277, 
note a). 

* " Cur tu stulte, fidem corruptus corpore, mente, 
Irrita vota gerens, copulam conjungere natis 
Ausus eras, thalamis maculans tua membra secundis, 
Foedera cum manibus Domini per nomina summi 
Ante diem mortis firmando gessit uterque, 
Post mortem alterius maneat quod criminis expers ? 
Obstruso tacuit non laeti pectoris ore" 

(Arnold's Sy?neon of Durham^ p. 279). 



136 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

sent to the flames of purgatory. At the entreaty 
of her children, however, she at length consented to 
his soul returning again to the body in order to do 
its penance on earth rather than in that danger- 
ous place. His spirit accordingly returned to his 
body again. 

"Pervenit ad corpus, cunctis mirantibus ilium 
Vivere post mortem ! . . ." 

He now turned over an entirely new leaf, led a 
most penitential life, and died a good death.^ The 
extraordinary part of all this is that the whole 
narrative was purely a subjective delusion, and that 
the sinner in telling the story should make such 
a public confession of his previously disguised 
peccadilloes to his very human wife. So much for 
some of the early inmates at Craike. 

Meanwhile, Eanmund, the founder of the 
monastery, died, and the brethren buried him inside 
the church. He is mentioned in the Liber Vitae 
among the abbots. 

Eorpwine was chosen as abbot in his place. 
The poet speaks of him in high terms as an 
excellent priest, a diligent scholar, a prudent and 
strenuous administrator, indulgent to others but 
severe on himself. His name also occurs thus among 
the abbots in the Liber Vitae — " Eorpuini pbr'' 

I do not propose to carry the history of these 

^ " Cumque suis medicans frater cataplasma salutis 
Vulneribus fecit, purgatus corpora linquit 
Atque suae comtus sponsae penetralia comtae 
Creditur ut laetus meruisset visere comta" 

(Arnold's Symeon of Durham^ p. 279). 



THE EXPULSION OF THE MONKS OF lONA 137 

abbots any further, their later story being out of 
the range of my present subject. 

Let us therefore turn elsewhere. We saw how 
Adamnan, the Abbot of lona, was expelled from 
that monastery by the monks, who could not 
tolerate his acceptance of the Roman tonsure and 
the Roman method of celebrating Easter, and how he 
went to Ireland and was there successful in causing 
the Church of the Northern Irish to conform 
to the orthodox practice, as that of the southern 
province had previously done.^ Bede does not 
mention the expulsion, but says he sailed to Ireland 
to preach to the people, etc. He presently returned 
to lona and earnestly inculcated the observance of the 
Catholic Easter, but in vain. He died shortly after, 
and before the next year came round; "for the 
Divine goodness so ordained it that he who was a 
great lover of peace and unity should be taken away 
to everlastinor life so that he mio^ht not be obliged 
on the return of Eastertide to have to face still more 
discord with those who would not conform."^ The 
feeling on the matter now became very strong, and 
created a schism in the community at Lindisfarne, and 
led to the appointment of rival abbots. For the first 
time since the foundation of the abbey by Columba, 
a monk of a strange family, and not a descendant of 
Conall Gulban, and the tribe of the Saint, became 
abbot, namely Conmael, son of Failbhe, of the tribe 
of Airgialla in Ireland, who presided over the new 
communion, and who died three years after and 

^ Ante^ ii. 310 and 311. ' Bede^v. 15. 



138 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

was succeeded by Ceode, bishop of lona, who died 
in 712, and he by Dorbeni, who died on the 28th 
October 713. All this went on while the other and 
more powerful section followed the old custom of 
the Church under Duncadh/ and was patronised by 
the Pictish King Nechtan. 

Presently, however, moved by the persuasion 
of Abbot Ceolfrid of Jarrow, who wrote him a 
long letter, Nechtan changed his view and sided 
with the Roman party. He then called upon 
the others to conform too. This was apparently 
obeyed by the various monasteries among Nechtan's 
people, except the larger part of the community itself 
at lona. The King then proceeded to expel them, 
and they fled beyond Drumalban (the great moun- 
tain barrier of central Scotland known as " the 
Mounth "), where the various communities among the 
Northern Picts also refused to conform. This con- 
version was in 710.^ Six years later St. Ecgberht 
came from Ireland (where he had been living a life 
of great asceticism)^ with the purpose and intention 
of healing the schism. According to Bede, he was 
welcomed even by the schismatics. He was an 
agreeable preacher and acted consistently with 
his preaching, and was willingly heard by all and 
presently won them over. "The monks of Hii," 
says Bede, " by the instruction of Ecgberht, adopted 

* Skene's Celtic Scotland^ \\. 175. ' Vide ante^ ii. 316. 

• Plummer says he is called " Ichtbricht Epscop" in an Irish 
document containing an account of a Synod at Birra (Parsonstown) 
in which the so-called " Cain Adamnam " (Law of Adomnain) was 
promulgated. It was held in 696 (see Plummer, Bede^ ii. 285). 



ST. ECGBERHT AT lOiNA 139 

the Catholic rites under Abbot Duncadh, about 
eighty years after they had sent Bishop Aidan to 
preach to the nation of the Angles."^ This was 
in 716. The conversion was not complete, how- 
ever, for Tighernach, who specially mentions Abbot 
Duncadh's adhesion, adds that " Faelchu Mac 
Dorbeni took the chair of Columba in his eighty- 
seventh year, on Saturday, August the 29th, 716." 
This old gentleman doubtless presided over the 
ultra-conservatives among the monks. Tighernach 
records the death of Abbot Duncadh in the following 
year. On his death Faelchu became sole abbot, and 
thus the schism still continued. Thereupon we read 
that in 717 King Nechtan drove the whole family 
of lona across Drumalban. This brought to an 
end the primacy of lona over the churches and 
monasteries of the Southern Picts.^ 

St. Ecgberht died at lona on Easter Day (April 
24th), 729, after performing the solemnity of 
the Mass, ''and thus he finished (or rather never 
ceased to celebrate), with our Lord, the Apostles, 
and the other citizens of heaven, the joy of that 
greatest festival which he had begun with the 
brethren whom he had converted to the grace of 
unity." ^ 

Leaving the diocese of Lindisfarne and the 
neighbouring districts of Scotland, let us now turn 
to Hexham. On the death of St. Wilfrid in 709 he 
was succeeded as bishop there by his confidential 

* Bede^ V. 9, 22. * Skene's Celtic Scotland^ ii. 175-178. 

' Bede^ v. 22. 



1 40 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

friend Acca, who had already been its abbot by his 
own appointment, and whom he had already pointed 
out as the successor he should like to follow him 
as bishop. He had been brought up and in- 
structed under Bishop Bosa at York, and accom- 
panied Wilfrid on his journey to Friesland and 
then to Rome, where they lived together for a 
considerable time. "There he learnt many things 
concerning the government of the Holy Church, 
which he could not have learnt at home." On 
their return in 705 Wilfrid confided to him an 
account of the vision he claimed to have seen at 
Meaux. When passing through Canterbury on his 
way to Northumbria, Acca took with him a certain 
Maban (who had learnt Church music from the 
disciples of St. Gregory), and whose name points 
him out as a Welshman. His function was to 
teach Gregorian music at Hexham, and Acca kept 
him there twelve years. Bede says he was instructed 
to teach chanting and to introduce new ecclesiastical 
chants at Hexham.^ Acca himself, according to 
Bede, was an expert singer, as well as a scholar.^ 

He greatly adorned and enlarged his church, 
and procured relics of the apostles and martyrs 
to enrich it in order to sanctify the altars in 
the various chapels {portici) which girdled its 



^ Bede, v. 20. 

^ Richard of Hexham exalts him in a number of superlatives 
thus : " Sanctus Acca, presbyter, vir strenuissirnus^ coram Deo et 
hominibus magnificus, cantator peritissiinus, in Uteris sacris doctis- 
simus, in Catholicaefidei confessione castissi?nus,inecclesiasticaequoque 
institutionis regulis solertissitnus" {Church of Hexham, 5 and 32). 



BISHOP ACCA 141 

walls. He doubtless completed the three churches 
dedicated to SS. Mary, Peter, and Michael, which 
Wilfrid had begun. The last one was in memory 
of the Saint who visited Wilfrid at Meaux.^ '' He 
also collected the histories of the sufferings of the 
martyrs, with other coexistent writings, and built 
a large and noble library, and brought together 
suitable holy vessels, lights," etc.^ 

He was most observant in the rules of eccles- 
iastical institutions, '* nor will he ever indeed 
cease being so," says Bede, '* till he shall receive 
the rewards of his pious devotion." This phrase 
shows he was still bishop when Bede wrote his 
history in 731. 

In the year 732 he retired from his see.' 
What was the actual reason for this no one 
knows. His character and reputation will not 
allow the supposition that he was guilty of any 
misconduct. Prior Richard suggests that he 
went from Hexham to re-establish the see at 
Whitherne (which was restored about this time), 
and which I think very probable.* Raine sug- 



^ Richard of Hexhain^ xxxiii. 1 8. * /^. p. 31. 

^ lb. p. 34. In MSS. D, E, and F of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 
this is dated in 733. 

* Richard of Hexha??i, p. 35. According to Bishop Forbes we 
have, in the Scottish Kalendar of Dempster, under the date Aup^ust 6, 
the entry : " In Galloway, the day of ' Blessed Acta ' {sic\ Bishop of 
Candida Casa," while in that of Camerarius we read : " On January 16 : 
Blessed Accas, Actas, Areas, Bishop of Hexham in England, and of 
Candida Casa in Scotland." Skene, having regard to the dedica- 
tion of one of its churches, says that he may have founded one of 
the early ecclesiastical settlements at St. Andrews (Forbes, 
Kalendar of Scottish Saints^ 261). 



142 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

gests that it may have been from old age that 
he withdrew. It is significant, however, that his 
retirement and that of King Ceolwulf should be 
mentioned in the same paragraph in the supple- 
ment to Bede. Mr. Raine says very truly that if 
Acca had left Hexham in disgrace he would not 
surely have been regarded as a saint and with so 
much veneration, and the brethren of that monas- 
tery would not have allowed his bones to remain 
in their monastery. Stubbs connects his departure 
with the metropolitan jurisdiction of Ecgberht at 
York, then recently enacted. 

Symeon of Durham says he died on the 19th of 
September 740 ; ^ Professor Stubbs says on October 
the 20th, 740.^ His death therefore took place 
some years after he had ceased to be bishop,and his 
successor, Fruidberht, or Fridberht, was consecrated 
in 735,^ so that he clearly did not recover his see.* 

The best testimony to his character and gifts is 
to be found in the fact that he was such a close 
friend of Bede.*^ 

» Hist. Reg., ch. 36. « Diet. ofChr. Biog., i. 16. 

^ Plummer's Bede, \. 360. 

* The church of AycHffe, in Durham, is apparently dedicated to 
him or to St. Andrew. See Miss Arnold Foster, Studies in Church 
Dedications, iii. 38. 

* Bede styles him "carissime" {Opp., i. 202); " dilectissime" 
{ib. i. 204; viii. 265; x. 2); "dilectissime antistitum" (i. 198; 
viii. 78 and 263); "amantissime antistes " (vii. 2); "aman- 
tissime pontificum" (viii, 162); " dilectissime et desiderantissime 
omnium qui in terris morantur antistitum " (vii. 369) ; " sancte 
antistes" (i. 314); " reverendissime antistes" (viii. 360); "tua 
dulcissima sanctitas " (x. 268). He addresses his letters to 
him as "Domino in Christo dilectissimo" (i. 198); "Domino 
. . . nimium desiderantissimo " (x. 268); "Domino beatissimo et 



BISHOP ACCA 143 

It was by the persuasion of Acca that ^ddi 
wrote the life of their common master, St. Wilfrid, 
and the book itself was dedicated jointly to Acca 
and Tatberht, Abbot of Ripon, and the brethren 
there/ A greater proof of his fame and character 
is the fact that Bede should have dedicated 
more than one of his own works to him, among 
others the Hexameron, which, as Stubbs says, 
seems to show they had been friends since 709.^ 

He also dedicated to him the hymn on the 
Day of Judgment, sometimes attributed to Alcuin. 
The concluding lines cited by Plummer are con- 
clusive : — 

" En tua jussa sequens cecini tibi carmina flendi, 
Tu tua fac promissa, precor, sermone fideli 
Commmendans precibus Christo modo, meque canentem. 
Vive Deo felix, et die, vale, fratribus almis 
Acca pater, trepidi et pavidi reminiscere servi 
Meque tuis Christo precibus commenda benignis." ^ 

The dedication of Bede's De Templo presents an 
ambiguity, since while it is commended to Acca 
in the Merton MS. ; in MS. Phillips, 9428, it is 

intima semper caritate venerando" (i. 203). Plummer, ii. p. 329. 
Acca, on the other hand, in the only letter which he wrote 
to Bede, which has been preserved, addresses him in turn as 
" dilectissime" (x. 267). As Mr. Plummer (from whom I have bor- 
rowed this note) says: "These contrasts illustrate the confusion 
existing in the Latin of this period between the active and passive 
participles " (Plummer, ii. 329). 

^ See Historians of the Church of York, p. i. 

" He also dedicated to him Commentaries on Genesis, Samuel, 

Ezra, Nehemiah, Mark, Luke, the Acts, the tracts de mansionibus 

filioru7n Israel and De eo quod ait Isaias^ etc. ; all of which were 

written at his instance. Plummer's Bede^ i. xlix., note 2 ; Diet, of 

Chr. Biog.^ i. 16. 

^ Plummer, Bede^ i. cliii and cliv. 



1 44 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

dedicated to Nothelm.^ Bede also acknowledged 
his obligations to him for materials supplied for his 
Ecclesiastical History? 

One letter, as I have said, is extant written by 
him to Bede, whom he addresses as '' Reverendissimo 
in Christo fratri et consacerdote Bedae, presbytero" 
In this he presses him to complete his commentaries 
on Mark by undertaking those on Luke also. He 
also quotes in it from one or two classical writers, 
as well as from the Latin Fathers SS. Augustine 
and Ambrose, and ends by pressing his friend 
when he had done Mark to write on the first 
two Gospels, and, inter alia, quotes a depressing 
but philosophic phrase, ^^ Nihil est dictum quod non 
sit dictum priusT^ In his reply, in which he 
consents to do what his friend wishes, Bede speaks 
of himself as being Acca's scribe (dictator^ notary, 
and librarian. 

Acca was buried in the cemetery at Hexham, 
near the wall at the east end. Prior Richard says 
*' in secretarium," i.e. in the sanctuary in which the 
high altar stood.* 

Two crosses of stone, wondrously carved, one at 
his head and the other at his feet, marked his grave, 
of which one, which was placed at the head, bore an 
inscription stating he was buried there.^ 

^ Plummer, Bede, i. xlix, note 2. 

^ H.E., iii, 13 ; iv. 14 ; see Diet, of Chr. Biog., i. 16. 

^ Richard of Hexham, 33 and 34, note. 

* Symeon, or his interpoiator, however, says : " Corpus vero ejus 
ad orie?itatem plagain extra parietetn ecclesiae Haugtistaldensis" 
(ed. Arnold, ii. 33). 

'^ lb. 



tk.k 




i0i 





JIlilBtjiJTiilOTij 



mi 






^fe^ 



The Acca Cross. 



[ yoL III. , /achig p. 144. 



BISHOP ACCA'S CROSS 145 

It has been generally accepted, and seems 
hardly doubtful, that one of these two stones is the 
one which was found when the chancel of the 
present church was built. '' If beauty of design 
and execution would prove its identity, we may 
safely say it is the same. Three of the sides are 
sculptured, and the fourth has borne an inscription, 
which is completely obliterated. A vine throws its 
fruit and tendrils over the stone in beautiful and 
delicate luxuriance. A large portion of a similar 
cross, which may have been its companion, forms 
the lintel of a door at Dilston." ^ 

Bishop Browne, our best living authority on 
our early crosses, has given a description of those 
of Acca, which I shall take the liberty of appro- 
priating. He says of the first-mentioned one that 
it is the most beautiful of all the great crosses of 
Northumbria. "It is," he goes on to say, "a 
portion of the cross which stood at the head of 
Bishop Acca's grave at Hexham. . . . The 
massive fragment was found in excavating in the 
churchyard at Hexham, along with another piece 
of a shaft of a cross with a portion of the head 
remaining. At Dilston, near Hexham, there was 
long known to be a stone used as the lintel of a 
doorway with similar sculpture. In the course of 
time these three pieces of Anglian sculpture were 
brought to Durham by the Reverend Wm. Green- 
well, to whom the archaeological world owes so 
much. Mr. C. C. Hodges discovered that this 

^ Raine, Hexham^ xxxiv. 
VOL. III. — 10 



146 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

resemblance of ornament meant Identity, and saw 
that the larger piece found in the churchyard 
exactly fitted to the massive piece which had served 
as a lintel. All that is now missing of the shaft of 
the cross is a piece of about 4 feet long, and this 
has been made in wood, with the top of the shaft 
and the portion of the head of the cross set 
on the top. Thus we have now the cross set 
up, just as it was, wanting the pieces that have 
not as yet been found. It was, when complete, 
a monument on the same scale as the other great 
crosses. 

'* With the Bewcastle and Rush worth crosses one 
thing pleased me much when I saw it all set up. 
In the lowest of three great ovals on the left face 
the tendrils interlace so as to form an equal armed 
cross. . . . The face and two sides are covered 
from top to bottom with beautiful scrolls and 
bunches of grapes and tendrils. On the back it 
was supposed the sculpture had all been chiselled 
off; it was left bare and battered in appearance. 
But when we came to examine it in all kinds of 
lights at all hours of the day, and by very powerful 
lights at night, we found to our delight that this 
was the side on which the inscription had been. 
Here and there we could read words, in letters 2 J 
inches long. Across the very top of the shaft 
*A . . . A,' evidently Acca, followed by ' sanctus 
hujus ecclesiae' Two or three feet lower down we 
read ' unigeniti fill Dei,' as though some profession 
of Acca's faith was inscribed on his head-cross, 















VCj 



<fe?, 



P 



V ^ 



JA^ 



b-,^^^^.: 



Cje'r 



^ i 



-J $. 



^'Illl 



'i li'P 













Dktails oi- Acca's Cross. 



[I'oL [[[., facing p. 146. 



I 



BISHOP ACCA 147 

conceivably in connection with the record that for 
some unexplained reason he was driven out of his 
bishopric. . . . The cross which stood at the feet 
is also, I believe, in existence under certain secular 
foundations. It is said to be a continuous piece at 
least 14 feet long." ^ 

The name of Acca is commemorated in the 
Calendar on the 19th of February, and several 
miracles are assigned to him. His remains were 
twice translated, the first time by Alured or Alfred, 
son of Westoue, sacrist of the church of Durham, in 
the eleventh century. In the narrative of Symeon 
of Durham, or his interpolator, we are told that 
when the coffin was opened there was found on 
his breast a wooden table in the shape of an 
altar, made of two pieces of wood fastened together 
with silver nails ; on it was sculptured the inscrip- 
tion, ''Almae Trinitati, agiae Sophiae, Sanctae 
Mariae."^ Some of the Saint's vesture was also 
found, and was afterwards shown to the crowed to 
be kissed. 

His remains were again translated in 11 54 and 
placed on the left of the altar, and eventually on 
the altar of St. Michael in the south chapel.^ Their 
last removal took place, according to a note in the 
Cambridge MS. of Prior Richard, in 1240, when 
some of the Saint's vestments were found in 
wonderful preservation. Richard specially mentions 

* Bishop Browne's Theodore and Wilfrith^ 257-261. 

^ Hist. Reg.^ ed. Arnold, ii. p. 33. 

^ Ailred of Rievaulx, De Sand. Ecc. Hagust.^ ed. Surtees, p. 191. 



148 GOLDExN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

a linen face-cloth, chasuble, and silken tunic 
{sudarmm lineti7n, et casula et tunica sericae). 
These he tells us were removed from the coffin on 
account of his sanctity, and so that they might 
receive the devotions of those who came thither, 
and were still exhibited in the church in his 
day.^ 

In the register of R. de Segbrok, keeper of 
Cuthberht's shrine at Durham, we find in the cata- 
logue of relics there preserved " a piece of the 
chasuble of St. Acca the Bishop," and **an ivory 
casket with relics of St. Acca the Bishop, with 
portions of his face-cloth and chasuble which were 
In the ground for three hundred years, and the 
bones of St. Acca."^ 

We will now say a few words to bring the story 
of the abbeys of Jarrow and Monkwearmouth down 
to the year 731. We saw how Huaetberht became 
abbot there on 25th September 716, on the depart- 
ure of Ceolfrld for Rome,^ and have reported the 
letter of commendation which he gave to the latter 
to take to Pope Gregory 11.^ His appointment was 
confirmed by Bishop Acca.^ He was no doubt 
known to the Pope, for we are told in Bede's 
History of the Abbots that he had visited Rome in 
the days of Pope Sergius (687-701) and had lived 
there a considerable time, and had thus no doubt 
largely increased his stores of learning. He was 

1 See Richard of Hexham., ed. Surtees, p. 36, note. 
' Raine's Ciiihberht, 123, 126, and 127. 

* Bade, Hist. Abb.., 20. * See ante, ii. 273 and 274. 

* Bede, Hist. Abb., 20. 



ABBOT HU.ETBERHT 149 

there in 701, for in another of Bede's works he 
speaks of him and his companions thus : ''Anno ab 
incarnatione septingentesimo primo indictione quarta- 
decinia, fr aires nostri qui tunc fuere Romae,'' etc.-^ 

There he transcribed and thence brought away 
with him whatever he considered necessary. He 
had been a priest twelve years when elected abbot, 
which puts his ordination in 704.^ 

Among the innumerable privileges of the 
monastery which, says Bede, "he recovered by his 
youthful energy and wisdom, there was one which 
afforded the greatest pleasure and gratification to 
all, namely, that he took up the bones of the Abbot 
Eosterwine, which had been deposited in the 
* porticus ' of the Church of the Blessed Apostle 
Peter, and those of his former master Siegfrid, 
which had been interred on the outside and south 
of the sacristy, and having placed them both in one 
shrine which had a division down the middle, he 
deposited them within the church and near the 
body of the Blessed Benedict {i.e. Benedict Biscop). 
This he did on Siegfrid's birthday, i.e. the nth 
of the Kalends of September (22nd August). 
Witmaer, the venerable servant of Christ, having 
died on the same day, was put in the grave from 
which Siegfrid's remains had been taken." ^ Of 
Witmaer, Bede says that he was skilled no less in 
secular learning than in the Scriptures, and that he 



* De Tevip. Rat.^ ch. 47 ; Plnmmer, Bede^ ii. 365. 
^ Bede, op. cit. par. 18. 
^ Bede, Vit. Abb.., par. 20. 



I 50 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

made a donation for ever to the monastery of the 
Blessed Peter the Apostle, which he then governed 
(was he the Prior ?), consisting of the land of ten 
families {i.e. ten hides), situated In the vlll called 
Daltun, which he had himself received from King 
Aldfrid. Dal ton-le- Dale is on the road from 
Wearmouth to Easington.^ 

In the anonymous History of the Abbots a letter is 
recorded which Pope Gregory 11. sent to him in reply 
to his commendatory note to Ceolfrid. It is entirely 
rhetorical and interlarded with Biblical quotations.^ 
Bede was very fond of him, and speaks of him in 
affectionate terms. He dedicated his works In 
Apocalysin and De Temp. Ratione to him, and 
in his De Temp. Nat. he speaks of him as the 
youthful Huaetberht, who on account of his love for 
and his devotion to piety had been styled Eusebius ; ^ 
and he so calls him in the dedication of the two 
works above named. It was under his abbacy that 
Bede passed the latter part of his life, and he 
probably outlived the historian several years, as is 
shown by a letter written to him by St. Boniface, 
and which has been dated in 744-747. In it 
Boniface, who calls him Huaetberht, asks him to 
send him some of the works of "the most wise 
interpreter of the Scriptures, Beda the Monk, 
who lately in your House of God shone like a 
candle of the Church by his knowledge of the 

1 Bede, Vit. Abb., par. 15. The text followed by Smith calls it 
Daldun, which is a township in the parish of Dalton-le-Dale (Rev. 
J. Stevenson's Translation of Bede, 615, note 4). 

2 Plummer, i. 403. » Plummer's Bede, i. xiv. note 7. 



BISHOP BOSA 151 

Scriptures " [ijicon nuper m domo Dei apud vos 
vice candelae ecclesiastice scientia scripturartim 
fulsisse aMdivhmis)} 

He is apparently mentioned twice among the 
abbots in the Liber Vitae under the name of 
Hucctbercht. 

Let us now turn to York. We have seen how 
on St. Wilfrid's expulsion from Northumbria in 
678, when his diocese was divided, King Ecgfrid 
and Archbishop Theodore appointed Bosa as his 
successor at York.^ It is very remarkable, con- 
sidering the importance of that see and the length 
of time that Bosa held it, that Bede should have so 
little to say about him. He mentions him as one 
of the five bishops who were pupils of St. Hilda, 
and that he was consecrated at York by Theodore, 
and was present at the Council of the Nidd. 
This is pretty nearly all we know of him. Alcuin 
praises him highly in his poem on the Bishops of 
York, where Bosa apparently organised the services 
in his church on the principles of the monastic, or 
at least the '* common" life. 

"Vir, monachus, praesul, doctor moderatus, honestus, 
Quern Divina sacris virtutum gratia sertis 
Compserat, et multis fecit fulgescere donis. 

Non terras victusque, domus, nummismata, vestes 
Nee quicquam proprium sibimet jam vindicet ullus, 
Omnia sed cunctis fierent communia semper."^ 

^ He also asks him to send him a bell {cloccam unam)^ and bids 
him accept in return a chair or seat {lectisternia caprina ; Diimmler 
glosses the former word by lecti opertoria ; Mon. Hist. Germ.^ 
Epistolaru7n iii. 348). 

2 Bede^ iv. 12, and v. 24. * Raine, Historians of York, 374-5- 



1 5 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

He was honoured as a confessor on the 13th of 
March/ Some authors have made a mistake about 
the date of his death, which they have put much too 
early. He must have been Hving in 704, when 
Pope John mentions him in the letter of commenda- 
tion which St. Wilfrid brought back from Rome 
with him,^ so that he could not have been dead 
before that year. He probably died in 705, and was 
succeeded by John, known as Saint John of Beverley. 

In the anonymous life of that saint published 
by Leland^ it is said that it was reported he was 
born at the village of Harpham (near Driffield), of 
noble parents, and that he was brought up under 
Archbishop Theodore, who gave him the name of 
John; he afterwards became a pupil of St. Hilda 
at Whitby.* Raine says he was claimed by Oxford 
as an alumnus, and his figure appeared as a doctor 
in one of the old windows at University College, 
and in another window at Salisbury Cathedral as 
the first Master of Arts at Oxford.^ This is, of 
course, mere fable, as there was no University at 
Oxford till long after his day. He was famed for 
his learning and as a preacher and teacher, notably 
in scripture and history, and had a number of pupils, 
among them being Bede, St. Siegfrid the deacon, 
Abbots Berchthun and Herebald, and the younger 
Wilfrid, whom he afterwards admitted to Holy 
Orders. In his earlier days John lived an ascetic 

^ Raine, Fasti Eb.^ i. 84. 

2 See yEddi, liv. ; Richard of Hexham^ Surtees ed., 28 and 29, note. 
' Coll.^ iii. 100. * Bedc^ iv. 21 [23]. 

* Did. of Chr. Biog.^ iii. 377. 



SAINT JOHN OF BEVERLEY 153 

life at a place called Erneshaw or Herneshalg. 
Prior Richard says it was situated north of the 
Tyne on a height overhanging the river. He else- 
where adds that there was an oratory there dedicated 
to St. Michael, which was appurtenant to Hexham 
Abbey.^ Bede says it was situated in a retired 
situation enclosed by a narrow wood and a trench, 
and that it had a cemetery attached to it. The man 
of God used to retire thither with some companions, 
particularly in Lent, so that he might devote him- 
self to undisturbed reading and prayer. On one 
occasion he bade his companions find some poor 
person whom he might keep with him for a few 
days by way of alms, as was his wont. They 
brought a poor dumb boy, who had never spoken 
a word, and who, according to Bede, had so much 
scurf and scabs on his head that no hair ever grew 
on it, but only some rough burrs. The good man 
had a cottage made for him within the enclosure of 
his dwelling where he might live, and he gave him 
a daily allowance. On the second Sunday in Lent 
he sent for him and told him to put his tongue out. 
Holding him by the chin he made the sign of the 
Cross over his tongue, and then told him to with- 
draw it and try to say the Anglian word Gae, which, 
says Bede, means *'Yes." The boy's tongue was 
at once loosened and he did as he was told. He 
then went through the alphabet with him, and also 
bade him say long sentences, which he accordingly 

^ See Richard of Hexham^ ed. Surtees, 15 ; he glosses the name 
Erneshaw by the words Latiiie^ Mons aquilae. 



154 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

did. The physician was then ordered to cure his 
head, which he also succeeded in doing. The boy 
acquired a good crop of hair, and then returned 
home/ Bede says he heard the story from John's 
friend. Abbot Berchthun. Raine, in his edition of 
Richard of Hexham, identified the Herneshalg or 
Erneshaw of the story with St. John's Lee (i.e. 
St. John's meadow), which just talHes with the de- 
scription and the alleged distance from Hexham ; 
it has, further, always belonged to that see. It 
may be that it was named not after the Arch- 
bishop, but after St. John the Baptist, for 
Reginald tells us that on the latter's viorll and natal 
day a great number of the halt and sick used to repair 
there. It is more probable that the Baptist had been 
substituted for the Bishop in later times.^ St. John's 
Lee is the very place, says Raine, for a hermit's cell, 
and you think of what it was twelve centuries ago, 
with the eagles swooping to their eyrie over the 
solitary graveyard. He adds a caveat in regard 
to Reginald's etymology, however, for Hernshaw 
means a heron.^ There was a kind of religious 
wake held on the 23rd and 24th of June there. 

John was a prot6g6 of King Aldfrid, and it was 
probably through his influence that he was made 
Bishop of Hexham on the death of Eata in 685, 
and was presently translated to York. He is 
described as having been diligent in ruling the 
monasteries, attending to the poor and consecrating 
churches, and was a favourite with King Osred and 

1 Bede^ v. 2. ^ Op. cit. pp. 17 and 18. ^ Op. cit. 15 and 16, Note Z. 



SAINT JOHN OF BEVERLEY 155 

his nobles. During his wanderings in the East 
Riding he observed a spot called Deirewald (i.e. 
Sylva Deirorum), where wild forest and waters 
were interspersed with rich pasture lands, and 
which in later times was known as Beverley, 
from the beavers which abounded in the waters of 
the river Hull. There was a little church there dedi- 
cated to St. John the Evangelist, which he acquired 
and made into the nucleus of a monastery, in which 
he put some monks. He rebuilt the presbytery 
of this church and also an oratory dedicated to 
St. Martin to the south of it, where he settled some 
nuns. The community he founded consisted of 
seven priests and seven other clerics.^ " John," says 
the same author, "acquired the manor of Ridinges for 
his monasteries and built the church of St. Nicholas 
on his property there. He also gave the same 
monastery, lands at Middleton, Welwik, Bilton, 
and Patrinorton."^ 

Bede tells us more than one interesting miracu- 
lous story about the bishop. One of these, which 
occurred at the monastery of Wetadun (now Watton, 
in the East Riding), I have already described. 
Another, which was reported to him by Berchthun, 
who became the first Abbot of Beverley, states that 
about two miles from Beverley there lived a gesyth 
or lord (comes) called Puch, who had a manor there. 
The anonymous biographer and Folcard say this was 
at South Burton (it is now called Bishop's Burton). 

^ Anon. Life in Leland, op. cit. iii. 100. 
^ Leland, op. cit. iii. loi. 



156 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Puch's wife had languished from an acute disease 
for forty years, and for three weeks it had not been 
possible to remove her from her bed. The bishop 
was invited by her husband to consecrate a church or 
chapel near his house (probably a domestic chapel). 
He asked him to dine with him on the occasion, 
but the latter declined, saying he must return to the 
monastery. Puch pressed him to do so, and said 
he would give alms to the poor if he would conde- 
scend to break his fast under his roof. Berchthun 
also urged him to do so, saying he would also 
give some alms if he would dine with the great 
man and give his blessing. The bishop having 
after some further demur consented, sent some 
holy water (which he had consecrated for the dedi- 
cation of the church by one of his clergy) to the sick 
woman, with injunctions that she was to drink some 
of it, and rub the place where the pain was felt with 
the rest. We are told she immediately recovered 
and became strong, and then presented the cup to 
his companions and served them with drink during 
the dinner — thus following, says Bede, the example 
of Peter's mother-in-law as told in Matthew viii. 14.^ 
Mr. Plummer, in commenting on this miracle, 
has a note on the curious early rule that a man 
might redeem his fast {his fasten aliesan, as the 
Anglo-Saxon version has it), i.e. get rid of the 
penalty of going through it, by giving alms.^ 



^ Bede^ v. 4, 

2 See Bede's Penitential ; Haddan and Stubbs, iii. ;3,2>3 ^rid 334 ; 
Plummer, ii. 276. 



SAINT JOHN OF BEVERLEY 157 

Puch's daughter, Yolfrida, became a nun at 
Beverley and died on the 3rd of the Ides of March 
742, and her remains were deposited in the monas- 
tery there. The Anon. Life in Leland also says 
that Puch gave the manor of Walkington with his 
daughter to Beverley,^ and that Addi, the lord of 
the manor of North Burton, also gave that manor 
with the advowson of its church to the same 
church. "Chapels {Capellae) were afterwards built 
at Lekingfeld and Scorburgh, which afterwards 
became parish churches." King Osred similarly 
gave the manor of Dalton, in Yorkshire, where he 
had a royal villa, to this same foundation.^ 

On another occasion, according to Bede, the 
bishop, being called in to dedicate Addis new 
church, was asked by him to visit one of his servants 
who was very ill and had lost the use of his limbs ; 
the coffin, indeed, to bury him in, had already been 
provided. Addi urged that the man's life was of 
great consequence to him, adding that if the bishop 
would only put his hands on him he would be cured. 
John thereupon went in to see him, and found 
him with his coffin beside him and all the people 
sorrowing around. He prayed and blessed him. 
Presently when they were at dinner the young man 
sent to beg for a cup of wine, as he was thirsty. 
The nobleman sent him one blessed by the bishop, 
whereupon he at once got up and dressed himself, 
and went in to salute the latter, saying he would 
also like to eat and be merry with them. He did 

^ Leland, op. cit. iii. 100. "^ lb. loi. 



1 5 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

so, and lived for many years afterwards. The 
abbot (who reported it) confessed that the miracle 
had not taken place in his presence, and he had only 
heard of it ! ! ! ^ 

Bede also tells of another miracle performed on 
Herebald, one of the bishop's household (who 
became Prior of Tynemouth, a post he held in 
731, when he himself was writing his history), and 
to which Herebald himself was wont to testify. 
His story was that in the prime of youth he lived 
among the clergy and applied himself to reading 
and singing, but had not altogether given up his 
boyish and frivolous ways. He and his com- 
panions, when they -were travelling with their master 
[i.e. John), came to a flat and open road, well 
adapted for racing their horses. The young men 
of the party, especially the laymen, asked the bishop 
to let them have a gallop to test the quality of their 
horses. At first he refused, saying it was an idle 
pastime, but under pressure consented on condition 
that Herebald should have no part in the trial. 
The latter begged hard that he too might have 
permission in order to test a horse which had been 
a present from the bishop himself, but he would not 
consent. Presently when the rest had ridden to 
and fro several times he became excited, and in 
spite of the bishop's wish, mixed with them and 
began to ride at full speed, at which John was 
S^reatly grieved. Suddenly his horse took a great 
leap over a hollow place in the course, and he fell 

* Bedgj V. 5. 



SAINT JOHN OF BEVERLEY 159 

off and lost his senses, as if he were dead, " it having 
been ordained by Divine providence that In punish- 
ment of his wilfulness his head should strike the 
only stone existing in that place, and which was 
disguised by the turf." He broke his thumb and 
the joints of his skull were loosened (infracto pollice 
capitis quoque jtmctura solveretur). As he could 
not be moved they stretched a tent over him 
(tetenderunt ibidem papilionem in quo jacerem). 
He thus lay unconscious from the seventh hour of 
the day till the evening, when he revived a little 
and was then carried home by his companions and 
lay speechless all night, vomiting blood, because 
his intestines were ruptured by his fall (eo quod et 
interanea essent ruendo convulsa). The bishop was 
much grieved, for he greatly loved the boy, and 
Instead of spending the night with his clergy he sat 
watching and praying alone, imploring the Divine 
Goodness for his recovery. Coming to him early 
in the morning he said a prayer over him, called 
him by his name, and (as it were waking him out 
of a heavy sleep) asked him whether he knew who 
was speaking to him. Herebald replied, " I do, it 
is my beloved bishop." "Can you live.'^" said he. 
He answered, " I may through your prayers, if it 
shall so please God." 

The bishop then laid his hand on his head with 
the words of blessing and went to prayers, and when 
he presently returned he found his stricken young 
friend sitting up and able to talk. Being admonished 
by Divine instinct, the bishop asked him If he had 



1 60 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

ever been baptized. Herebald told him he knew 
he had, and named the priest who had officiated. 
The bishop then said he had known the priest in 
question. He was a man, he said, who could not, on 
account of his dulness of understanding, learn the 
ministry of catechising and baptizing, and that he 
ought to have been inhibited from his presumptuous 
exercise of the ministry which he could not rightly 
perform. He thereupon catechised Herebald afresh, 
and blew upon his face (i.e. practised the rite of ex- 
sufflation), which formed a part of every baptismal 
service. Herebald presently found himself better. 
John also summoned the surgeon and bade him bind 
up his skull where it had been loosened, and soon 
he was so much recovered that he went for a ride 
on horseback and travelled with the bishop to 
another place, and when he had quite recovered he 
was sprinkled with the life-giving water.^ 

The view here proclaimed and acted upon by 
Bishop John was clearly quite unorthodox according 
to the theories of the Western Church, which did 
not permit re-baptism, even if the baptizing person 
was a heretic or schismatic. On this Bede himself 
is positive, and the view was maintained very 
definitely by Pope Zacharias in a letter he wrote 
to St. Boniface in 746, rebuking him for re-baptizing 
persons in a case where an ignorant priest had 
baptized people with the blundered formula, '' Baptizo 
te in nomine patria et Jilia et Spiritus Sancti.''^ 

^ Bede, v. chap. 6. 

2 Mo?i. Germ. Hist., iii. Ep. p. 338 ; see Plummer, op. cit. ii. 277. 



SAINT JOHN OF BEVERLEY i6i 

William of Malmesbury has a miracle story of 
another kind, in which John had a part. He says 
the people of Beverley used sometimes to have 
an exhibition of the fiercest bulls (perhaps a bull- 
baiting was meant). The bulls were bound with 
many knotted cords and dragged along with the 
greatest difficulty by very strong men. On one 
occasion they escaped and made their way into the 
cemetery of the monastery, whereupon they became 
as quiet as sheep.^ 

John's biographer Folcard reports of him 
that he was once the guest of King Osred, 
when the butler Brithred was told to fill up three 
jars, one with wine, a second with milk, and the 
third with beer. When the drink ran short, our 
Saint, as at the marriage at Cana, replenished the 
liquor by blessing the vessels.^ On another occasion, 
when staying at Beverley with Abbot Berchthun, 
he took a bath, after which the abbot asked him 
if he would have a glass of wine. Brithred the 
butler broke the glass accidentally as he was 
carrying it, but the wine by the Saint's interven- 
tion did not run away.^ On another occasion he is 
reported to have restored a boy to life by the use of 
chrism.^ It was said that John used sometimes to 
visit the church of St. Michael at York, and while 
there a dove, as in the case of St. Gregory, visited 
him and settled on his head. 



^ Gest. Po?ti.^ iii. i lo. 

2 Raine's Historians of York^ i. 254and255. 

^ lb. 255. ^ Id. 257-8. 

VOL. HI. — II 



1 62 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Bede tells us that when he was an old man, 
being unable to govern his diocese properly, John 
ordained his priest (that is, his chaplain) Wilfrid, to 
the see, which was an irregular practice, and then 
retired to his own foundation of Beverley, where he 
died in 721 a.d., and where he was buried in the 
porticus or chapel of St. Peter. ^ His festival was 
observed at Beverley on the 7th May, which is his 
day in the York Missal. Florence of Worcester 
also says he died on that day.^ 

Bale ^ attributes homilies and epistles to him, 
namely, '* Pro Luca exponendo" (lib. i.), ** Homeliae 
Evangeliorum " (lib. i.), '' Ad Hyldam Abbatissam " 
(lib. i.), *'Ad Herebaldum Discipulum " (Epist. i.), 
** Ad Audoenum et Bertinum Epist. ii., etc."* 

John after his death became the patron saint of 
Beverley, and is universally known as St. John of 
Beverley ; he was, in fact, one of the principal 
saints in the north of England, and was officially 
canonised by Pope Benedict ix. in 1037. 

The bishop's remains were placed in a feretory 
of wood, beautifully carved.^ They remained intact 
until the Danish invasion, when the monastery 
at Beverley, like all others in northern England, 
was destroyed, together, says the anonymous bio- 
grapher, with the books and all the ornaments there, 
and it remained desolate for three years, when the 
priests and clerics returned and rebuilt it. They had 

* Rede, op. cit. v. 6. ' Plummer, ii. 273 ; M.H.B., p. 541. 

' Scrr. Brit. Cent.^ i. 89. * Raine, Diet, of Chr. Biog., iii. 377. 

« lb. 378. 



SAINT JOHN OF BEVERLEY 163 

apparently preserved the Saint's remains, which were 
translated by Archbishop yElfric on the 8th of the 
Kalends of November 1037, in the reign of Edward 
the Confessor. The bishop's ring and some 
fragments of the Gospels were found in the coffin 
and were afterwards put in his reliquary.^ At the 
same time the remains of St. Berchthun were also 
translated. He had been his deacon and became 
the first abbot of Beverley. 

St. John's new shrine was highly decorated with 
silver and precious stones. In 11 87 the monastery 
was again burnt down. In consequence a new 
shrine had to be made, to which the Saint's remains 
were moved in 1198. These were discovered in 
1664 under a marble stone at the entrance to the 
quire. A leaden plate with an inscription was 
found with them. The remains were again seen 
in 1736.^ 

His shrine was said to possess great curative 
powers, and a sweet oil flowed from his tomb ; at 
other times an effulgent light shone over it.^ 

The number of miracles recorded as having been 
performed by his relics are quite phenomenal, and 
his tomb was visited by a long array of English 
kings. The first who is recorded to have done so 
was Athelstan. One of the writers who reported 
John's miracles says that that King when on his 
campaign to Scotland met many people in Lindsey, 
and hearing how they had been cured by St. 

^ Ano7t. Life in Leland, iii. 102. 

2 Raine, Diet, of Chr. Biog., iii. 378. 3 /^^ 278. 



1 64 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

John, sent his army to Beverley to get his 
blessing. He himself took a knife from its 
sheath {extrahens cultellum suum de vagina) and 
placed it on the altar. He proposed to handsomely 
redeem it if he returned successfully, and bore- 
away with him the Saint's banner to fight under. 
When the Scots were in retreat and had crossed 
a ford, John is said to have appeared to the King 
in a dream and bade him follow them over the 
river and conquer, which he did. Having beaten 
them, he subjected them to tribute. At Dunbar 
he asked for a sign from heaven of his impend- 
ing victory, and it was granted him, for, striking 
a hard stone with his sword, he clave it as if it 
were butter, ''as may still be seen," says our 
author. 

On his return, Athelstan visited Beverley and 
made an offering of his arms and of other gifts to St. 
John, and also gave the place the right of sanctuary, 
the limits of which were marked by four stone crosses : 
one of which was at Melescroft, now Molescroft, 
about a mile from Beverley on the road to York. 
He decreed that any one violating the sanctuary 
within this limit was to pay a fine of eight pounds 
of silver to the church. If within the three crosses 
(marvellously carved, standing at the entrance of 
Beverley), twenty-four pounds. If within the ceme- 
tery of the church, seventy-four pounds. If within 
the church itself, this last^ne was to be tripled. If, 
lastly, within the chancel arch {infra arcus supra 
introitum cancelli posit os), "the last penalty" was 



SAINT JOHN OF BEVERLEY 165 

to be exacted.^ According to our author, Athelstan 
made over to the monastery, for the annual upkeep 
of the clergy, the equivalent of the obligation of 
providing hesterasfda, or a supply of fodder, for 
the King's horses, which had been imposed on the 
**coloni " (? farmers) in a large district in Yorkshire. 
It involved a charge on each carucate in the 
East Riding {i,e. the product of each plough, — ad 
cultrum et vomerem) of four travas (?) of its fruits. 
This had hitherto been levied on the district 
bounded on one side by the Derwent, on another 
by the Humber, and on a third by the North Sea. 
''The district," he says, ''had anciently been called 
Deira."^ The deed securing these privileges was 
written in Anglo-Saxon.^ 

Athelstan also founded a College of Canons at 
Beverley, named a town among the Scots after 
St. John, and presented the church at Beverley 
with lands at Brandesburton aud Lokington, and 
decreed that it should be the capital of all the East 
Riding.* 

Several post-Conquest kings had dealings with 
the place. Thus we are told by Ketel, who was one 
of those who collected and published his miracles, 
that Beverley and its sacred patrimony and right 
of shelter were alone respected by William the 
Conqueror when he ravaged Yorkshire, and that 

^ Acta Miracula St. John ; Raine's Church Historians of York, 
pp. 297-298. 

^ Leland, Coll.^ iii. loi ; Raine's Church Historians of York, pp. 
293-298. 

^ Leland, Cot/., iii. loi. * lb. loi. 



1 66 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

some soldiers, led by Thurstan, having incon- 
tinently plundered it, the King made ample 
amends. 

A very notable personage who visited Beverley 
and its shrine was Edward i., who in his Scottish 
war took St. Wilfrid's and St. John's banners with 
him/ and had them placed on a chariot on the 
battlefield, whence the fight was known as the 
Battle of the Standard. 

Henry iv. and v. both visited the shrine. The 
battle of Agincourt was, in fact, fought on the 25th 
October, the day of the translation of St. John's 
remains. The latter King attributed his victory 
to the intercession of the Saint, and made a 
pilgrimage with the Queen to Beverley. In con- 
sequence, Archbishop Chichele ordered that the 
Saint's deathday should in future be observed as a 
''distinguished festival."^ 

Let us now tell one or two of the stories which 
were current about the efficacy of the Saint's 
intervention in curing human ills after his death. 
Archbishop Gerald having visited Beverley, one of 
his servants who was deaf and dumb was cured 
while that prelate was saying mass. The arch- 
bishop referred to the miracle in his sermon, when 
a certain Anglian noble who was present told the 



^ Richard of Hexham^ pp. 90, 91. He quotes two lines from a 
poem written on the occasion by Sotevagina, the Archdeacon of 
York, and involving a pun which run thus : — 

^'' Dicitur a stando standardum^ qitod stetit illic 
Militiae probitas vincere sive viori^ 
^ Diet, of Chr. Biog., iii. p. 378. 



SAINT JOHN OF BEVERLEY 167 

great man he must not think so highly of the 
occurrence, for such miracles were common at 
Beverley, and he urged him, therefore, to beware 
of meddling with the privileges of the place. It 
would seem that the archbishop was an austere 
person and had been unduly exacting in his 
discipline. Other stories show that in order to 
exact ransom from prisoners it was the fashion at 
this time to torture them and even to take out 
their teeth. Prayers to St. John are reported to 
have caused the bonds of captives to be broken, 
and to have helped them to secure the shelter of 
the abbey's ** sanctuary precincts." 

Another story shows that it was the custom 
for certain criminals to be condemned to wear an 
iron girdle round their waist as a penance. One 
such had been ordered to wear it for killing his 
brother, and had had it on a year. When praying 
for St. John's help, it burst asunder, and the 
narrator says he heard it crack. On another 
occasion a rustic from Lindsey was troubled with 
a huge tumour or growth, which entirely deformed 
him. It being beyond the skill of the wise women 
(sapientibus muliebris) whom he consulted, they 
advised him to go to the shrine of some saint, 
and St. John was chosen by lot. The writer claims 
to have known the man. 

On another occasion a ship was going from 
Apulia to Rome, and was in peril from a storm. 
An Englishman on board made the sailors pray 
to St. John, who shared with St. Nicholas the 



1 68 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

privilege of controlling the waves. They did so, 
and being saved, made a collection for the Saint's 
shrine. 

Having told this story, the writer declared 
he would describe no more miracles, for he was sick 
at heart at the prosperity of the wicked in his 
time, but he begs St. John to help him to eternal 
life as a reward for his humble efforts to extol him 
in his book. Others continued the role of story- 
teller, however, after the dispirited Ketel was 
weary. 

Thus one tells how on a certain occasion, a 
great drought having supervened in Yorkshire, 
some of the canons from York went to Beverley 
to ask for the Saint's help. They formed a great 
procession, which perambulated the church with the 
Saint's body. A storm of rain having come on, the 
credit of it was given to St. John. On another 
occasion an apoplectic Irishman was cured by the 
shadow of the Saint's shrine falling on him. On 
another, again, a scholar who visited Beverley fell 
in love with a young lady and could not cure his 
passion. He accordingly had recourse to the 
Saint, who took away his evil desire. This was 
Indeed a strong proof of the Saint's potency. 

Again, a ship bound for Scotland was over- 
taken by a storm, and some merchants on board 
turned to St. John for help, who produced a calm. 
One of them who meanwhile had a trance (velut in 
exstasi positus) described a vision he had seen, in 
which a troop of devils had determined to de- 



SAINT JOHN OF BEVERLEY 169 

stroy the vessel, but were driven away by a certain 
bishop, who turned out to be St. John. 

Another miracle is worth reporting as affording 
a slde-ll^ht on old customs. We are told that on 

o 

a certain summer day a miracle play, represent- 
ing Christ's resurrection, was being performed 
Inside the wall of the cemetery of St. John's 
church at Beverley, which was attended by a large 
crowd of people. So great was the throng that 
a large number of them, especially those of little 
stature, could not see what was going on, so they 
entered the church — some to pray and some to 
look at the pictures, etc. Among them were a 
number of boys, who soon found a door opening 
on to a staircase by which they could mount to the 
top and thence on to the roofs, and made their 
way through the open windows In the turrets or by 
holes in the glass of the windows, whence they 
could see and hear the play. *' They thus imitated 
Zaccheus," says our narrator, who was also a small 
man and who climbed a tree the better to see 
Christ. The watchmen having given chase after 
the intruders, one of the boys tried to make his 
way down by scaling the wall by the great cross, then 
standing near the altar of St. Mary. One of the 
stones, however, gave way, whereupon he fell on 
the pavement and lay as if dead. The spectators, and 
especially the boy's parents, were greatly grieved 
and wept audibly, but by the help of the Saint he 
was restored again and showed no sign of having 
been hurt. Thus, says our writer, was the drama 



1 70 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

of the resurrection re-enacted not only outside the 
church but also inside. 

I have made a selection from such among 
the many miracles reported of St. John and his 
remains, as seemed to me to have an additional 
interest in illustrating manners and customs in old 
days. The greater part of the rest are tedious beyond 
measure, and relate miraculous cures of various 
kinds ad nauseam, and other very trivial benefits 
conferred on supplicants for the Saint's bounty. 
All of them were useful, however, for pointing 
certain morals in homilies and sermons. From them 
the great stream of pilgrims might learn what a use- 
ful friend the Saint could be to simple mortals if they 
would only generously increase his income and that 
of his great Minster at Beverley, and help his officers 
to keep his fame alive in a suitable fashion. Such 
shrines were multiplied all over the country ; some 
were of greater and some of less importance, and 
were believed to afford much more certain remedies 
for the lame, the halt, and the blind than any 
number of doctors or wise women. It is impos- 
sible to understand early mediaeval history if we 
ignore such stories. They formed the great staple 
of popular literature, and best illustrate popular 
thought and belief. It is really wonderful what 
immense crowds and from how far and from what 
a variety of places people came to a shrine so 
famous as that of St. John of Beverley. Registers 
of these visitors, with their dignity duly noted, were 
carefully preserved, in which the habitat of each 



BISHOP WILFRID THE YOUNGER 171 

person cured was duly given. The larger number 
came from Lincolnshire and the neighbouring 
counties, to which Beverley was the most ac- 
cessible shrine ; but they came also from remote 
corners of the country. Their number was also 
largely increased by those who sought sanctuary 
at Beverley. 

The Saint himself was universally known as 
St. John of Beverley. Some lections are marked 
in certain copies of Bede meant to be used on his 
feast-day.^ Miss Forster mentions churches at 
Aslackton, Harpham, Lee St. John, Salton, Scar- 
rington, Whatton-in-the-Vale, and Wressle as 
dedicated to him.^ 

John was succeeded as Bishop of York by 
Wilfrid, called Wilfrid the younger ( Wilfer& seo 
junga)^ and otherwise referred to as Wilfrid the 
second. He was educated under Hilda at Whitby,* 
and, according to Alcuin, had been *' vicedomnus " 
(? prior) and "abbas" (or abbot) at York.^ It may 
be that he was the "Wilfrid the Abbot" who was 
the intimate friend of St. Guthlac, as reported 
by Felix. He was, as we have seen, nominated 
and consecrated as his successor at York by St. 
John of Beverley. Alcuin in his poems mentions 
his generous gifts to the minster, including a 
covering for the altar, and crosses, covered by 
plates of silver gilt, and that he was also generous 

* Plummer's Bede, i. 432. ^ Op. cit. iii. 387, 388. 

* The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, sub an. 744. 

* Bedcy iv. 21 [23]. * Alcuin, De Pont. Ebor.y v. 12 17. 



172 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

to other churches. He resigned the see before 
his death in 732, probably in consequence of old 
age, and died in 745.^ Dr. Stubbs, in his work 
on Episcopal Succession, pp. 5 and 180, does 
not seem to accept this view, and considers that he 
died in 732. The authority of Bede's Continua- 
tor, supported by Symeon of Durham,^ are, how- 
ever, decisive, and Alcuin's De Pont. Ebor., vv. 
1237, etc., distinctly refers to his retirement — 

"At sua facta bonus postquam compleverat ille 
Pastor in ecclesiis, specialia septa petivit 
Quo servire Deo tota jam mente vacaret," etc. 

He gives him a high character, and his words 
show he was very popular and much beloved, and 
that he was a lover of hospitality and a man 
of the world.^ His words are a paraphrase of 
Bede's letter to Archbishop Ecgberht, and prove 
what he thought of him. 

Odo, Archbishop of Canterbury, 940-959, 
moved the remains of what he supposed was the 
body of the great St. Wilfrid to Canterbury. 
This was stoutly denied by the northern men, 
and I have discussed the matter on an earlier page. 
The people of York maintained that the remains 
so removed were those of Wilfrid the second. 
Eadmer, however, says that Wilfrid the second's 
remains were enshrined at Worcester by St. 
Oswald. Wilfrid was succeeded at York by 



^ See Continuator of Bede. Plummer, i. p. 362. 
^ Ep. de Arch. Ebor.^ par, i.. Rolls ed. i. 224. 
^ Raine, Hist, of the Church of York, i. p. 385. 



mSHOP WILFRID THE YOUNGER 173 

Ecgberht, whose episcopate forms no part of my 
subject. 

The succession of Ecgberht forms, in fact, a 
very important new departure in the history of the 
Northern Church, and eventually in that of the 
English Church also, for he was the first Arch- 
bishop of York, all his predecessors having been 
simply bishops of that see. Thenceforward the 
English Church had two ecclesiastical provinces, 
and the Archbishop of Canterbury ceased to be the 
sole Metropolitan of England. 

We have now followed the fortunes of the 
Anglian Church to a notable point, and it will be 
opportune to close our survey with Bede's report 
on the condition of things among the races 
and communities beyond our borders when he 
concluded his famous book in 731. He says : 
** The Picts at this time have a treaty of peace 
with the nation of the Angles, and rejoice in being 
united in Catholic peace and truth with the 
Universal Church. The Scots that inhabit Britain, 
satisfied with their own territories, meditate no 
plots or conspiracies against the nation of the 
Angles. The Britons, though they for the 
most part, through domestic hatred, are adverse 
to the nation of the Angles, and wrongfully and 
from wicked custom oppose the appointed Easter 
of the whole Catholic Church ; yet, from both the 
Divine and human power firmly withstanding them, 
they can in no way prevail as they desire ; for 
though in part they are their own masters, yet 



174 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

partly also they are brought under subjection to 
the English. 

Let me finish in his own exulting words : ''Hie 
est impraesentiarum ttniversae status Brittaniae 
anno adventus Anglorum in Brittaniam eirciter 
ducentissimo oetogesimo qtiinto, Dominicae auteTn 
Incarnationis anno DCCXXXI. ; in Cujus regno 
perpetuo exsultet terra, et congratulante in fide 
ejus Britannia, laetentur insulae 7nultae et confi- 
teantur memoriae sanctitatis ejus'' ^ 

* Bede, H.E., v. 23, 



APPENDIX I 

THE ROYAL AND HIGH-BORN NUNS 

One feature of the Early English Church which is continually 
present to those who read its history is the large part occupied 
by nuns, especially by nuns of high birth, in its polity. I have 
had to mention them prominently on several occasions, but deem 
it well to collect together in a more formal manner an account 
of such incidents regarding them as have not come within the 
general course of my narrative. 

The existence of women whose lives were devoted to 
virginity and to the services of religion, was of course known to 
Paganism. The Vestal Virgins naturally suggest themselves as 
an example. When the ascetic life pervaded the Church with 
its ideals, ideals largely involving withdrawal from the world 
and its pleasures, and devotion to penitential life, it is not 
strange that the more emotional sex, a sex prone to extravagance 
in the pursuit of self-sacrifice, took an active part. When the 
hermits covered the Egyptian deserts with their colonies, women 
were represented among them as were men, and when St. Basil 
first put order into these devotees by associating them into 
communities living under a Rule, he provided for communities 
of women as well as men. 

In the West such communities of women seem to have 
come into general existence somewhat later, and it would 
appear that even in the time of Pope Gregory the Great a large 
portion of the nuns — and there were, according to his letters, 3000 
of them living in Rome alone — apparently dedicated themselves, 
but lived in their own houses, as his sisters and mother did. 
In other cases it would seem that from early times communities 
of men and women grew up side by side, which was a con- 
venient way of providing for the services in the nunneries. In 
either case, the vows of virginity and obedience which accom- 
panied the dedication had to be made in the presence of a bishop, 

who consecrated and gave them the necessary benediction. 

175 



176 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

As time went on the necessity for more stringent Rules to 
prevent scandals when monasteries of the two sexes were 
placed near each other was felt. Several of these Rules are 
extant, the most famous of them being those of Caesarius, 
Bishop of Aries (502-542) in France, and of Archbishop 
Leander in Spain. 

When Caesarius composed his Rule the discipline of the 
female communities had become very lax, and there was con- 
tinual intercourse between them and the world by letters, etc., 
while they were accustomed to receive visits in private in their 
parlours and chambers. They used to ingratiate themselves 
with their male friends by taking care of their clothes, wash- 
ing their linen, etc. Given to luxury, they indulged in rich 
carpets and coverlets, purple dresses, embroideries, laces, and 
delicately ornamented serviettes. Their houses had, as a recent 
biographer of the Bishop says, " become retiring places for widows 
and young women who wanted to escape marriages with un- 
attractive suitors." They were often a troop of demimondistes 
in the guise of servants of God. All this was encouraged by 
the absence of any effective Rule. The discipline of the 
nunneries was in fact much looser than that of the monks. 
They were dependent on the male clergy for all their services, 
and their houses were not too closely overseen by the bishops. 
All this must be remembered when we judge of the minute 
instructions in the Rule of Caesarius. 

St. Caesarius was the first person in the West to draw up a 
Rule specifically for nuns. It was prepared for a convent at 
Aries which was dedicated to St. John, and was partly founded 
on the Monastic Rules in vogue at Lerins, and the works of 
St. Augustine and CaSsian, and consisted of forty-three heads, 
of which I will give an abstract. 

I. This provided a close claustral life until death for the 
nuns, and seems to have been the first Rule with this provision. 
Once a nun was professed, she was not to leave the nunnery 
till her death. 

II. Swearing and the taking of oaths was forbidden, as the 
venom of the devil {velut venefium diaboli). 

III. No nun was to be professed till her real vocation had 
been severely tested, and for this purpose she was to be placed 
under a senior for instruction. It was only on the request and 
report of her directress that she was (under the supervision of the 
prioress) to take the habit and join the schola of the nuns. 



APPENDIX I 177 

IV. Widows or those who had left their husbands were not 
allowed to enter nunneries until they had divested themselves 
of all their property by gift or sale in accordance with Matthew 
xix. and Luke xxiv. No virgin could reach perfection until she 
had surrendered all she possessed, which was styled *' peculiarity." 
Until this was done she was not to receive the veil. Those 
whose parents were still living, and who for this reason had 
not obtained their patrimony, were to enter into an undertaking 
to give it up when they succeeded to it. No nun, not even the 
abbess, was to have a private servant. When at work the 
older ones might, however, be helped by the younger ones. 

V. Neither the children of nobles nor of humble folk were 
to be brought up or taught in the nunneries, unless when they 
were offered by their parents with the intention that they should 
presently become nuns, and this was not to be till they were six 
or seven years old. 

VI. No one should work at making anything unless at the 
wish of a senior. 

VII. No nun was to have a box or cupboard where she 
could secrete any private things, nor were they to consider any 
particular cell as their own, nor choose for themselves which cell 
they would have. 

VIII. They should never speak with a loud voice 
(Ephesians iv.). Nor was it allowed them to talk or work 
while singing the psalms. 

IX. No nun was to be a godmother to any child, rich or poor. 

X. If a nun came late to prayers or to her hours after the 
summons, she was to be reproved, and for a second or third 
offence was to be excluded from communion (a communione) and 
from entertainments. 

XI. If any nun were corrected or beaten because of a 
fault, she was not to complain, and if she did so she was to be 
excluded from table or from prayers. 

XII. Those who were engaged in cooking were to be allowed 
to drink a little wine. All the sisters were to work at their 
menial duties in turn, except the abbess and the prioress. 

XIII. At vigils, in order not to be overcome by sleep, they 
might work at something which did not distract their prayers, 
or stand up instead of sitting. 

XIV. When wool-working, each was to receive the daily 
portion of wool allotted to her with humility, and to be 
strenuous at her work. 

VOL. III. — 12 



178 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

XV. No one should have any private property either in 
clothes or anything else. 

XVI. There was to be no grumbling, for which injunction 
Philemon 2 was quoted; all must obey the Mother, next to 
God, and after her the prioresses. When they were seated at 
table they were to be silent and listen to the reader. If it was 
necessary to speak it must be in a whisper. When the reader 
had finished they were to meditate. 

XVII. They must all learn to read, and spend two hours a 
day, from early morning till the second hour, in reading. 

XVIII. The rest of the day they must work and not gossip, 
and only talk for the purpose of edification or the necessities 
of work ; otherwise, when at work, one of the sisters was to read 
to them for an hour until tierce. 

XIX. If any one on joining the community had some 
possessions she was humbly to give them up to the Mother for 
the common good. Those who had nothing were not to try 
and appropriate any in the nunnery. Those who were better 
off on entering the monastery were not to give themselves airs 
over their poorer sisters, but all were to treat each other as 
equals and in a sisterly way. 

XX. When singing hymns and psalms they must think of 
the words as well as of the music, and they should meditate on 
the Scriptures during their work. The sick were to use every 
effort for speedy recovery, and on regaining their strength were 
to revert to their ascetic mode of living. 

XXI. None of them (instigated by the devil) should look at 
men with lustful eyes, nor indulge in impure thoughts. 

XXII. If a nun noticed another sister behaving indiscreetly 
she ought to reprove her privately ; if this did not suffice she 
was to report the fact to the Mother, nor should she be deemed 
to have done wrong by the others for doing so. It was wrong 
to remain silent when conscious of a sister erring. This involved 
sharing her offence. It was better she should be punished in 
her body than that her heart should suffer. 

XXIII. If a sister secretly received letters or presents from any 
one and it was found out, she was to be reported and punished. 
Similarly if she sent letters or presents. If she wished to send 
something to a relative, she must get proper authority and then 
dispatch it through the janitress or gatekeeper. 

XXIV. It was right, as was attested by Proverbs xxiii. and 
Eccl. XXX., that nuns who engaged in quarrels or altercations, or 



I 



APPENDIX I 179 

stole things, or struck each other, " all which acts was almost 
incredible," should be punished. 

XXV. The stock of woollen clothes for the nuns was to be 
kept by the prioress and dispensed by her as was necessary. 

XXVI. There was to be no contention or jealousy among 
them about their clothes. If any had extra clothes given them 
on account of sickness they were to be returned to the 
registoria (nun in charge of the wardrobes). 

XXVII. No one was to engage in any work not specially 
authorised : they were not to work in private but in company. 

XXVIII. The cellarer, the janitress, and the keeper of the 
wardrobe were to be selected not to please any one, but because 
of her fitness and in view of the common good. No sister was 
to have either food or drink by her bedside. No one was to 
secretly keep wine nor to have a gift made of it, but if sick she 
was to be supplied with it by those in charge of the duty. In 
such cases, if the monastery did not produce wine of good 
quality, the abbess was to obtain it, so that those who were ill 
or delicate should not suffer. 

XXIX. Baths were not to be forbidden to the sick, and were 
to be used by them without murmuring when ordered by the 
doctor. Whether sick or well they must obey the senior in this 
matter, and not have their whims indulged. 

XXX. In order to take care of the sick or feeble, some 
one who was faithful and gentle should be chosen, who should 
obtain from the cellarer whatever was necessary for them, and 
they should also have a separate cook and cellarer if possible. 
The cellarer should have charge of the stores of wool, the 
clothes, books, and food, and should undertake by swearing 
on the Gospels to fulfil her duties faithfully and without 
murmuring, and if any of them used or stored her clothes, 
shoes, or utensils carelessly, she was to be duly punished. 

XXXI. They were not to indulge in quarrels, and any one 
who injured a sister was to be punished, and if she persisted 
in her evil ways she was to live in a secluded place, in charge 
of a sister and be put under discipline. The prioress who had 
charge of the discipline of the convent was to use moderation 
in her rebukes, and not to be exacting in reproving small faults, 
but to leave their punishment to God. 

XXXII. They were to obey their " Mother " and the prioress 
who was set over them without murmuring. And they were to 
exercise their discipline with charity and consideration, and to 



1 80 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

aim at strengthening the weak, correcting the timid, and fortify- 
ing the uneasy and nervous. 

XXXni. Above all things, in order to preserve their good 
name, no man should enter the secluded part of the nunnery 
or its chapels except the bishop, the provisor, the priest, deacon 
and sub-deacon, and one or two readers of mature age who 
should perform the services. When, however, the roofs and the 
doors or windows were being repaired, and workmen were needed 
for this or similar work, they might enter with the consent of the 
abbess, otherwise no man was to be admitted. 

XXXIV. Secular matrons or girls and men in lay costume 
were not to enter the nunnery. 

XXXV. When the abbess went to the reception room to 
receive salutations she was to be accompanied by two or three 
sisters in order to preserve her dignity. If bishops, abbots, or 
other important "religious" wished to enter the chapel to pray, 
they might do so. The gates of the monastery were to be 
opened at opportune times. 

XXXVI. No nun was to be present at meals with bishops, 
abbots, monks, clerks, secular men or women or similar visitors, 
nor with the relatives of the abbess, either inside or outside the 
monastery, nor was the bishop of the diocese nor the provisor 
to hold a feast there. Religious women from the city possessing 
considerable social position were only very rarely to be admitted ; 
but if some one came from another city and wished to see 
the nunnery, or to see her daughter, and was a religious person, 
she might, with the consent of the abbess, be present at a meal. 

XXXVII. If any nun wished to see a sister or a daughter 
or other relative she was to ask permission, and such permission 
was not to be denied to her. 

XXXVIII. The abbess, unless on account of some infirmity 
or some pressing occupation, was not to go outside the boundary 
{extra coftgregationem penitus non reficiaiur). 

XXXIX. The abbess and prioress as well as the cellarer 
were especially enjoined that their most pressing function was 
to cherish and look after the sick and infirm, and to see that 
they were indulged in what was necessary for them and in the 
relaxation of all rules which pressed upon them. 

XL. This Rule contains minute instructions about the 
methods of dispensing the clothes to the nuns, and replacing 
old ones by new ones, etc. etc. The only interesting provision 
in it is that which provides that these clothes were to be simple 



APPENDIX I i8i 

and of incons[)icuous colour, neither black nor white, but 
cream-coloured or of the colour of the wool, and were to be made 
in the monastery under the guidance of the prioress or " laundry- 
maid " and distributed by the Mother of the monastery as required. 

XLI. The beds were to have simple coverlets and not 
coloured or flowered ones ; no silver ornaments were to be used 
in the monastery save in the services. 

XLII. Feather-work and embroidery and silk or coloured 
or decorated vesture were to be excluded from nunneries ; the 
materials of the nuns' dresses were to be simple. The only 
ornaments on them were to be crosses, which were to be black 
or cream-coloured, and made of cloth or linen ; nor were veils 
ornamented with wax nor painted tablets to be used, nor were 
the walls of the nunnery nor the cells to have any pictures on 
them. In the dwellings of nuns things should be looked at with 
spiritual and not merely human eyes. If any such forbidden 
things were presented to the nunnery they were to be sold for 
the benefit of the community or transferred to the Basilica. 
Embroidery was only to be allowed on horsecloths and napkins, 
and when the abbess permitted it. On no account were they 
without the consent of the abbess to wash or mend or store or 
dye the clothes of clerics or laics or relatives, nor of strange men 
and women, lest the good fame of the monastery should suffer. 

XLIII. This concluding clause was addressed to the abbess 
and prioress, and especially enjoined them not to relax their vigil- 
ance in consequence of threats or blandishments or other cause. 

In addition to the Rules as just set out, Csesarius also 
prepared an epitome or recapitulation. In this some additional 
provisions are contained to make those already named more 
clear. Liter alia, the assignation of a particular cell to any nun 
was forbidden in order to prevent her from secretly receiving 
visitors, either men or women, nor was she ever to speak alone nor 
to correspond secretly with a man, even a relative. They were not 
to use any clothes of a bright colour, as white or black or beaver- 
coloured {bebrina), nor were they to bind up their hair very high. 
They were to do all their work in company and not alone. 

The long fast from Pentecost to the kalends of September 
was to be tempered by the abbess in the way she deemed wise. 
From the kalends of September to those of November, the second, 
fourth, and sixth days were to be fast days. From the kalends 
of November to Christmas day all the days were to be fast days 
except the festivals and Saturdays. There was to be a fast of 



1 82 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

seven days before Epiphany. From Epiphany to Quadragesima 
week, the fourth and sixth days were to be fasts. The vigils of 
Easter and Epiphany were to be kept until daylight. 

In regard to food. During fast days it was to be partaken 
of three times daily. At breakfast only two dishes apiece. On 
the great festivals certain dishes were to be added at breakfast. 
On other days in summer and in autumn two only were to be then 
provided, at supper three dishes. The younger nuns were to 
have two dishes at all their meals. Meat was never to be eaten 
unless a nun was desperately ill, and it was so ordered ; only 
the sick were to be allowed fowls. They were to remember 
their founder Csesarius in all their prayers, public and private, 
so that he might rule the church wisely, and for themselves that 
they should follow the vocation of pious virgins faithfully. 
Lastly, they must take care never to leave open the door of 
the old baptistery, or the "schola," the weaving-room, or the 
turret near the orchard, nor should any of them presume 
to open them without leave. 

On the death of an abbess no one should support a candidate 
for the post on the grounds of her relationship, etc. etc., but 
*only because she would rule the convent wisely and prudently. 
Caesarius bade them keep the Rule he had given them in its 
minutest injunctions and with all their strength, and if the abbess 
or the prioress should at any time, "which God forbid," endeavour 
to relax it, they were to resist her, and to bring her before him- 
self for punishment. If any sister should prove recalcitrant, she 
must be removed to a penitential cell and not be allowed to 
return till she agreed to conform. 

It has been remarked about these Rules that they are very 
meticulous and careful of small things, and exact an extravagant 
austerity far removed from the wise moderation of St. Benedict's 
Rules. They doubtless, however, formed the substantial part 
of the administrative Rules of most of the French nunneries, 
and were perhaps needed when morals were generally very loose.^ 
Let us now turn shortly to the Celtic nunneries. 

The most interesting form which Monasticism took at this 
time was that of the double monasteries. On this subject Mr. 
H. B. Workman has written some paragraphs which I cannot 
improve upon and will take the liberty of borrowing. He traces 
the practice back to the Agapetae, " female Christian ascetics 
who lived together with men, though both parties had taken the 
^ Migne, Pat.^ vol. Ixvii. pp. H05 and ff. 



APPENDIX I 183 

vows of celibacy. These spiritual marriages — possibly in origin 
an attempt to substitute brotherly love for marriage — were very 
common with the Valentinians, Montanists, and Eucratites, and 
in the third and fourth century were held in favour also in the 
Catholic Church, as also with the early saints of the Celtic 
Church. From such spiritual marriages, designed as an aid in 
subduing the flesh, the step to concubinage was but slight. 
By the sixth century the worst construction was put by both 
populace and Church upon all such connections, and every effort 
was made to stamp them out." ^ These Agapetae, however, were 
only the incipient stages of a movement which blossomed in the 
later double monasteries. The title, says Workman, goes back to the 
time of Justinian. In these monasteries the Abbess ruled over the 
men, and a society of regular priests administered to the spiritual 
needs of regular women. " At the very rise of monasticism, we 
find the sister of Pachomius establishing a community of nuns on 
the other side of the Nile opposite to her brother's monasteries ; 
while St. Basil and his sister Macrina presided over settlements 
of men and women, separated only by the river Iris. Though 
prohibited by the Council of Agde in Languedoc, and by 
Justinian, the system of double monasteries flourished." Bede 
implies the existence of one in Rome {Monackum quendam de vtci?io 
Virginum 77wnasterio nomine Andrea?n)y^ while S. Radegunda 
was head of a famous Frankish double monastery at Poictiers." 
Thus before the arrival of Columbanus double monasteries 
flourished in Gaul, while after his arrival, we note the rise of 
some of the largest and most famous, though none of them 
owed their origin to the saint himself. " Examples," says 
Workman, " are Remirement, Soissons, Jouarre, Brie, Chelles, and 
Andelys ; the last three were especially favoured by English 
ladies.^ St. Boniface introduced the feature in Germany, where 
tiie establishments were in several cases presided over by nuns 
trained at Wimborne." ^ 

From the first they flourished in the Celtic Church, perhaps 
because they were a survival of the old Clan system, when men 
and women alike belonged to the same religious community. 
In Ireland the head of such monasteries was usually a man, as 
the head of the Clan was ; but in the Scoto-Irish monasteries of 
England, especially in those founded by royal princesses and 
in Columban's double monasteries in Gaul and Belgium, the 

^ Workman, Evolution of Monasticism, 62. "^ H.E., iv. i. 

* Bede, H.E., iii. 8. * Workman, op. cit. 177 and 178. 



1 84 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

monastery of clerks or priests, which was generally placed at the 
gate of the nunnery, was ruled over by the abbess. This singular 
inversion of the normal relationship was due probably to the fact 
that in such cases the real centre or original foundation was the 
nunnery, but that for the spiritual needs of the nuns as well 
as for the oversight of their lands and estates, there grew up a 
smaller dependent monastery of priests and lay brethren. But 
in some monasteries the monks were in a majority.^ 

Archbishop Theodore in some of his Canons forbids any new 
foundations of this description, though forced to recognise those 
that already existed. But his regulations were disregarded, and 
new double monasteries, e.g. Wim borne, were founded after his 
death. What the Archbishop could not do, the Danes accom- 
plished by their general destruction of the monastic life of Eng- 
land at the end of the ninth century, though on the Continent 
we find double monasteries existing until late in the eleventh 
century. Among the double monasteries in England, Bardney, 
Barking, Ely, Whitby, and Coldingham are mentioned by Bede ; 
others existed at Wimborne, Repton, Wenlock, Wimborne, 
Nuneaton, and perhaps Carlisle.^ 

As in later times, the Anglo-Saxon nunneries were of two 
kinds. In one of these classes the inmates consisted chiefly, if 
not entirely, of royal and noble ladies, who, for different reasons, 
sought them or were put in them by their parents. Among them 
rigid asceticism was often disregarded. They were, in fact, culti- 
vated homes, generally safe from outrage in very rough times, 
where fathers put redundant daughters for whom husbands could 
not be found, and unhappy wives and lonely widows consorted 
with those of their class and devoted themselves to church 
embroidery, copying and illuminating MSB., reading poetry, 
learning Latin and probably also French. These grand ladies 
were dressed in rich habits, the costly character of which was 
supposed to be atoned for by their orthodox patterns. The 
moralists of the time inveigh against such aristocratic nuns. 

Aldhelm attacks the luxurious costumes of some of the inmates 
of both sexes in the nunnery at Barking, and notably of certain 
abbesses and nuns who wore a fine linen undervest of violet and 
over it a scarlet tunic with wide sleeves and hoods and cuffs 
trimmed with furs or silk, who curled their hair with a hot iron 
all round their foreheads, while golden ornaments in the shape of 
crescents encircled their necks, and who changed their veils into a 
^ Workman, op. cit. 178-79. ^ lb. 179 and note. 



APPENDIX I 185 

head-covering fastened with coloured ribbons which hung down 
to their feet. Others sharpened and bent their nails like the claws 
of falcons, wore shoes of red leather, and used stibium with which 
to paint their face.^ These were of course exceptional cases, but 
they no doubt had a tendency to grow where the inn:iates adopted 
the veil for other motives than to pass an ascetic life. The normal 
conditions prevailing in nunneries at this time are well described 
in the life of an Anglo-Saxon nun named Leoba, who went from 
Wimborne to found a nunnery at Bischoffsheim in Germany, and 
which was written by Ralph of Fulda. 

He says " there were two monasteries at Wimborne, formerly 
erected by the kings of the country, which were surrounded by 
strong and lofty walls and endowed with competent revenues. 
Of these, one was designed for clerks, the other for females, but 
neither (for such was the law of their foundation) was ever 
entered by any individual of the other sex. No woman could 
obtain permission to come into the monastery of the men ; 
none of the men to come into the convent of the women, 
with the exception of the priests who entered to perform the 
mass, and withdrew the minute the service was over. If a 
female, desirous of quitting the world, asked to be admitted 
among the sisterhood, she could obtain her request, be she 
who she might, on this condition only, that she should never 
seek to go out unless it were on some extraordinary occa- 
sion which might seem to justify such indulgence. Even the 
abbess herself, if it were necessary that she should receive advice 
or give orders, spoke to men through a window; and so desirous 
was Leoba to remove all opportunity of conversation between 
the sisters and persons of the other sex, that she refused entrance 
into the convent, not only to laymen and clergymen, but even to 
the bishops themselves." ^ Bede, in speaking of the monastery 
of Barking in Essex, mentions the plague as raging in that part 
of the building occupied by the men " before it reached that 
other part where a crowd of the maidens of God lived." ^ 

The first English nun who is recorded was ^thelberga, the 
daughter of King ^Ethelberht, who, on the death of her husband 
^dwin, king of Northumbria, in 633, returned to Kent, where 
she founded a small nunnery at Lyminge, doubtless based on the 

^ De lazidibus Virg. , 307 and 364. 

^ Vit. S. Leobae. See Lingard, Aug. Sax. Churchy i. 213 and 214. 
' Qua ancillarum Dei caterva a vironim erat secret a confute rnio, \\ 214, 
note I. 



I S6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

pattern of those in Gaul. There she took the veil, and there she 
died in 647.^ She was a friend and perhaps a relation of King 
Dagobert. 

Not long afterwards her niece Eanswitha, the daughter of 
King Eadbald, founded another small nunnery at Folkestone, 
doubtless of the same type, and of which she became the abbess.^ 
Two popular tales are told of her — namely, that she tamed flocks 
of wild geese which spoilt her harvests, some of which her 
servants stole from her poultry yard and ate, to her great dis- 
pleasure. Secondly, with the tip of her crozier she dug a canal 
to bring a stream of fresh water which was needed for the 
monastery, and which was miraculously made to run uphill from 
Swilton, a mile from Folkestone.^ A fragment of her Office is 
still extant and was published by the BoUandists, showing that 
her nunnery must have lived long. The church which she built, 
and which was overwhelmed by the Danes, was rebuilt by John 
de Segrave and his wife Juliana de Sandwich in the thirteenth 
century, and was then dedicated to St. Peter and St. Eanswitha.* 

A leaden reliquary containing some of her bones is preserved 
at Folkestone.^ 

The next venture, in the same way, was made in Northumbria 
by Heiu. The name has not an English look, and it may well 
be that she was of Celtic origin — perhaps a Briton from Elmet 
in West Yorkshire. Bede says she was the first woman in 
Northumbria who was reputed to have been a nun, and adds that 
she was veiled and consecrated by Bishop Aidan.^ She founded 
a nunnery about 650 at a place called Heruteu, which Bede 
exi)lains as meaning the island of the hart,'^ but which really 
means Hartwater. Florence of Worcester calls it Heortesig.^ 
It is now known as Hartlepool. 

Soon afterwards Heiu retired to Calcaria (which, says Bede, 
was called Kaelcacaestir by the Anglians), and there dwelt.^ She 
left her Hartlepool nunnery in charge of Milda. Calcaria is 
represented by the modern Tadcaster, about six miles from York. 
Conterminous with the parish of Tadcaster, says Father D. 
Haigh, is the chapelry of Healaugh (anciently Helegh, and still 
pronounced Heeley) ; Healaugh Hall, close to the river ; and 
Healaugh Manor, on the site of an ancient priory, about two miles 

^ Fide Howorth, SL Augtistiiie of Canterbury , 329-32. 

'^ ^b- 333-34- ^ Hardy, Cat., i. pp. 228, 229, and 382. 

* Montalcmbert, Engl, ed., v. 258. 

^ I gave a pictiuc of it in my volume on Augustine the Missionary , p. 334. 

'"' Bede, iv. 23. ' lb. iii. 24. '^ M.H.B.y 531. '*• Op. cit. iv. 23. 




Ivory Tablet commemorating St. Eanswttha. 



[IW. [II., facing p. i86. 



APPENDIX I 187 

north by east. He explains the name Healaugh as meaning the 
domain subject to the jurisdiction of Heiu, and adds that "it is not 
improbable that the chapel, to the north-east of which there are ex- 
tensive remains as well as the priory, stands on the sites of earlier 
buildings of St. Heiu's monastery. In the course of digging a 
vault in the cemetery at Healaugh many years ago, a broken 
tombstone was found six feet below the surface. The design is 
very peculiar, consisting of a composition of circles, all scratched 
slightly with a compass and a cross roughly formed by triple 
lines. The inscription gives two names thus disposed 

MA HE 

D V G V 

"The name to the left is certainly Celtic, either British or 
Scotic. Several churches in Wales are dedicated to St. Madoc, 
while a Maedhog died Bishop of Ferns in a.d. 632. 

" The name to the right wants but one letter to correspond 
with the one to the left and to complete the name Heiu, and the 
stone is broken away where this should be." It seems to me 
that Father Haigh has made out a conclusive case, and that this 
cross can only be that of Abbess Heiu.^ Its primitive style also 
points to the seventh century, and we may reasonably conclude 
that Abbess Heiu was buried at Hartlepool. 

Let us now turn to another and more famous nun, who 
succeeded Heiu as Abbess of Heruteu. Bede says that Hilda 
or Hild was nobly born and was the daughter of Hereric, 
the nephew {nepos 2) of King ^dwin. Her mother was called 
Bregusuid or Bersuitha. Hereric for some unexplained reason 
lived as an exile with Cerdic, the British chief of the district 
of Elmet (near Leeds). Probably, like the rest of the royal 
family of Deira, he had been exiled by yEthelfrid, king of Bernicia, 
and it was perhaps at the instance of the latter that, as Bede 
tells us, he was poisoned while at Elmet. Upon this, his widow 
doubtless returned to Deira, taking with her her daughter Hilda 
and the latter's elder sister Heresuitha. Bede tells us that when 
Hilda was still a child, her mother Bregusuid had a dream in 
which it seemed as if she was looking diligently for her husband 
Hereric, but could not find him anywhere. Having exhausted 
all her ingenuity in the search, she suddenly found a most 
precious jewel under her garment, which while she was looking 

^ See Yorks. Arch, and Top. Society^ s Journal , vol. iii. pp. 363-65. 
^ Both Father Haigh and Mr. Pkimmer agree that the dates compel us to 
translate nepos here by nephew and not by grandson. 



1 88 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

on it very attentively cast such a light that it spread itself 

throughout all Britain, which dream, says Bede, was brought to 

pass in her daughter, whose life was such an example to all who 

wished to live well.^ He adds that Hilda died in the year 680 

at the age of sixty-six.^ She must therefore have been born 

in 614. She was probably baptized by Paulinus at York, with 

King ^dwin and the rest of his family.^ According to Florence, 

who is followed by Plummer of Worcester, Heresuitha married 

T^thelhere, the brother of Anna, king of East Anglia. I am now 

disposed to think this is a mistake, ^thelhere was a pagan, and 

the Liber Eliensis distinctly makes her the wife of Anna, as Smith 

does in his notes to chapter v. of Bede's H.E. She apparently 

left him before his death, since Bede expressly says she was living 

in a monastery in 647, and Anna was then still king. Nennius 

calls ^thelhere, Edric,* which is confirmed by the genealogy in 

the Textus Roffensis^ which calls him ^therric. Haigh urges that 

this form is right.^ By her husband she became the mother of 

Aldwulf, afterwards king of the East Angles.^ Heresuitha was 

apparently the first distinguished East Anglian lady to enter a 

Frankish monastery. Bede says this was the monastery of " Cale " 

{i.e. Chelles),''' but he must have mistaken the name, for that 

establishment was not founded till 662. Presently the French 

nunneries became famous resorts of English ladies. Bede expressly 

says : Multi de Britannia monachicae conversationis gratia^ Fran- 

coriitn vel Galliariijn monasteria adire solebant ; sed et filias suas 

eisdem erudiendas^ ac sponso caelesti copulandas ?nitteba?it.^ 

Let us return to Hilda. We do not hear anything of her 
after her baptism till she was thirty-three years old, when she 
determined to adopt a religious life. Bede, as Haigh says, never 
calls her a virgin as he does her successor, and he thinks it extra- 
ordinary if in those times she reached the age of thirty-three , 
without marriage or religious consecration, and therefore argues 
that in 647 she was a widow.^ 

Attracted by the reputation of the French nunneries, she 
made up her mind to join her sister in one of them. She set 
out thither ; but if Bede's words are to be taken literally, she did 
not actually go to France, but apparently to East Anglia. She 

^ Op. cit. iv. 23. ^ lb. ' See Howorth, Augustine the Missionary^ 262. 
< M.H.B., 75. ^ Op. cit. p. 352. ^ See Plummer, Bede, ii. 244. 

'This was a Royal city on the Marne, described as about 100 stadia from 
Paris. Bcrcen Bathildis built a nunnery there {M.H.B., iSo, note). 
8 Bede, H.E., iii. 8. » Op. cit, 354. 



/;': / .;:" .y 



i; i ; C ! ' 








This fragment was found with the others at Hartlepool. The only remains of 
the inscription read " . . .; equiesc[ijt [hoc lo]co." To whom it was erected 
we do not know, but it belongs to the same time. 





Memorial of Heiu. 



Monument of Bregusuid, Mother of St. Hilda. 



[IW. in.,facino^p. \\ 




" ^\ 










Cross of Hilditiiryth, or St. Hilda. 



{Vol. III., facing p. i88. 




Cross of IIildegyth. 



[J'ol III., facing p. i83. 



APPENDIX I 189 

did not stay there long, however : twelve months later she was 
summoned home again to Northumbria by St. Aidan. There 
she accepted the gift of a piece of land sufficient to maintain a 
family. This is called a hiwscipe (and not, as usual, a hide) in 
the Anglo-Saxon translation of Bede. She lived a secluded 
life for a year with some companions, and, as we have seen, 
moved to Hartlepool when Heiu went to Tadcaster. There she 
began to put things in order and to introduce a Rule. She had 
the help of learned men, and was frequently visited by Bishop 
Aidan.^ In the year 653, while she was at Hartlepool, King Oswy, 
who had dedicated his little daughter ^Ifleda (then only a year 
old) to God, in case he should defeat Penda in the battle of 
the Winwaed, put the latter in charge of Hilda, who thus became 
her foster-mother. 2 At the same time he made over to the Church 
twelve small portions of land {duodecim possessiunculis errartum^ 
called twelve boclands in the A.S. translation), six of which were 
in Deira and six in Bernicia. Each of these portions contained 
ten families {i.e. consisted of ten hides), making one hundred 
and twenty in all. Bede implies that the king intended twelve 
monasteries to be built on these twelve portions of land.^ 

Before pursuing the career of Hilda in another sphere, it 
will be convenient to collect some interesting and not too 
familiar notes on some of the earlier inmates of the monastery 
at Hartlepool. The site of what was no doubt its cemetery was 
accidentally discovered in 1833 in digging some foundations for 
houses in a field called the "Cross field," probably from a 
monumental cross once standing there, and situated about 135 
yards south-east of the ruins of the Friary (additional traces were 
found in 1838 and 1843). At the depth of 3 J feet from the 
surface, several skeletons, male and female, of tall stature were 
found lying in rows on the surface of the limestone rock in 
a direction north and south. Small flat stones from five to 
six inches square were placed under their heads as if they 
were pillows. Other stones marked with crosses and inscribed 
were found with some of them. Nine of these latter are known, 
but it is possible there may have been others which were lost. 
The crosses in question are incised on the small slabs of stone, 
and, as may be seen from the plate, are in simple taste. They 
generally resemble Irish crosses of the same type and workman- 
ship. They were first figured by Father Haigh in a paper in 
the Journal of the ArchcEological Association^ vol. i. pp. 193-195. 
^ Bede^ iv. ch. 23. ^ lb. iii. 24. ^ Op. cii. iii. 24. 



I90 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

One of the crosses was of a very peculiar form, each Hmb 
being graced with a glory such as is found round the heads of 
holy personages on some early Northumbrian carvings and coins. 
" The inscription below the transom of the cross," says Haigh, " is 
. . . gugiiid (certainly iox gusuid ; suidor suith is very common as 
the final element in the names of women, while ^z//^ or guith never 
occurs)." The first letters of the name have weathered away, 
but as Haigh, a most experienced judge in such matters, says, there 
is no possibility of restoring what is lost so as to get a true Anglian 
name other than Bregusuid. With this stone were found two 
skeletons, the head of each resting on a plain stone about five 
inches square. The stone here described, says Haigh, is 
apparently the earliest of the series. " It is undoubtedly the 
memorial of Bregusuid, the mother of Hilda." She is called 
Beorhtsuith by Florence of Worcester, and Bertcsuid in the Liber 
VitcB. Above the transom are some detached letters. The whole 
when complete is certainly to be read (Ora)te p(ro) Bregusuid. 

We will now turn to two other stones, which, like the one just 
described, are much larger than the rest. One of these bears the 
name Hildithryth in runes, which Haigh identifies as the grave- 
stone of St. Hilda herself. He argues that Hilda is really not 
a complete name. As in other cases, such as Cutha for Cuthwulf 
in the Eng. Chron.^ Cuana for Conrad in the Chro7iicon Scotorum, 
and Leoba for St. Leobgyth, one of St. Boniface's disciples, 
and at one time a nun at Wimborne, the first syllable has been 
similarly used in the case of Hild instead of her full name. 

I would add to Haigh's arguments another which strikes me 
as very forcible, namely, that Hild was the name of the goddess 
of war among the pagan Saxons, and an individual would hardly 
be named after the goddess without some qualifying particle. 

Haigh accordingly argues that the name of Hildithryth, which 
occurs on one of the two bigger stones just mentioned, was 
really St. Hilda's full name. He mentions that in the famous 
Liber VitcB now at Durham, one section of which he claims to 
have been compiled at Lindisfarne in the latter half of the ninth 
century and which contains a list of the most famous saints and 
saintly people in the north who had been benefactors of the 
monastery, the name of Hild or Hilda does not occur alone, but 
only in such forms as Hildithryth, Wulfhild, Tidhild, Hildiberht, 
Hildiwald, etc., and he says very conclusively that the name of the 
great abbess of Heruteu and Strenaeshalh would certainly not 
have been omitted from its list of queens and abbesses. Now it is 




1^ 



•^ 
^ 



^ 




O 



c 



1 



APPENDIX I 191 

very curious that while the name of Hild or Hilda does not 
occur in it, the name of Hildithryth, which is not recorded in 
that form by Bede or elsewhere in early literature, does occur. 

I would add still another argument to the strong ones made 
use of by Haigh. Bede, in speaking of the famous people who had 
been interred at Whitby, does not mention St. Hilda at all, which 
is incredible if she had been buried there, and it is indeed almost 
certain that she was buried beside her mother at her own early 
foundation at Hartlepool, and that her full name was HildiGryth. 

On another stone there is another similar name also in runes 
{i.e. Hilddigyth), doubtless representing some distinguished nun 
or abbess otherwise unrecorded. The name is one of a series 
of five which occurs twice in the Liber VitcB. 

Let us now turn to another of the larger gravestones, which 
is inscribed with the name Berchtgyth. It seems probable that 
when Hilda removed to her new foundation at Whitby, Berchtgyth 
took her place at Hartlepool. That she was connected by a close 
tie with the two abbesses commemorated on the other larger 
gravestones is more than suggested by the fact that in the 
Liber Vitce the three names BerchtsuiS, Hildithryth, and 
Berchtgyth follow each other. 

Haigh identifies this last abbess with a Berthgyth whose 
letters written to her brother Balthard are preserved in the great 
collection of the letters of Boniface.^ In the first one she 
speaks of her affection for her brother, and how she was left 
alone and deprived of the help of her kindred. " My father and 
mother," she says, " have left me, but God has taken care of me." 
" Many gatherings of the water are between me and thee ; let 
us, however, be united in love which knows no special locality. 
I implore thee, dearest brother, either to come to me, or to 
contrive that I may come to thee, so that I may see thee before 
I die." In the second letter she acknowledges the receipt of a 
letter and of presents from Balthard which had been brought 
to her by a certain Aldred who was taking back her reply. She 
again urges him to go and see her. *' When I hear of and see 
others going to their friends, I remember how I was abandoned 
by my relatives when I was young and remained alone. Yet 
God did not desert me. If thou wouldst come and see me I 
would remain contentedly where I am ; otherwise I shall return 
to my relatives." She ends her letter by saying she was sending 
him a small gift, namely a witta (?). There is a third letter extant 
^ Ed. E. Dlimmler, Nos. 147 and 148. 



192 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

in which neither her name nor that of her brother occurs. It 
is in the same querulous tone, and was obviously written by the 
same writer. In this she calls herself ultima ancillarum Dei} 
The Magdeburg Centuriators have identified this Balthard with 
one who became Abbot of Hersfeld in Germany and died in 796.2 

On another of the stones at Hartlepool is a name read 
Kanegut by Haigh, of which I can make nothing. No name like 
it occurs in the Liber Vitce^ and it seems to me to have been mis- 
read. Father Haigh associates it with a name occurring in one of 
Boniface's letters which he reads Kanegnub. This will not pass, 
however. The latter name is not Kanegnub but really Kuniburga, 
as it is written in Diimmler's edition of the correspondence. 

Three other names occur on two other of these small stones, 
all of men — namely, Edilwini, Wermund, and Torhtsid.^ I have 
discussed these on another page. 

Let us now return to the Abbess Hilda. About the year 
658 she undertook to build a more stately monastery at a place 
called Streoneshalch. Bede gives an etymology of this name 
which has greatly exercised the philologists, and they are agreed 
that the meaning he gives is quite an impossible one — namely, 
sinus-phari^ or the bay of the lighthouse. My friend the Rev. 
J. C. Atkinson, who wrote the history of Cleveland, and was a 
trustworthy scholar, considered Streone to be a personal name, 
and translated hale by hall or hollow. " The name Dimuldehale 
occurs in the Whitby register, but it cannot be identified. 
Strensall near York may also be compared with it."* It has 
been suggested that Hilda's choice of a site was inspired by the 
taste of her Scotic teachers from lona, who preferred a solitary 
coast and its islands to the secluded valleys and lonely rustic 
places more generally chosen as sites for religious houses at a 
later time, and in which she was imitating St. Aidan at Lindis- 
farne and St. Cuthbert at Fame Island. The site was in any case 
a splendid one, the first to be seen by seamen when returning 
home, and the last they would miss in leaving it, while the lights 
from its windows must often have served them for a beacon. 

The monastery, like many other foundations of the time, 

^ Ed. E. DUmmler, No. 143. 

' lb. p. 428, note 2. ^ Yorks. Arch, and Top. Journal, iii. pp. 364-70. 

* Murray's Yorkshire., cd. 1874, p. 214. Stopford Brooke says: ^' Streon 
is not an English word, or this is the only place where it occurs ; and heath or 
hath is a word of doubtful meaning, and when it seems to occur in the charters 
has never llic meaning of angle or bay or corner" {Hist, of Eng. Lit,, 66, 
note i). 



APPENDIX I 193 

was a double one for men and women, she herself, " Mother 
Hilda," as they called her, presiding over both. In this and in 
other respects its life and discipline were no doubt like those of 
other Celtic monasteries. Bede says that her new monastery was 
placed by Hilda under a strict Rule, where the rigid observance 
of justice and piety, charity and other virtues, was enacted, and 
particularly that of peace and love, " so that, after the manner of 
the primitive church, no one there was rich and no one poor, none 
havi?ig any property but all having their wealth in co^nmon^ Her 
wisdom and prudence were so famed, says Bede, that kings and 
princes sometimes sought her advice ; and so skilled were her 
pupils in Scripture and the ways of justice that many of them 
were fit to undertake ecclesiastical duties and even to serve at 
the altar. Five bishops, in fact, were trained in her monastery — 
namely, Bosa, ^tla, John, Wilfrid the second, and Oftfor. The 
first became Bishop of York, the second Bishop of Dorchester 
the third, fourth, and fifth secured the sees of Hexham and 
that of York ; while the last, Oftfor, having devoted himself 
to learning in the Abbess Hilda's two monasteries first, went to 
Kent, where he studied for a while under Archbishop Theodore, 
then on to Rome, and returning again, presided over the province 
of the Hwiccas {i.e. Worcestershire).^ 

A much humbler but far more famous person who was a 
protege of St. Hilda and a scholar in her monastery was 
Caedmon, the first English poet of whom we have any record. 
We shall have more to say about him in the third appendix. 

The abbey of Streoneshalch also became a famous burial- 
place for great people. In its church of St. Peter there lay, 
says Bede, King ^dwin, King Oswy, his wife ^anfled and their 
daughter yElfleda, and many other grandees,^ all of whose remains 
were doubtless destroyed in the pitiless attack of the Danes two 
centuries later. No trace of the remains of St. Hilda's famous 
monastery remains except a rubbish heap where the old monks 
put their broken pots and other debris. Father Haigh thus 
describes it : " On the upper shelves of the cliff, the deposit 
consisted of birds' bones, and oyster, whelk, and periwinkle shells ; 
among which was found a comb with a runic inscription, a second 
comb with two sets of teeth finely cut, and a large number of 
bones of skulls of oxen, sheep, and goats, and horns of deer and 
tusks of swine, three pot-hooks of iron, a double meat-hook, a 
hoe, a scraper of iron, a small shovel, half a glass bead, some 
^ Bedcy iv. 23. 2 jfj jjj 24. 

VOL. III. — 13 



194 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

broken coarse pottery, a spindle whorl, an ink-horn, two " styles " 
of bone for writing on wax tablets, and lastly, and most important 
of all, a leaden bulla inscribed BONIFACII on one side and 
ARCHIDIAC on the other. This has been identified with 
great probability with a bulla attached to some document issued 
at Rome by St. Wilfrid's friend. Archdeacon Boniface." ^ 

The most notable event in the history of the abbey was 
the famous synod which took its name from it, which met there 
in the year 064, and at which Abbess Hilda was present. There 
she is reported to have taken sides against the Roman party 
and in favour of the Celtic view on the great question of the 
right time for celebrating Easter. I have described the synod 
at length in an earlier page.^ In my account, I ventured to 
suggest that Agatho, who was present there as chaplain to 
Bishop Agilberht, was very probably the well-known Pope of 
the name. I find that this view, which I thought had not 
been urged before, had already occurred to Father Haigh. His 
words are: "We must believe . . . that this Agatho is no other 
than he who was raised to the chair of St. Peter in 678. At 
the time of the synod no doubt he would be one of the leading 
clergy of Rome, and his coming to the synod with Agilbert 
suggests a probability almost amounting to certainty that they 
were entrusted with a special mission from Rome to endeavour 
to bring the Northumbrian Church into conformity."^ The 
fact of Pope Agatho having been present at this synod would 
explain the complacent attitude adopted by him towards 
Wilfrid after he became Pope. 

When the synod at Whitby had finally decided the question 
discussed there, the Abbess Hilda, like Bishop Ceadda, 
acquiesced in its decision. She also took the side of Arch- 
bishop Theodore against Wilfrid, and joined with him in the 
ap[)eal to Rome against him.^ 

We cannot avoid the thought, as we follow her career, that 
through the medium of the Church, women were able to fill 
much more potent and influential roles in the world's economy 
in the seventh century than might be supposed from the rough 
times in which they lived. She was certainly one of the most 
notable women in history. . At length her strength broke down. 

^ Haigh, Yorks. Arch, and Top. Soc. Journ., iii. 370 and 371, where a 
figure of the bulla is given. 

^ Ante, i. 185-196. ^ Yorks. Arch. Journ., iii. 355. 

* See i^ddi, op. cit. ch. 54. 



APPENDIX I 195 

Bede describes her as suffering from a kind of recurrent fever, 
which came back annually for six years, and which at length 
overwhelmed her. Summoning her handmaidens at cock- 
crowing, she passed away while she was exhorting them ; and 
and the same night, Bede tells us, her death was revealed by a 
kind of second sight in another monastery she had built that 
very year at Hacanos {i.e. Hackness, near Whitby). There was 
at the time a certain nun called Begu, or Bega, who had been 
in religion for thirty years. She was asleep in the dormitory of 
the sisters at Hackness when suddenly she heard a well-known 
sound in the air of the bell which was wont to awaken them for 
prayers when any of them was removed from the world, and 
opening her eyes, she fancied she saw the roof of the house open 
and a river of light pour in from above which filled it, and St. 
Hilda being carried by angels to heaven. Awakening, she looked 
around, and noticing that the other sisters were all asleep, she 
realised that she had had either a dream or a vision ; and rising 
in a fright, she roused a nun who, according to the Anglo-Saxon 
version, was prioress in the monastery and was called Frigyd, and 
in great trouble reported to her that Hilda had taken her departure 
with an escort of angels. The latter then awoke all the other 
sisters and summoned them to church to say prayers and sing 
psalms for the Mother, and at daybreak the brethren came from the 
other monastery where she had died to report the fact. The 
sisters told them they already knew what they had to tell, and it 
then transpired that the vision occurred at the very time when 
the saint had actually died. The two monasteries, says Bede, 
were about thirteen miles apart.^ 

In later days it was supposed that the figure of St. Hilda 
could sometimes be seen at one of the windows of the later 
abbey at Whitby. This was the result, we are told, of certam 
effects of mist and air, still sometimes visible.^ 

The Begu or Bega of this notice who was at Hackness when 
Hilda died in 680, had according to Bede, been a nun for 
thirty years — that is, since 650 — and must therefore have been 
professed about the same time as the Heiu above named. She 
can only have come to Hackness, however, in 679, when that 
nunnery was built. Whence she came from we do not positively 
know, but it seems to me very probable that she came from the 
West, and not unlikely from Cumberland. In the twelfth-century 
Life of her she is identified with Heiu, which is most improbable. 
^ BedCy iv. 23. 2 Murray's Yorkshire^ p. 215. 



196 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Bega may, however, like Bugga, have been a surname or pet name. 
This is rather confirmed by a story of her. Begu is the old North- 
umbrian name of b^g or beag, " a bracelet," and in her Life we are 
told that a holy man who persuaded her to adopt a religious life 
presented her with a bracelet which she was to wear constantly 
in memory of her consecration. This bracelet she left behind 
when she fled from Copeland, in Cumberland, and there it was 
venerated for her sake.^ St. Bega gave her name to St. Bees Head 
and to the town of St. Bees in Copeland. The giving of her name 
to the headland was doubtless due to an early chapel dedicated 
to her. The chapel built on the same spot by Henry the 
First could hardly have been the first foundation there, for a 
Norman king would not have built a new church to a saint 
with an Irish name, and he probably only restored a building 
which had been destroyed by the Danes. It is possible that, as 
said in her Life, she was the daughter of an Irish prince born 
in the beginning of the seventh century and brought up as a 
Christian. She is reported to have fled from Ireland to escape 
matrimony, and went to Cumberland, where she first led the hfe 
of a hermit at Kirkedale, on the island of Cumbrae, and after- 
wards called St. Bees, and she there founded a nunnery. Thence 
she went to St. Aidan, who invested her with the black habit and 
veil. She is said to have died on the 31st of October 681. The 
author of her Life says it seems difficult to doubt the statement 
that in the year 11 40 a coffin was found at Hackness inscribed 
"Hie est sepulchrum Beghu." He also mentions a certain 
Freetha who was probably the Frigyth of Bede's account.^ 
It is remarkable that among the memorial stones found at 
Hackness, to be mentioned presently, is one on which there is a 
representation of a female head ; the latter is surmounted by the 
words, Bugga virgo. This is followed by two lines of runic 
characters, and these by four other lines with so-called tree runes 
or cryptic runes, and followed again by the word Orate. Can 
this be the very stone mentioned in the life of St. Bega as having 
been found in 1140 at the very spot, as mentioned above? 
Bugga may here be a form of Bega. 

She was honoured at Kilbagie, in Clackmannan, and at 
Kilbucho, also in Scotland,^ and^ according to Butler, at Kilbees 
in the same country, while the Breviary of Aberdeen says she 
was also had in honour at Dunbar. The most notable miracle 

* Haigh, op. cit. 350. ^ See Haigh, op. cit. 349 and 350. 

^ D.C.B,^ i. 304-5; Forbes, KalendarSy 278. 



APPENDIX I 197 

connected with her was when a fall of snow in the middle of 
summer exactly marked the boundaries of the original domain 
of the saint, which had been disputed.^ 

More than one pretty story is connected with Hilda's name. 
Inter alia, the explanation of the ammonites found in the 
adjoining lias beds which look so like coiled snakes with their 
heads cut off and which she is supposed to have beheaded and 
petrified, hence the blazonry of the abbey shield representing 
three ammonites. A similar story was told of St. Keyne in 
Somersetshire about the ammonites there. I am tempted to 
quote one of Scott's word-pictures from Marmioti in which this 
and another legend of St. Hilda are enshrined. He speaks of 
how the nuns at their evening talk used to tell — 

"... how of thousand snakes each one 
Has changed into a coil of stone. 
When Holy Hilda prayed 
Themselves within their holy ground 
Their stony folds had often found. 
They told how seafowls' pinions fail 
As over Whitby's towers they sail, 
And sinking down with flutterings faint 
They do their homage to the Saint." 

Bede tells us that Hilda died on the 15th of the kalends of 
December, i.e. 17th November, which is her death-day in the 
Calendar. The year of her death, according to Bede, was 680, 
and she was probably buried at Hartlepool, as I have argued. 
The story told by William of Malmesbury, that her remains, 
together with those of St. Aidan and of Ceolfrid the Abbot of 
Jarrow, were afterwards removed to Glastonbury by King 
Edmund, is, according to Plummer, only part of the great 
Glastonbury myth.^ Rudborne makes the same king remove 
them to Gloucester,^ while Leland * makes Titus, the abbot of 
Glesconia (? Glastonbury), carry them off.^ 

Hilda was succeeded as abbess of Streonaeshalch by her own 
foster-child, the Princess .^Ifieda, the daughter of King Oswy, 
who was two years old when they moved together to Whitby. 
There, as Bede tells us, she learnt the discipline of the regular 
life, and there, on the death of Hilda, she became its abbess 
{magistrd).^ On the death of her father, Oswy, in 670, her 

^ See Montalevibert, v. 252, note. ' Plummer's Bede, ii. 247 and 248. 

3 Atig.Sac, i. 214. •* Col/., iii. p. 36. 

° See also Dugdale, Mon., ed. 1655, i. p. 71. « Op. cit. iii. 24. 



198 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

mother Eanfleda joined her at Whitby, and they governed the 
monastery together.^ Bede, in his history of St. Cuthbert, 
speaks of her as the venerable servant of Christ, rifled, who 
amid the joys of virginity bestowed the care of motherly tender- 
ness on many communities of handmaids of Christ, and grafted 
on the stock of royal nobility the higher nobility of consummate 
virtue.^ While ^ddi describes her as always the comforter and 
best counsellor of the whole province.^ 

Bede reports, on the authority of a priest of the church at 
Lindisfarne, that she was stricken for a long time with a grievous 
illness, and was almost at the point of death ; and although her 
physicians' efforts were vain, yet divine grace spared her life ; she 
could neither walk nor stand, and crawled about on all fours like 
a quadruped. One day, her thoughts turning to St. Cuthbert, 
she said, " I wish I had something belonging to him ; I should then 
soon be better." Cuthbert having heard of this, sent her his 
girdle. This she wrapped round her. The next morning she was 
able to stand upright, and on the third day was restored to health. 
A few days later one of her nuns who had an intolerable pain in 
the head was cured by having the same girdle bound round it. 
She afterwards put the girdle in Hilda's coffin, whence it dis- 
appeared and was never found again. Bede naively argues that 
St. Cuthberht had to do with this, as he feared that if such miracles 
became widely known the sick would flock thither, and some of 
whom would fail to be cured in consequence of their unworthi- 
ness, and this would create scepticism as to the girdle's merits.^ 

Bede also reports an interview which ^Ifleda had with the 
same saint, who, on her invitation, took ship, and with some of 
his companions went to Coquet Island, at the mouth of the 
Coquet in Northumberland, whither she went to meet him. 
After putting some questions to him and receiving satisfactory 
answers, she fell at his feet and implored him to tell her how 
long her brother King Ecgfrid was going to live and rule over 
the Angles. He was not anxious to disclose this, and spoke in 
rather cryptic terms, but implied that he could only live a year. 
This news greatly grieved her, and she then asked who would be 
his heir, since he had neither children nor brothers. He con- 
soled her by telling her thsit one would come from beyond the 
seas whom she might treat as a brother. By this she understood 
that Aldfrid, who was reputed to be the son of Ecgfrid's father 

^ Bede, iv. 26. ^ Qp^ ^^y^ ^\^^^ 2-3. 

3 Vit. VVilf., ch. 60. 4 Yit^ Cuih., ch. 23. 



APPENDIX I 199 

and had been studying letters for a long time among the Scots, 
was meant. As we have seen, Aldfrid did in fact succeed him. 
^^Ifleda then turned her conversation to Ecgfrid himself. She 
knew that he had wanted to make Cuthberht a bishop, and she was 
anxious to know why he preferred his cloister to so dignified a 
position. He replied that although he felt himself unworthy of 
such a position, he could not resist the decree of the Ruler of 
heaven if he so ordered. He was sure, however, that it would only 
be for a time, and that in a while he would release him again, 
and let him go back to his beloved solitude ; but he begged her 
to tell nobody. Having answered her various questions and 
instructed her in things about which she had need, he once more 
returned to his monastery.^ This was about the year 684. 

Two years later, St. Cuthberht again visited her at Osingadum, 
now Easington, seven miles from Whitby, where she had built 
another monastery. He had gone thither to consecrate a church, 
and, as reported by the abbess herself to his biographer, they 
dined together, and at the meal his knife fell from his trembling 
hand, while his thoughts were elsewhere. Thereupon he play- 
fully said, " You wish me to eat all day ; I must rest sometimes." 
The fact is, as the story goes, the soul of one of the brethren at 
the larger monastery of Whitby was then passing away, and this 
had been seen in the spirit by Cuthberht. A messenger who 
arrived the next day reported the death of a shepherd named 
Hathuwald, who had been killed by falling from a tree, and for 
whom the abbess asked the bishop to pray.^ 

While ^Ifleda was Abbess of Whitby, Trumwine who had 
been driven away from his see at Abercorn by the Picts, sought 
shelter at Whitby. There, says Bede, with a few of his own 
people, he for several years led a life of monastic austerity, not 
only to his own benefit, but to that of many, and there he was 
buried in the church of St. Peter. . . . When the bishop came 
thither, "this divine instructress for God"(/.f. ^Ifleda) found 
in him the greatest assistance in governing the nunnery and the 
greatest comfort to herself.^ 

Before the death of King Aldfrid of Northumbria, we are 
told that ^.Ifleda his sister pleaded with him on behalf of St. 
Wilfrid. This was apparently at the instance of Archbishop 
Theodore.'^ According to Aidd'i, when Aldfrid was presently 
mortally ill, she was present at his bedside, and afterwards 

^ FzV. Cta/i., ch. 24. 2/d. ch. 34. 

/J.E., iv. 26. 4 An/e, ii. p. 219. 



3 



200 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

professed to report one of his dying statements showing his deter- 
mination if he got better to make reparation to the Bishop.^ It was 
-^Ifleda's report of this remark that did so much to induce the 
Northumbrian clergy to treat Wilfrid with more consideration.^ 

The Whitby monk who wrote the earliest life of St. Gregory 
has a curious legend about the discovery of the remains of King 
JEdwin at this time. He says there was a brother of our race 
named Trimma in a certain monastery of the South Angles 
{^Sundarangloruni) in the days of their King ^thelred. At that 
time Queen ^onfleda {sic)^ the daughter of King ^dwin, was still 
living a monastic life. To Trimma there appeared in a vision a 
certain priest, saying, " Go to the place which is in the district 
called Hatfield, where ^dwin was killed, and remove his bones 
thence and take them to ' Streuneshalac ' {sic)^ which is the monas- 
tery of the most famous ^Ifleda, the daughter of the above-named 
Queen ^onfleda {sic)y He thereupon replied, " I do not know 
the place." Upon which he said, " Go to a certain village 
in Lindissi (whose actual name our brother who reported the 
story says the Whitby monk had forgotten), and seek out a 
certain man called Teoful. He can show you where it is." 

Thinking it was only a delusive dream he took no notice of 
it, but the same thing having occurred three times, he went to 
the man, who pointed out to him where the royal remains 
were. The first excavation was unsuccessful, but he succeeded 
better on a second trial, found the reUcs and took them to 
" Streuneshalac," where, says the Whitby monk, they are now, 
with other royal remains, placed in the church of St. Peter to the 
south of the altar of St. Peter and the east of that of St. Gregory.^ 

The mention of yElfleda with her mother in this story con- 
firms the statement of Bede, that they at least for a while governed 
the Abbey jointly. " Praetrat quidem tunc eidem monasterio 
regia virgo Aelbfied (sic) una cum matre Eanfiede.^'' ^ 

During ^Ifleda's tenure of the Abbey, John, afterwards 

Bishop of Hexham, was also an inmate there, and was doubtless 

trained under her.^ Father Haigh suggests that she assisted at 

the translation of the remains of her old friend St. Cuthberht, 

since one of the linen envelopes of his body, which were removed 

from it in 1104, was described as "a linen cloth of a double 

texture which had enveloped the body of St. Cuthberht : ^Ifleda 

the Abbess had wrapped him up in it." 

^ Ante, ii. 220. ^ lb. 179 and 180. ^ Op. cit. ch. 18. "* Bede^ iv. 26. 
'' See Vit. St. Johannis, Raine {^Historians of York^ i. 244). 



APPENDIX I 20 1 

The last act reported of St. yl^lfleda was the writing of a 
letter preserved among those of St. Boniface and addressed to 
an Abbess called Adolana, identified by Mabillon with Adda or 
Addula, daughter of Dagobert ii., king of Austrasia, and founder 
of a monastery at Pfalzel (Palatiolum, near Treves), over which 
she presided for thirty-five years. -^Ifleda commends to her 
charity an Abbess who had been a spiritual daughter of her 
own from the days of her youth. She had long wished to make 
a pilgrimage to Rome, but had hitherto refrained for the sake 
of the community over which she presided, but at her persevering 
request she had at length yielded.^ Let us hope they were not 
anxious to get rid of a tiresome old lady. 

St. ^Ifleda died in 713 at the age of fifty-nine,^ and was 
buried in the church of St. Peter in the monastery at Streonaeshalch 
with her father Oswy, her mother Eanfleda, her mother's father 
yEdwin, and many other noble persons.^ As I have already 
said, St. Hilda, the founder of the abbey, is conspicuously 
absent from this list.* ^Ifleda's death-day in the calendar is 
the 8th February.^ 

Let us now revert shortly to Hackness. According to ^ddi, 
when King Aldfrid was mortally ill at Driffield in 705, ^Ifieda, 
with another abbess named ^thelburga, visited him. Father 
Haigh has argued most plausibly that this ^thelburga was then 
probably the Abbess of Hackness, which abbey, as we have seen, 
was subordinate to Whitby. On the northern side of the chancel 
arch in the church there still remains a stone decorated with inter- 
laced serpents forming the capital of a pier, with fragments of a 
cross which is preserved in the chancel of St. Peter's chapel. The 
capital on the northern pier of the chancel arch of this church 
is ornamented with a pattern of intertwined serpents of this date.^ 
The uppermost fragment has a scroll on the southern side and 
a knot on the northern, of the same character as those on the 
cross at Bewcastle, and others in Northumbria. On the other side 
there are inscriptions in Latin, but so disfigured by blunders as 
to make it evident the writer did not understand the language. 

^ Mon. Germ. Hist.^ Ep. iii. 248 and 249 ; Haigh, op. cit. 363. 

' Annales Lauresk., where she is called Alfreda. * Bede, iii. 24. 

* The great abbey of the founder was destroyed by the Danes. 

^ Her death is recorded in the Irish Annals, where we read : '* Filia Osui 
in Monasteriam lid mo7'itur .'''' The Ulster Annals put it in 712, and Tigher- 
nach in 713 (see Plummer, ii. 185). 

^ Browne, Theodore and Wilfrid^ 137 and 280, figures one of the fragments 
just named. 



202 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Of these inscriptions, Haigh says : In the first line we have 
certainly the name Oedilburga {i.e. ^thelburga), and to the end 
of the fourth line the restoration is indubitable. Then reading T 
for S and O for D in the ninth line, and supplying an E in the 
fifth, we have Oedilburga beata ad semper te recolant amantes pie 
deposcant requie7?i verna?ite7?i sempiternaiji sanctorum pia mater 
Apostolica. I quote Bishop Browne's revised reading. 

On another fragment, which is defaced on one side and has 
the lower extremities of two monsters on another, there is 
another inscription in four lines in characters apparently 
analogous to Celtic Oghams ; while on the fourth we have the 
inscription, Trecea, ora . . . abbatissa Oedilburga orate p{ro 
nobis). ^ 

The name of ^thilburga, as Father Haigh says, immediately 
follows that of yElfleda in the Liber Vitae, and John of Walling- 
ford, who sometimes has notices which are apparently derived 
from some lost early source, calls her a daughter of Adulf, King 
of the East Anglians, brother of ^thelwold, the son of Hereswitha 
and nephew of Hilda {Aethelwold frater Adulfi patris Ethel- 
burgae virginis). Elsewhere he speaks of her as a contemporary of 
S. Guthlac and as a daughter of King Eadulf, i.e. Adulf {Eadulfi 
regis filia)^ " who first led the life of a female anchorite." She after- 
wards, when driven by pressing circumstances {exigentibus causis 
necessariis), was constrained to become an abbess, and eventually 
died as the Superior of many nuns {sanctivwjiiales)^ after a life of 
perpetual virginity.^ The fact that she was a great-niece of St. 
Hilda probably accounts for ^thilburga moving from East 
Anglia and settling in Yorkshire. The earlier inscription of 
^thilburga, or Oedilburga, above quoted is followed by the word 
" lica," separated from it, however, by a line, and is therefore (says 
Haigh) the beginning of another memorial. He suggests that 
it is the termination of a very rare name, Cuoemlicu, which 
occurs in the list of queens and abbesses in the Liber Vitae.^ 

On the opposite side of one of the fragments at Hackness we 
have another inscription which, says Haigh, after making the 
obvious corrections of N for M in the fourth line, A for Q in the 
seventh, suppressing a redundant M in the sixth, and supplying R 
in the seventh, reads — Hiiaetburga, semper tenent memores domus 
tuae te mater amatissima. " The memories of thy house always 

^ Browne, op. cit. 281 ; Haigh reads Trece[ab]osa. 
^ Yorks. Arch. Journ., iii. 373-74. 




Seal of Archdeacon 1^onifa( e. 



DEDILBV 
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Memorial of OFAnh-BVRC.A.—See />aoe 202. 




A Memorial to Trkcca. (/d.) 

1 ; '(}/. III., facingp. 202. 




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[ Kd?/. ///. , facing p 202. 



APPENDIX I 203 

hold thee dearest Mother."^ We can hardly doubt that she also 
was an Abbess of Hackness, or she would hardly have been thus 
commemorated there. I think it very probable that she is the 
same abbess on whose behalf St. yKlfleda wrote the letter above 
quoted to St. Boniface. It would seem, in fact, that she was also 
a daughter of Aldwulf, or Eadulf, King of the East Angles, and a 
sister of ^thilburga just named. Like Eadburga, the Abbess of 
Repton, of whom we have written earlier,^ she occurs with her 
name spelt in a different way. In a letter written to Archbishop 
Eoniface by her with her name spelt Egburga, she describes herself 
as lowlier than any of his male and female disciples, and addresses 
him by his original name, Wynfrith. In it he is called an abbot. 
(It must therefore have been written before he became bishop, 
and when he was still Abbot of Nutshell, i.e. in 717-718.) She 
says, "The tempest-tossed mariner does not so much long for 
the haven, the thirsty fields do not so much desire the showers, 
the mother does not so anxiously wait for her son on the winding 
shore, as I desire to enjoy the sight of thee," and adds that he 
had taken the place in her affections of her brother, Oshere, 
whose death, which happened many years before, she still con- 
tinued to feel. She then goes on to speak of another and more 
recent loss, namely, that of her dear sister, Withburga, with whom 
she had been brought up, having been nursed at the same breast 
and having had one mother in the Lord. She had been removed 
from her, not because of her death, but of their bitter separation. 
"Now,"' she says, "a prison confines her in the Roman city," 
meaning apparently that she was inaccesible there. The letter 
closes with a message from her amanuensis called Ealdberht, who 
reminds Boniface of their ancient friendship, and asks for his 
prayers.^ As Father Haigh remarks, the fact of her name not 
occurring in the Liher Vitae points to her having died abroad and 
probably at Rome. In another letter written by Boniface to an 
"Abbess Bugga," who had apparently complained of the interfer- 
ence of the secular clergy with her, he adds, " If you cannot on their 
account have the freedom of a quiet mind, in your own country, 
it seems better that you should gain liberty of contemplation by 
a pilgrimage if you wish and can arrange it as our sister With- 
burga^ who has intimated to me by her letters that she found just 
such a quiet life as she had long desired and sought, at the 
threshold of Peter."'* The mention of Withburga in this letter 

^ Of the initial name, Huaetburga, the letters . . . etb . . . ga still remain. 
2 Ante^ ii. 414. ^ Mon. Germ. HisL, Ep. iii. p. 259. ^ lb. p. 277. 



204 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

suggests that Bngga may be here used as a playful name for 
Egburga, just as it is similarly used as a pet name for Heaburg 
(Heaburg cog?iomento Buggae) in another of the letters of Boniface 
(cf, p. 261). 

Bede also mentions a monastery of virgins at a place called 
Wetadun, probably Watton in Yorkshire, half-way between 
Driffield and Beverley, over which the Abbess Heriburga pre- 
sided.^ On one occasion it was visited by John, the Bishop of 
York, when he was warmly welcomed by the abbess and nuns. 
One of the latter, who, says Bede, was the daughter of the abbess 
(according to the flesh), and whose^name was Quenburga, had been 
lately bled, and while engaged in study was seized with a sudden 
pain, and her arm swelled so much that it could hardly be grasped 
with both hands, and she seemed about to die. The abbess 
entreated the Bishop to bless her. He asked when she had 
been bled, and being told it was on the 4th day of the moon, 
replied that they had done ill to bleed her on that day, for he 
remembered the Archbishop saying that it was very dangerous to 
bleed people at that season, for the moon and tide were then in- 
creasing. He then asked what he could do for her. She per- 
suaded him to go in to her daughter, who she intended should 
be her successor, and say a prayer over her. The story was 
reported by a certain Bercthun, the Bishop's deacon, and in 
Bede's time Abbot of the Monastery of Derawude (in Latin, 
Silva Deroru?H, i.e. the wood of the Deiri),^ who said he had 
been told by the virgin herself that in consequence of the prayer 
her arm had been completely cured. 

We will now turn to another family of secluded ladies. This 
claimed St. /Ebbe for its initial Mother. St. yEbbe is called 
the uterine sister of the Northumbrian King Oswy by Bede in 
his History of St. Cuthberht {soror uterina regis Oswy).^ Mr. 
Plummer understands the phrase as meaning that they had the 
same mother {i.e. Acha, sister of ^Edwin), but not the same 
father, and that therefore she was not the daughter of King 
iEthelfrid. I think it more probable that he meant by it that 
she was the sister of Oswy on her mother's, as well as her father's 
side, and not like some other sons of iEthelfrid, who were only 
her half-brothers. 

* y^lred of Rivaulx says it was situated among marshes. 
^ See Bede^ v. 2 ; A.-S. Chron.y sub an. 685. It was afterwards called 
Beverley, and Bercthun was its first abbot. Act. Sand., May, iii. 503. 
^ Op. cit. ch. 10. 



APPENDIX I 205 

It is pretty certain, on the accession of King iEdwin, that 
she escaped to Scotland with the other members of /Ethelfrid's 
family. According to the Aberdeen Breviary, she was there 
protected by Domnall Breac, who reigned trover Dalriada from 
629-642. Capgrave, who was such an inventor of impossible 
legends, says she was sought in marriage by Aidan, King of the 
Scots. As he died in 606, that is, ten years before her father's 
death, and when her mother had only been married three years, 
this does not seem probable. He further says she was baptized 
by St. Finan, which is another of his unauthorised statements. 
It is almost certain that she in fact became a Christian in 
Scotland at the same time as her brothers Oswald and Oswy. 

Presently she adopted a religious life. We are told that her 
brother Oswy gave her a small Roman camp near the Derwent on 
the west of the county of Durham, where she founded a monastery. 
The place was afterwards called Ebchester, after her, and the 
church there is still dedicated to her.^ This story may, in fact, 
have arisen, as others have, from the dedication being to her. 
What is much more certain is that she founded another and a 
more famous monastery at Coldingham on the coast of Berwick- 
shire, of which she became the Abbess. Her name remains 
attached to the rocky promontory close by known as St. Abb's 
Head. Coldingham is called Coludi urbs by Bede,^ and Smith, 
the editor of Bede, identifies it with the Colana of Ptolemey and 
rejects the notion of some of the older antiquaries, who derived 
its name from the Culdees, as etymologically most improb- 
able, ^bbe was there visited on her own invitation by St. 
Cuthberht, who spent a few days with her, no doubt instructing 
the community. Bede tells a story that while the rest of the 
community were asleep, he used to go out alone and spend the 
greater part of the night in prayer and prolonged vigils, nor 
would he return till the hour of common prayer was at hand. 
One night he was followed stealthily by one of the brothers, who 
reported how Cuthberht had gone down to the sea, above which 
on a height there rose the monastery. He entered the water 
till it reached his arms and neck, and thus spent some time in 
singing psalms, which we are told were accompanied by the 
sound of the waves. At dawn he came ashore and concluded 
his prayers, kneeling on the beach. As he was doing this on 
one occasion, there came two otters {iutrae), really seals, from 

^ See Tanner, NoL Mon. Dunehn.y vi. ; and Surtees, Durham^ ii. 301. 
Hardy's Catalogue^ 289-290. 2 Qp^ ^^^ jy^ j^. 



2o6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

the sea and began to warm his feet with their breath and to 
wipe them dry with their hair, after which the Saint gave them 
his blessing and returned to the monastery to keep the canonical 
hours. Cuthberht having noticed that he had been observed, told 
the monk who had followed him that he forgave him on condition 
of his telling no one about it until after his death, a promise 
which he duly kept.^ 

At Coldingham she was also visited by iEtheldrytha, daughter 
of King Anna of East Anglia, the tiresome wife of the North- 
umbrian King Ecgfrid, son of Oswy, who was of course iEbbe's 
nephew. She became a professed nun there, having, as we 
have seen, taken the veil from Bishop Wilfrid.^ She only stayed 
a year, and then returned to her old home in East Anglia. 
Presently Queen Eormenburga (probably the lurminburg of the 
Liber Vitae)^ the second wife of Ecgfrid, also paid a visit to 
Coldingham, where she fell ill. ^Ebbe the Abbess attributed it, 
according to iEddi, to Ecgfrid's treatment of Wilfrid, and further 
tells us that she thereupon wrote a sharp letter to the king, who 
released Wilfrid from custody ; after which his wife recovered.^ 

About the year 679 the monastery at Coldingham, which was 
doubtless entirely constructed of wood, was completely burnt, 
through carelessness {per culpam tncuriae\ says Bede. He then 
adds a very cryptic sentence, in which he seems to attribute the 
disaster to the evil lives of the inmates, and that it might have 
been averted if they had amended their ways and been penitent. 
The monastery was a double one, that is to say, both for men and 
women. Among the monks was a certain Scot, called, like the 
famous abbot of lona, Adamnan, who lived a most austere life, 
only taking food on Sundays and Thursdays and often spending 
whole nights in prayer. He had adopted this painful life in 
order to cure himself of certain evil propensities which had led 
him into wickedness when young. This he did at the instance 
of an Irish priest whom he had consulted. 

It happened that on a certain day, having been for a long walk 
from the monastery with a companion, they were returning, and 
as they drew near home again, Adamnan broke into tears when 
they approached the lofty buildings of the monastery. On being 
asked why he did this, he .said that in a short time the Abbey 
buildings would be burnt down. His companion told iEbbe, 
who questioned him. He replied how he had been visited by 

^ Vii. Anon. Culh., par. 13 ; Bede, ViL^ ch. 10. 

3 Bede, /I.E., iv. 19. a Vit. Wilf., ch. 39. 



APPENDIX I 207 

a vision which had congratulated him on having found him en- 
gaged in his devotions, for, he said, I have visited all the different 
parts of the monastery and looked into everyone's chambers and 
beds and have found no one but yourself busy about the care 
of his soul, but all of them, both men and women, were either 
engaged in slothful sleep or awake in order to commit sin {aut ad 
peccata vtgila?it). For even the cells {domunculae) that were built 
for i)raying or reading had been converted into places of feasting, 
drinking, talking, and other luxuries ; and the virgins dedicated 
to God, laying aside the respect due to their profession, when 
they had leisure, devoted themselves to weaving fine garments 
{texendis subtilioribus i7idu?}ie7ttis) either to adorn themselves like 
brides {ad vice7n sp07isaru7ii) or to gain the attention of strange 
men {aut exter7iorum sibi viroru77i a7?iidtia77i C077ipare7it). He said 
all this would lead to the place being destroyed by fire from 
heaven. The Abbess rebuked him for not having let her know 
what was going on. His story having been spread abroad, the 
inmates of the monastery amended their ways for a while, but 
after the Abbess's death they returned to their former filthy con- 
versations and became even more wicked {redierunt ad pristinas 
sordes, (7717710 sceleratiora feceruTit). Bede says he was told all this 
by his fellow-priest, ^dgils, who then lived in the monastery, and 
who after the fire removed to Bede's monastery and died there.^ 

^bbe is said to have died on 21st August 683, and was com- 
memorated on August 25th. ^ In the eleventh century her relics 
were translated from Coldingham to Durham. They were among 
those which the famous sacrist, Alured, son of Weslowe, carried 
off from their several resting-places to enrich the great depository 
of relics at Durham. Symeon of Durham says that that worthy 
had a divine commission to hunt them out. Among them were the 
remains of ^bbe and ^thelgytha,^ both Abbesses of Coldingham.^ 
These remains are not mentioned in the register of Richard de 
Segbrok, and may have been returned at a later time. He does, 
however, mention " a piece of cloth which St. yEbbe gave to 
St. Cuthberht, in which he lay for 418 years and 5 months."^ 

The loose morals prevailing at Coldingham during yEbbe's 
Abbacy, as testified by Bede, may be matched by what is stated 
in a document quoted by Ivo (an indifferent guide, no doubt). The 
document itself is obviously dubious, but it shows what the famous 

^ Bede, iv. 25. ' Her name occurs in the Liber Vitae of Durham. 

' The latter's name occurs in the Liber Vilae in the form ESelgytha. 

■* Raine, Thi Priory of Hexham ^ i. 53. ^ Raine's St. Cuthberht^ 123. 



2o8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Roman Catholic canonist deemed was possible in those days of 
very lax administration in monasteries. It claims to be an abstract 
of a letter from Pope John iv. (24th December 640 to nth 
October 642) to Bulcred, king of the Saxons, who is otherwise 
unknown. In this the Pope is made to say that he had heard how 
fornication was rife among his people, so that nuns {sanctimoniales) 
and women devoted to God, and others who were within the 
prohibited decrees as defined by St. Gregory, were wont to 
marry, which acts the Pope proceeds to vigorously condemn.^ 

In an earlier page we have described a monastery situated on 
the Scotch Tine in Lothian and known as Tinemouth.^ Bede 
tells us that originally it was a community of men, but in after 
times became one of virgins, who greatly flourished in his time.^ 
In a later page he tells us of a miracle performed there by 
St. Cuthberht, who paid a visit to the nunnery when the Abbess 
was a certain Verca. Having risen from his noonday rest he 
felt thirsty and asked for something to drink. The nuns asked 
him whether he would have wine or beer. He said he would 
have water, which they accordingly drew from the fountain. 
Having given the benediction, he drank a little and handed it 
to his priest, who gave it to the attendant. The latter asked to 
be allowed to drink from the cup from which the bishop had 
drunk. He happened to be the priest of the community. The 
water seemed to him to have acquired the taste of wine. 
Wishing that a brother who was standing by should also be a 
witness of the miracle, he handed him the cup. He confirmed 
the fact, and they both agreed they had never tasted better wine. 
This story Bede claims to have heard from a monk of his own 
monastery at Wearmouth, who had been present. 

When the city of Carlisle, then called Lugubalia, with its 
environs, was made over to St. Cuthberht, the latter founded a 
community of nuns under an Abbess there, and established 
a school {sanctimonialium congregatione stahilita^ reginatn dato 
habitu religionis consecravit^ et in profectum divinae serviiutis scholas 
instituii)^ The Abbess, according to Bede, was the sister of 

^ Ivo, Decreta^ vii. ch. 130; Mansi, Con,^ x. 687; Jaffe, No. 1585; 
Migne, Pat. Lat., vol. 161, col. 574. 

2 Ante, i. 83. ^ y^^^ ^^^ Cttth., ch. iii. 

* Symeon of Durham, i. 9. He here clearly tells us that St. Cuthberht 
consecrated the Queen {i.e. Eormenburga) as a nun there. This was doubt- 
less after the death of Ecgfrid {reginain dato habitu religionis consecravit) ; 
op. cit. i. 9. Bede ( Vit. Cuth.^ 27), speaking of Ecgfrid, calls the monastery 
at Carlisle, " Mojiasteritwi suae sororis." 



APPENDIX I 209 

Ecgfrid, King of Northumbria. It was while Queen Eormenbiirga 
was staying there with her sister-in-law that Cuthberht foresaw 
the death of her husband, King Ecgfrid, among the Picts.^ 

In Bedc's time there was also a monastery at Dacore or 
Dacre, near the river of the same name which falls into the Eamont, 
and, flowing out of Lake Ullswater, separates Cumberland from 
Westmoreland. Its first Abbot was named Suidberht.^ 

We will now turn to Mercia. Montalembert says : " Of all 
the races descended from Odin who shared among them the 
sway of Englarid, no one has presented a larger list of nuns and 
saints to be inscribed on the national calendar than the descend- 
ants of Penda, the ravager and man of fire, as if they thus meant 
to pay a generous ransom for the calamities inflicted upon the 
new Christians of England by their cruel enemy." ^ It is a very 
remarkable fact that all the children of the great champion 
of paganism, Penda, became Christians, and that his two 
daughters both became nuns, namely, Cyniburga, who married 
Alchfrid, King of Northumbria, and Cynesuitha.'' The names of 
the two sisters, as we shall see, occur on the Bewcastle Cross. 
After the death of Alchfrid, they retired to Mercia. There, ac- 
cording to the appendix to Florence of Worcester, their brothers 
Wulfhere and ^thelred built a monastery for them at Caistor on 
the Nene in Northamptonshire and not far from Peterborough, 
which, according to Florence of Worcester, was afterwards 
called KifteburgcB Castnim.^ It was originally named Dormund- 
caster.^ " Caistor is famous," says Bishop Browne, " for its 
noble church and its ancient remains. A ridge in Caistor Field 
is still called Cunnyburrow's Way. The dedication of the church 
is to St. Cyniburga, and it is said to be unique."'' Cynesuitha 
became a nun at the monastery of Caistor, of which her sister was 
the Abbess. They were commemorated together as saints there, 
and on the 6th March about the year 1006 their remains were 
translated to Peterborough by Abbot ^Ifsige. Bishop Browne 

1 See Bede, H.E., iv. 28. 

^ H.E., iv. chap, xxxii. ' Op. cit. v. 267. 

* Cynesuitha is said in the appendices to Florence of Worcester to have 
persuaded Offa, the son of Sighere, king of the East Saxons, who was in love 
with her, to give her up and to go to Rome {M.H.B., 637), or as William of 
Malmesbury puts it: Edoctus amores inutare in melius {G.P.y iv. par. 180 • 
G./^., i. par. 98). Stubbs has pointed out this story involves an anachronism 
{Diet, of Chr. Biog., iv. 68). It is obviously due to some mystification. 

5 M.H.B., 638. « Hardy, Cat. Brit. Hist., i. 370. 

' Her name occurs in the Liber Vitae of Durham. 
VOL. III. — 14 



210 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

suggests that the famous early stone shrine shaped hke a 
reliquary and having a row of figures all round, which is preserved 
at Peterborough, may, as has been supposed, have contained their 
relics.^ If so, it must itself be of later date. The two sisters 
are mentioned in the forged foundation charter of Peterborough 
Abbey, which dates from the twelfth century and is of no value. ^ 

According to John of Tynemouth, the two sisters just 
named had a relative called Tibba or Tilba, who also became 
a nun. Camden says she was honoured with particular devotion 
at Ryal, a town near the Guash, in Rutlandshire.^ 

West of Mercia was the sub-kingdom of the Hecanas, 
which answers to the modern county of Hereford. Its first 
ruler was Merwald, son of Penda, who married Eormen- 
burga, styled also Domneva (? Domna Ebba), the niece of 
Ecgberht, king of Kent.^ She had several daughters who 
became saints. The eldest of these was Milburga, who built 
a nunnery at Wenlock, then called Winwick, and undertook the 
office of Abbess, to which she was consecrated by Archbishop 
Theodore.^ It was reported of her that having refused to marry, 
she was delivered from the violent attack of a rejected suitor at 
a place called Stoches, by a miraculous rising of the river Corf. 
Among the miracles attributed to her was the not infrequent one 
of hanging her veil on a sunbeam. She died at the age of sixty 
in 722, her death-day being the 15th of June. Harpsfeld, who 
consulted her unpublished life, however, gives it as the 23rd of 
February, on which day she occurs in the Hereford Missal. She 
was buried at Wenlock, and many miracles are reported of her 
in a work written by Odo. (He has been identified, says Stubbs, 
with the Cardinal of Ostia, 1088-1101 ; but Fabricius recognises 
him more probably as Odo, Prior of Canterbury, who became 
Abbot of Battle in 11 75.) William of Malmesbury tells us that 
the site of her devastated monastery was made over to the Cluniac 
Monks by Roger de Montgomery. Her tomb was discovered 
during the rebuilding of the monastery by a boy running over 
the site and its roof breaking in. The identity with the saint's 
grave was deduced from the aromatic scent that proceeded from 
it and by the wonderful cures performed by her remains.^ These 
relics were translated in the year iioi. In the history of her 

^ Tke Conversion of the Heptarchy^ 209-21 1. 

^ A.-S.Chron.^ MS. E, ad aft. 657. 

3 Hardy, Cat.^ i. 370. * Ante, p. 249. 

^ Stubbs, Diet, of Chr. Biog., ii. 913. ^ G.F.y iv. 3 and 67. 



AlTExNDIX 1 211 

miracles, already cited, it is said that a certain Raimund, working 
in the Church of the Holy Trinity, found a document in which 
the place of her burial had been described by a priest named 
Alstan, and that her coffin was bound with iron " after the manner 
of the English."^ The churches of Stoke St. Milburgh at 
Beckbury in Shropshire, of Wixford in Warwickshire, and 
Offenham in Worcestershire, were dedicated to her.^ Dugdale 
also speaks of her cult at a place in Wales named " Landmy- 
lien," which name he derives from hers.^ 

In one of the letters of Archbishop Boniface, written to 
Eadburga, the Abbess of Thanet, about the year 717, he reports 
the visions of a monk who had recently died in the monastery 
of St. Milburga at Wenlock, and which had been described to 
him by Hildelitha, Abbess of Barking. He calls them stupend- 
ous visions. In them he professed to have been very grievously 
ill, till his spirit was released from the ties of the flesh, and he 
saw as in one picture all the lands, and seas, and peoples of the 
earth, and a multitude of resplendent angels who sang in concert 
— " Do mine, ne in ira tua arguas me neque in furore tuo 
corripias me'' They bore him upwards through the air, and he 
noticed that surrounding the earth there were great circles of 
flaming fire which withdrew from them when the angels made 
the sign of the cross, while he himself was protected from the 
fire by the angels putting their hands on his head. Beside the 
angels he also saw a vast crowd of disembodied human souls, 
and of malignant spirits who fought with the angels for their 
possession, and he himself heard the recital of all the faults 
of commission and omission he had committed in his worldly 
life, each one being personified and accusing him, as did 
his sins. Among others, he saw a man whom he himself had 
wounded when he was still wearing secular dress, and whose blood 
cried against him. On the other hand, he was given credit for 
such good things as he had done. He further noticed great open 
pits in which were fires, amidst which human spirits in the shape 
of black birds howled and cried piteously, and flew hither and 
thither. One of the angels remarked to him that God on the 
judgment day would relieve these souls from their punishment, 

^ Stubbs, op. cit. ; Diet, of Chr. Biog., iii. 913. 

^ Parker, Ang. Ch. Calendar, p. 262. 

' Op. cit., ed. 1655, 613. Miss Arnold-Forster says that the church at 
Much Wenlock was formerly dedicated to her, and the fair there is still held 
on the second Monday in March, St. Milburga's day. 



2 1 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

and grant them perpetual peace. Lower still were other fiery 
de[)ths, in which the spirits were also piteously wailing. Here, 
said the angel, are the souls for whom there is no hope. He 
also had a view elsewhere of " the Paradise of God," where every- 
one was joyful, and from which a sweet fragrance proceeded. 
Over the fiery depths was placed a wooden bridge, across which 
the departed souls had to pass. Others of them could not do so, 
however, and fell into the fiery flood ; others, again, waded, some up 
to their knees, others up to their shoulders. These, he was told, 
were the souls of those who had committed lesser faults. On the 
other side of the fiery torrent he saw the resplendent walls of the 
heavenly Jerusalem, whither the disembodied souls wended after 
crossing the river. Inter alia, he saw a struggle for the soul of an 
Abbot between the fiends and the angels, and he also professed to 
have seen the torments which King Ceolfrid of Mercia was suffering 
in the next world for his various evil deeds. ^ These I have 
described on an earlier page. 

A more famous (and also a double monastery) existed in Mercia 
at Repton in Staffordshire, which became the burial-place of several 
of the Mercian kings. It was formerly known as Hreopadun. 
It is a pity we know so little about it. It is first mentioned 
in the life of St. Guthlac by Felix, who calls the community "a 
catholic congregation." Guthlac became a monk there in the 
time of its first recorded Abbess, who was called ^Ifthrytha, 
otherwise Elfthritha or Elfrida, and who perhaps founded it about 
697. We do not know who she was, but probably she could 
claim royal birth. She is named in a letter written by Waldhere, 
Bishop of London, to Archbishop Beorhtwald. In this letter 
reference is made to a Council called together by King Coenred 
of Mercia, to which his Bishops and grandees were summoned to 
discuss " the reconciliation of ^^Ifdryda " {sic).^ What this recon- 
ciliation refers to we do not know, the whole matter is a mystery. 
When Guthlac was old, the Abbey of Repton was under another 
Abbess, perhaps her sister, named Eadburga (daughter of King 
Aldwulf of East Anglia), who is reported by Felix to have sent 
him a leaden coffin and a linen winding-sheet. I have described 
her dealings with St. Guthlac on an earlier page.^ Wallingford 
calls her ^thelburga. It would seem that she in later times 
joined her sister at Hackness and was buried there.* 

* Mon. Germ. Hist.^ Epist. iii. 252-57. 

^ Iladdan and Stubbs, iii. 275. She is mentioned in the Liber Vitae of 
Durham. ^ Ante, ii. 414. * Ante, iii. 202. 



APPENDIX I 213 

Let us now turn to ^^^thcldrytha, generally known as Saint 
Audrey, whom we left at Coldingham.^ According to Thomas 
of Ely,2 her husband, King Ecgfrid, whom she had deserted, was 
determined to take her away by force from the convent of 
Coldingham where she had sheltered, a fact not mentioned by 
Eede. She therefore made up her mind to escape and to return 
to East Anglia, where she had a great possession in the Isle of Ely. 
She set out accompanied by two companions named Sewenna 
and Sewera, and was pursued by the King. She did not go far, 
but climbed a hill near a place called Coldebur Chesheved, 
W'hich, says the Ely historian, means in Latin Caput Coldebirti. 
This she climbed and was supplied with food by the country 
people and hid away for seven days, while a spring of water 
sprang up in a very arid place to furnish her with water. The 
biographer relates as a miraculous fact that the impressions of her 
feet as she went up and descended the mountain were afterwards 
shown in the solid rock, and looked as if made in wax {infusa 
ta7iqim?n in calida cerd). Setting out with her companions she 
reached the river Humber, and arrived at the port of Wyntryng- 
ham, a parish in the northern division of the wapentake of 
Manley, in the county of Lincoln, 7 J miles from Barton. Thence 
she went on for ten "stadia" farther, and stopped at a village called 
Alfham (Raine says Altham, also called Alftham). There she 
stayed a few days and built a church, doubtless of wood. Then she 
went on again and lay down to rest in a shady place and planted 
her walking-stick in the ground. In the morning it had sprouted 
and presently grew into a great ash tree, the largest in that country. 
The place, says Thomas of Ely, is still called pausatio Etheldredae. 
There she built another church to the memory of the Blessed Virgin. 

At length, after their long journey, ^theldrytha with her 
companions (they included a priest named Huna, formerly a monk, 
who had accompanied her and who became a saint) reached her 
own patrimony, the marriage gift presented to her by her first 
husband, namely, the Isle of Ely. It is described by Bede as 
situated in the land of the East Angles and as containing about 
600 families {i.e. hides). It formed, he says, a kind of island 
enclosed by marshes, or waters, and was so named from the 
number of eels which were taken in the adjoining marshes.^ 

^ Anfe, iii. 206. 

^ Thomas of Ely says she was born at Ermynge, now Ixminge, in Suffolk 
{Aug. Sac, i. 597). 
^ Bedey iv. 19. 



2 14 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

This simple etymology did not satisfy its historian, Thomas of 
Ely, who says it was derived from two Hebrew words, El (God) 
and Ge (earth), proving that he was innocent of any knowledge 
of Greek as well as Hebrew. An anonymous writer apostro- 
phises the attractions of the place at a later time in some not 
unmusical lines : 

Haec sunt Elyae, Lanterna, Capella Mariae, 
Atque Molendinum, multuin dans vinea Vinum. 
Coniinet insontes^ quos valiant undique pontes. 
Hos ditant inontes ; nee desunt Jlumina, fontes. 
Nofneti ab anguilla ducit Ittsula nobilis ilia. 

[Ang. Sac, i. 592.) 

A very late legend, quite unsupported by any early author, 
tells us that St. Augustine himself planted a church in the 
island at a place called Cradendene {i.e. Vallis Crati), a mile 
from the present town of Ely, which was destroyed and desolated 
by Penda.i ^theldrytha herself built a church on a deserted 
place in the island. There, with the assistance of her brother 
Aldwulf, she also planted a double monastery, one for men and 
the other for women, which she dedicated to St. Mary. Over this 
she presided as Abbess, and where she received her old friend 
Si. Wilfrid.2 Bede says it was reported of her that from the 
time of her entering the convent she never wore any linen, but 
only woollen garments, and rarely washed in a hot bath {in 
calidis balneis), except just before the great festivals of Easter, 
Whitsuntide, and the Epiphany, and then she was the last to 
enter the bath after she had helped to wash all the other servants 
of God in it. She seldom ate more than once a day except on 
the great solemnities, or on urgent occasions, or when seriously 
ill. From matins she continued in church till daybreak, unless 
when suffering from some severe infirmity. She was said to 
have prophesied the coming of the plague by which she was to 
die, and the number of those who would perish in her convent. 
She died on the 23rd of June in 679, seven years after she had 
become Abbess, and, as she had ordered, she was buried in a 
wooden coffin and laid in the cemetery in the regular succession 
in which she had died, and was not honoured by a special 
sepulchre.^ She was succeeded in the office of Abbess by her 

^ Thomas of Ely, Ang. Sac., i. 594 and 599. ^ II). i. 599. 

^ Bede, iv. 19. She was buried by Iluna {vide ante), who afterwards 
became an anchorite on a small island in the marsh near Ely, which was 



APPENDIX I 215 

sister Sexburga, who had been the wife of Earconberht, king of 
Kent. When /Etheldrytha had been buried sixteen years, i.e. 
in 695, Sexburga took up her remains with the intention of 
removing them into the church. She accordingly ordered the 
brethren to provide a suitable stone with which to make a tomb. 
Bede says they set out in a boat {asce?isa navi) because the 
country of Ely {regio Elye) was on every side encompassed with 
the sea or marshes, and contained no large stones. Presently 
they came to an abandoned town not far thence, which in the 
Anglian language was called Grantchester (now a small village 
near Cambridge, occupying the site of a Roman town), and there, 
close to the city wall, they found a white marble coffin very 
beautifully wrought and covered with a lid of the same material. 
This they took back to the monastery. 

When if^theldrytha's wooden coffin was opened, we are told 
by Bede that her body was found as free from corruption as if 
she had died and been buried that very day. This was attested, 
he adds, by Bishop Wilfrid and many others who knew about it. 
Among them was Cynifrid the physician, who had operated upon 
a swelling under her jaw when she was living, in order to let out the 
noxious matter. He reported that " when the body was taken out 
of the grave and put in a position close by, and while all the con- 
gregation of the brethren were on one side and that of the sisters 
on the other, standing around and singing, the Abbess with a 
few others having gone on to wash the remains, I heard the 
corpse say, ' Glory be to the name of the Lord.' Not long 
after they called me in, and I saw the body of the Holy Virgin 
taken out of the grave and laid on a bed as if it had been asleep. 
Then taking a veil from her face, they showed me the incision 
I had made, which had healed up, so that instead of a gaping 
wound, there was only a slender scar. The linen clothes in 
which the body had been wrapped looked as fresh and perfect as 
if they had only just been placed about her chaste limbs." 

Cynifrid added that the dead Abbess used to say that 
the trouble in her neck had arisen because she had there 
borne the needless weight of jewels. By having had this 
pain in this world, she trusted to be relieved from the future 
punishment due to her levity, and said that where she had 
had gold and pearls, a red and burning boil grew on her neck. 
It was reported that by the touch of her garments devils were 

called Huneya after him. His miracles became famous, and therefore 
valuable, and his remains were removed to Thorney Island ^Ang. Sac, i. 600). 



2i6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

expelled from possessed bodies and other disorders were some- 
times cured ; while by touching the coffin in which she was first 
buried, with their heads, suffering men were said to have been 
cured of diseases of the eyes. Having washed the body, the 
virgins put it in new clothes, carried it into the church, and laid 
it in the marble sarcophagus, which had been taken with due 
ceremony thither. The body just fitted it, and there was after- 
wards a hollow where it had lain.^ 

" The present stately fane of Ely," says Mr. Raine, " owes its 
existence to the renown of St. iEtheldryda, who was regarded as 
one of the greatest of the mediaeval saints." The church she 
had constructed perished in the Danish inroad of 866-7, but 
the marauders did no harm to the coffin. The building was 
restored about a century afterwards by King Edgar, when it 
became a home of Benedictine monks and by degrees acquired 
great estates. In 1107 the see of Ely was founded, and its long 
series of abbots came to an end. One of the last official acts of 
Richard, the last abbot, was the translation of St. ^theldrytha's 
remains to the Norman church he had built. This was in the 
presence of the Bishop of Thetford and a great concourse of 
people. 2 William of Malmesbury says that when her tomb was 
then opened, the body was found intact and she looked as if she 
was sleeping. The silken covering to her head, her veil and 
garments were all intact, her cheeks were flushed, her teeth 
white, her lips a little shrunk, and her breasts small.^ Over her 
old marble tomb was now raised a richly ornamented wooden 
shrine, which was carried about on festival days. In 1144 the 
monks stripped the shrine of much of its silver work in order 
to meet the pecuniary necessities of Bishop Nigel, who later 
gave them the Manor of Hadstock for the purpose of ornament- 
ing and repairing the shrine, and it was afterwards much enriched 
by Bishops Redel and de Burgh. In 1235 Bishop Northwold, 
who built the splendid choir, erected a new shrine for iEtheldrytha 
and the other Saints of the House in the presbytery. Of this 
a sketch is still preserved. The shrine was destroyed at the 
Reformation.'* 

William of Malmesbury reports a curious miracle of her. 
When the Danes devastated the church, one of them marched 
off with the rich covering of her tomb and then struck the latter 

^ Bede, iv. 191. 

^ Thomas of Ely, Ang. Sacra, i. 613 ; Diet, of Chr. Biog., ii. 221. 

' G.P., p. 325. ■* Diet, of Chr. Biog., ii. 221. 



APPENDIX I 217 

with his two-headed axe. This made a hole in it, but a fragment 
flew off, struck him on the eye and knocked him senseless. 
Some time after, one of the secular priests attached to the mon- 
astery wanting to make sure that the body of the saint was not 
corrupted, inserted a candle into the hole just named, and tried 
to drag her garments through it ; but the saint herself pulled them 
back so as to cover her naked body. He was punished by 
becoming half-witted.^ 

Bede wrote a poem on St. ^theldrytha which he inserts in 
his Ecclesiastical History^ and in which pagan allusions are inter- 
spersed with Christian ones. I think it should find a place here 
as a specimen of his own versification in Latin, which our first 
historian thought worthy of being preserved in his great work. 
It runs thus : 

*' Alma Deus Trinitas, quae secula cuncta gubemas, 
Adnue jam coeptis, alma Deus Trinitas. 
Bella Marc resonet, nos pacis dona canamus : 
Munera nos Christi, bella Maro resonet. 
Carmina casta mihi, foedae non raptus Helenae, 
Luxus erit lubricis, carmina casta mihi. 
Dona superna loquar, miserae non praelia Trojae 
Terra quibus gaudet : dona superna loquar. 
En Deus altus adit venerandae Virginis alvum: 
Liberet ut homines en Deus altus adit. 
Femina Virgo parit mundi devota Parentem, 
Porta Maria Dei, femina Virgo parit. 
Gaudet arnica cohors, de Virgine matre Tonantis : 
Virginitate micans gaudet arnica cohors. 
Hujus honor genuit casto de germine plures, 
Virgineos flores hujus honor genuit. 
Ignibus usta feris Virgo non cessat Agatha, 
Eulalia et perfert ignibus usta feris. 
Casta feras superat mentis pro culmine Tecla, 
Euphcmia sacra casta feras superat. 
Laeta ridet gladios ferro robustior Agnes, 
Caecilia infestos laeta ridet gladios, 
Multus in orbe viget per sobria corda triumphus, 
Sobrietatis amor multus in orbe viget. 
Nostra quoque egregia jam tempora virgo beavit : 
Aedilthryda nitet nostra quoque egregia 
Orta patre eximio, regali et stemmate clara : 
Nobilior Domino est, orta patre eximio. 
Percipit inde decus reginae, et sceptra sub astris, 
Plus super astra manens, percipit inde decus. 
Quid petis alma virum, Sponso jam dedita summo? 

^William of Malmesbury, 6*./*., 323 and 324. 



2 1 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Sponsus adest Christus, quid petis alma virum ? 

Regis ut aetherei malrem jam credo sequaris : 

Tu quoque sis mater Regis ut aetherei. 

Sponsa dicata Deo bis sex regnaverat annis, 

Inque monasterio est sponsa dicata Deo. 

Tota sacrata polo celsis ubi floruit actis 

Reddidit atque animam tota sacrata polo. 

Virginis alma caro est tumulata bis octo Novembres, 

Nee putet in tumulo virginis alma caro. 

Christe, tui est operis, quia vestis et ipsa sepulchro 

Inviolata nitet : Christe, tui est operis. 

Hydros et ater abit sacrae pro vestis honore, 

Morbi dififugiunt, hydros et ater abit 

Zelus in hoste furit quondam qui vicerat Evam : 

Virgo triumphat ovans, zelus in hoste furit. 

Aspice nupta Deo, quae sit tibi gloria terris ; 

Quae maneat caelis aspice nupta Deo. 

Munera laeta capis festivis fulgida taedis, 

Ecce venit Sponsus, munera laeta capis. 

Et nova dulcisono modularis carmina plectro : 

Sponsa hymno exultas et nova dulcisono. 

Nullus ab Altithroni comitatu segregat agni, 

Quam affectu tulerat nullus ab Altithroni."^ 

It will be noted that the poem is an experiment in verse- 
making, in which the same clause of three words occurs in each 
two of the successive Hnes. 

When St. Chad went to Lastingham there went with him 
a certain notable person called Wini or Owin, who employed 
himself in manual labour outside the monastery. He 
had been born in the kingdom of East Anglia, and had ac- 
companied ^Etheldrytha when she went to marry King Ecgfrid 
in 660, as steward of her household. Bede, iv. 3, calls him 
pri7nus mmistrorum et princeps dofnus ejus, which in the Anglo- 
Saxon version is translated " the chief of her thanes and house 
and of all her ealdormen." On the death of St. Chad he ap- 
parently returned to Ely, and is reported to have lived at 
Winford, near Haddenham. Bishop Browne says that some years 
ago the base of the village cross at Haddenham, which had sunk 
deep into the ground, was dug out, and it was found to be in- 
scribed with the words, Lucein Tua7n Ovifio da Deus et requiem 
(Give Thy light, O God, afid rest to Ovvin).^ The stone is now 
in the nave at Ely. His death-day in the calendar is 4th March. 
The authors of the Aa. SS. Mart., i. 312, say there was once a 
church dedicated to him at Gloucester. Thomas of Ely calls 
^ H.E., iv. 20, 2 Qoni)^ of the Heptarchy ^ 214. 



< 



APPENDIX I 219 

him custos et procer of the Queen, and he probably had charge 
of her patrimony of Ely. Bede tells us he abandoned this 
dignified position, and how, attracted by devotion to the saint, he 
had joined him with his axe and hatchet, and inasmuch as he 
was no scholar, he asked permission to be allowed to join the 
brotherhood as a workman. When St. Chad became Bishop 
of Lichfield he accompanied |him thither. I have previously 
described the pretty legend of St. Chad's death, in which he so 
prominently figures. 

^theldrytha was succeeded as Abbess of Ely by her sister 
Sexburga. She had been married to Earconberht, king of Kent, 
by whom she had had two sons, Ecgberht and Llothaire, who 
successively ruled over the kingdom after their father, and two 
daughters, Earcongota and Eormengilda.^ Thomas of Ely has 
partially confused her with another Sexburga, who was queen of 
Mercia. On the death of her husband she built a nunnery at 
Sheppey, which was endowed by her son King Ecgberht with lands, 
etc. There she adopted the veil and collected a body of seventy- 
eight disciples. 2 In the Hist, Eliensis^ i. chap. 36, which quotes 
a book of her Gesta, she is said to have received the veil from 
Archbishop Theodore. According to Florence of Worcester,^ 
she founded the monastery as a burial-place for her husband, 
but Thorn {Col., 1769) says he was buried at St. Augustine's 
at Canterbury. He may have been removed there. 

After being for some time at Sheppey, she in 679 joined her 
sister ^Etheldrytha at Ely. The Book of Ely tells us how before 
she left she foretold to her nuns the ravages which would pres- 
ently be caused by the Danes, which had been disclosed to 
her in a dream. She also endowed the monastery with many 
lands.* She was buried near ^theldrytha in the church at 
Ely. When in 1106 the new church there was rebuilt, the 
bodies of the two saintly sisters were translated, and the tomb 
of Sexburga was opened. Her remains, partly bones and partly 
dust, were found wrapped in silk, each in a separate shrine. 
They lay in the tomb just as St. Ethelwold, who had sealed it 

1 Thomas of Ely, Ang. Sac, i. 595. 

^Ib.i. 595,596. ^M.H.B.,6ze. 

* The year of her death is not known, but must have been after 673. Her 
death-day in the calendar was July the 6th. A fragment of an eleventh- 
century Life of her is preserved in the Lambeth MS. 427 (see Hardy, CaL 
Brit. Hist., i. 362), and certain lections on her life are preserved (see MS. 
Cott. Cat., A, viii. 89-91). 



2 20 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

with lead, had placed them. They were now folded in clean 
wrappers and the tomb was again fastened with lead by Abbot 
Richard, and placed on the left of that of her sister.^ 

Eormengilda, the daughter of Sexburga by Earconberht, king 
of Kent, married the great Mercian ruler, Wulfhere, on whose 
death in 674 she joined her mother Sexburga at Sheppey and 
took the veil there. When her mother moved to Ely she became 
Abbess of Sheppey, and on the death of Sexburga she was elected 
Abbess of Ely. There she died and was buried with her mother 
and aunt.2 When the church at Ely was rebuilt in the year 11 06, 
and the various saints buried there were translated, her tomb 
was opened and, according to Thomas of Ely, her remains were 
found lying in a grave without any covering {absque velamine 1 /), 
as Bishop Ethelwold must have placed them. They were now 
collected, wrapped in a clean cloth, and deposited in a tomb on 
the left of those of St. ^theldrytha. It also was duly sealed 
with lead.^ 

Eormengilda's daughter by Wulfhere was called Werburga. 
On her father's death she went with her mother to Kent 
and lived under her at Sheppey, and apparently accompanied 
her to Ely. As we read in her Life^ she was induced by her 
uncle, King ^thelred, to preside over a monastery in Mercia, in 
which kingdom she became perhaps the most famous female saint. 
She is reported to have founded monasteries at Trickingham, 
Handbury, and Weedon.^ She apparently presided over all the 
monasteries of her own foundation, and according to her English 
Life^ when her mother died she also succeeded to the government 
of Ely. It further reports that there was a great anxiety among 
her various monasteries as to where she would be buried when 
she should die. This she decided for them by selecting that at 
Heanbirig {i.e. Handbury), about five miles from Repton, and 
she left instructions that wherever she might die her remains 
were to be translated thither. She actually died at Trytengeham 
{i.e. Trickingham), and was laid away on the 3rd of February,^ 
which is St. Werburg's Day. The very same night the com- 
munity from Handbury came and carried off the body with 
great joy to their own abbey. Nine years later it was reported 

^ Thomas of Ely, Ang. Sac.y i. 613. ^ lb. 596. 

' Ang. Sac, \. 613. ^ Bright, op. cit. 456. 

' William of Worcester assigns 21st June to St. Werburga of Chester. 
This perhaps refers to the translation of her remains thither. Stubbs, Diet. 
ofChr. Biog., iv. 11 74, 1175. 



APPENDIX I 22 1 

to be still undecayed. This was in the reign of King Ceolred of 
Mercia, who died in 716. 

The monasteries presided over by Werburga were doubtless 
all destroyed and ravaged by the Danes. According to the late 
writers, Brompton and Higdcn, when in 875 Burgred, king of 
Mercia, was driven from Repton by them, her remains were 
translated to Chester. The nunnery there where they afterwards 
lay, and which was dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, was 
restored by Athelstan, who rededicated it to St. Werburga.^ It 
is curious that Jocelyn does not mention this translation. 

As a proof of the popularity of the saint may be mentioned 
the number of dedications of churches to her which still remain ; 
others were probably changed in Norman times. Dr. Stubbs 
thus enumerates them. He says : " Not only is the great church 
at Chester dedicated in her name, but at least eight churches in 
other parts of England are called after her. One of these, Hoo 
St. Werburgh, lies at no great distance from Sheppey ; others are 
at Derby, Bristol, Warburton in Cheshire, Kingsley in Stafford- 
shire, Blackwell in Derbyshire, Wembury in Devonshire, Warb- 
stow in Cornwall, and a church in Dublin. ^ The last three of 
these churches are far from Mercia and not easy to explain.^ 
The names of Werburgmore in Mercia^ and Werburglingham in 
Thanet ^ may denote property which was either by dedication or 
inheritance connected with her."*^ 

The great place St. Werburga fills in the history of Chester 
is doubtless due to the wealth of her church there, which was 
very richly endowed by Earl Leofric in 1057. This church was 
rebuilt afterwards, and was attached first to a Benedictine abbey, 
and at the Reformation became the cathedral of the diocese. 

Some of the miracles attributed to her are picturesque. Of 
these it will suffice to mention two. On one occasion a flock of 
wild geese alighted among the reeds on some land of hers. She 
told her servant to drive them into the farmstead. He was most 
surprised to find the wild geese were so tractable. Thinking no 
one would find it out, he took one of them, cooked it and ate it. 
The theft, however, was disclosed to his mistress by the unusual 
behaviour of the other geese. She had the bones of the cooked 

^ William of Malmesbury, G.P., 308. "^ Stubbs, loc. cit. 

^ Miss Arnold-Forster adds to these, churches at Hanbury, Treneglos, 
and formerly at Spondon. 

*■ Kemble, CD., 78, 217. ^ Thomas of Elmham, p. 19. 

® Stubbs, op. cit. iv. 1175. 



2 2 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

bird collected, and miraculously restored, not only its flesh and 
feathers, but also its life. Thereupon the whole flock paid her 
reverence and flew away.^ On another occasion " she miracu- 
lously caused the head of a steward, who was scourging a lady 
named Ailnoth, to turn round on his shoulders so that he looked 
backwards. It was afterwards put right again at the intercession 
of the saint." ^ 

I have now related the story of two of King Anna's famous 
daughters, ^theldrytha and Sexburga, and of the latter's 
descendants, and will turn to a third one called Withburga, 
whose life is recorded by Thomas of Ely. He says that she was 
sent with her nurse to be brought up at Holkham near the sea, 
where a church was afterwards built in her honour and named 
Withburgestowe. On her father's death she determined to adopt 
a religious life and withdrew to Dereham, twenty miles from 
Holkham, where he had a property, and built a monastery 
there. While it was being built she was reduced to great 
want and had to subsist on the dry bread provided for the 
workmen. Thereupon, says the saga, the Virgin came to her 
help and bade her send some girls to the bridge over the 
neighbouring stream where they would find two wild animals, 
who would allow them to milk them. The maids duly went there 
and found two does, and secured so much milk from them that it 
filled a large vessel which had to be carried by its two handles by 
two men ; whereupon the whole community's needs were supplied. 
Malmesbury says that she was attended by a tame doe, which 
was shot by a ruthless praefect, who thereupon was struck with 
the king's evil. Withburga died on the 17th of March 743, 
and was buried in the graveyard at Dereham. After fifty-five 
years, her body was found to be uncorrupted and was translated 
into the church in 797. If this date is right, says Stubbs, she 
must then have been ninety years old (for her father Anna died 
in 654). There she remained till the time of King Eadgar, that 
is to say, until the 8th of July 974, in which year and day Abbot 
Brythnoth of Ely, with the consent of the king and Bishop 
-^thelwold, removed the body to his monastery and put her 
beside her sisters. The life of the saint, from which Thomas 
of Ely reports these facts,, was no doubt used both by Florence 
of Worcester ^ and the compiler of the later MSS. of the Aftglo- 

^ ^ William of Malmesbury, Gest. Pont.^ ed. Hamilton, 308-9. 

Ij - Stubbs, Diet, of Chr. Biog., iv. 1174. 

' Vide sub an. 798. 



APPENDIX I 223 

Saxon Chronicle. In the genealogical table attached to Florence, 
Withburga is wrongly called Withgytha. 

In regard to her translation, William of Malmesbury reports 
a miracle. He says that the body was transferred by water, 
which was then the only means of approach to the island of Ely. 
The natives of the place opposed the removal very violently. 
The boatmen lost their way in the monotonous marshes, but 
were at length guided by a column of fire from heaven. He 
adds that in his day artificial roads had been made across the 
fens by putting embankments in the water, over which people 
could go dryshod.^ At the place where she was originally 
buried at Dereham, a fountain of pure water is said to have 
broken out.^ 

When Abbot Richard rebuilt the church at Ely, he again 
translated the body of St. Withburga with those of her sisters. 
Thomas of Ely tells us that Withburga's remains were found 
fresh and intact, as were the vestments in which she was 
buried. So also was her wooden cofifin ; its iron hasps 
(ferrets) and keys, however, were corroded. A monk of 
Westminster called Warner raised the remains and proved 
that her arms and hands were still flexible. This was also 
seen and attested by Herbert, Bishop of Thetford, and 
many others who were there. The saint was buried again 
close to her sisters. Malmesbury grows eloquent over her 
peaceful face, her florid cheeks, her white teeth, her shrunken 
lips, and her small breasts.^ The facts reported about the 
freshness of her remains caused a great cult of them to 
be prosecuted, and they were presently placed in a silver 
reliquary. A polemic arose about them between the Bishops 
of Lincoln and Ely, the former of whom urged that the 
treasure had been improperly removed from his diocese. The 
dispute was submitted to the king, and afterwards to the Pope 
for decision, but it would appear that she continued to rest 
beside her sisters until the Reformation, when their remains 
were all ruthlessly destroyed. 

We have told the story of Eormengilda, one of Sexburga's 
daughters. We must now turn to the latter's other daughter, 
Earcongota. Of her, Bede says that she joined the monas- 
tery founded by Saint Fara at Brie, known as Faremoutier 
en Brie, and also as Eboriacum, to which the Frankish Queen 
Bathildis was a great benefactress. There Earcongota became 

^ G.P., 325. 2 ^^^^ ^^^^^^ 5o^ and 606. ^ G.P., 325. 



224 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Abbess. Bede says that many works and miracles were reported 
of her by the people near the monastery, but he limits himself 
to one relating to her departure from the world. When the 
day of her death was approaching, she visited the several nuns 
in that part of the monastery where the very old and infirm 
who had been especially godly were lodged. She commended 
herself to their prayers, and told them she knew by revelation she 
was about to die, and said she had seen a number of men all 
dressed in white enter the monastery. On her asking them what 
they wanted and what they were doing there, they told her they 
had come to carry away "the gold medal which had come to 
them from Kent." When the night had nearly passed and 
dawn had arrived, says Bede, she left the darkness of the world 
and departed to the light of heaven. This is a proof that the 
monastery was a double one. 

Many of the brethren declared that they had plainly heard 
a concert of angels singing and a noise as of a great multitude 
entering the monastery. " On going out they saw an extraordinary 
light sent down from heaven, which conducted that holy soul, 
released from the bonds of the flesh, to the joys of heaven." 
The body of the saint was buried in the church of the proto- 
martyr Stephen. Three days later it was thought fit to take up 
the stone covering of the grave, and to raise it higher in the same 
place ; whereupon so great a fragrance proceeded from below 
that it seemed to those present as if a storehouse of balsams 
had been opened. 

Earcongota was not the only descendant of King Anna 
who presided over the famous Abbey of Faremoutier. Her 
aunt ^^thelberga (who is called his natural daughter by Bede) ^ 
also went there, and Bede has something to say of her. He 
tells us that whilst she was Abbess she began to build a church 
in the monastery in honour of all the Apostles, where her body 
might be laid ; but she died before it was half finished, and was 
nevertheless buried in the very spot in the church which she had 
fixed. The brethren were at the time occupied with other matters, 
and the building was stopped for seven years, and then finding 
that the work before them was too great, they determined to 
give it up entirely and to translate the remains of the Abbess 

^ This phrase in this particular place is probably meant to contrast her 
with Soethryd, who is called the daughter of his wife. But it is well to 
remember that the phrase was used in its modern sense as early as the time 
of Ulpian (see Plummer, ii. 149). 



APPENDIX I 225 

to some church already finished. When they opened the coffin 
they found the body quite fresh. Having washed it and put 
fresh clothes on it, they translated it to the Church of the 
Blessed Stephen, and her nativity was celebrated there on the 
7th of July.i 

There was a third English lady who joined the same com- 
munity at Faremoutier, namely Sasthryd. Bede calls her the 
daughter of the wife of Anna, and she was therefore his step- 
daughter, which points to his wife having been twice married. 

Let us now return again to Kent. As we have seen, 
Eormenred, the eldest son of Eadbald, king of Kent, died 
before his father, leaving by his wife Oslawa two sons and two 
daughters. The former were murdered at the instance of their 
uncle Ecgberht, the younger son of Eadbald.^ One of her 
daughters, Eormenburga or Eomenberga, styled Domneva, 
married Merewald, the ruler of the Hwiccas, under the supremacy 
of Mercia, and the reported founder of a monastery at Leo- 
minster. He was a younger son of Penda. They had a son, 
Merewin, and three daughters — Mildred, Milburga, and Milgith. 
We have already followed the fortunes of Milburga. Apparently, 
after the death of her husband, Eormenberga was invited to 
return to Kent by her uncle. King Ecgberht,^ who offered her 
a handsome estate as a compensation for the homicide of her 
brothers.* He left it to her choice where the estate should be, 
and she fixed upon the Isle of Thanet, reputed, as Bede tells us, 
to be the most fruitful part of England, and told the king that 
she would like to have it there. It had apparently belonged 
to Thunor, the murderer of her brothers, and she asked that 
she might have as much land as a hunted hind could gallop 
round in one course. This the king granted, and when the 
hind reached a great mound called Thunorslaw (Agger vastus illi 
loco impositus qui Thu7iorisleauw^ dicitur\ Thunor indignantly 
asked the king how much longer he intended following the dumb 
animal, whereupon the earth opened.^ The MS. life of the Saint 
by ^Ifric here ends abruptly, but Symeon of Durham, who 
continues the story, says that Thunor was swallowed up in the 

^ Bede, H.E., iii. 8. 2 ^^^^^ j 247. 

' It is possible that she may have been the widow of Ecgfrid, King of 
Northumbria, who had the same name and possibly married him when he 
was deserted by Saint /Etheldrytha. 

^ Ante^ i. 248. ^ It was afterwards called Thunorsleap. 

^ Hardy, op. cit. i. 382. 383. 
VOL. III. — 15 



2 26 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

chasm with his horse and arms, whereupon the king ordered his 
body to be covered with a great cairn of stones ; his soul, says 
the Monk of Durham, was reserved for everlasting burning in the 
dreadful fires of hell. " The place," he adds, " is called by way- 
farers Thunersleap." This name, which is a corruption, no doubt, 
gave rise to the legend about the chasm and Thunor having leapt 
into it. The real name of the cairn, as we learn from Jocelyn 
and Capgrave, was Thunorslaw, i.e. Thunor's burial-mound. A 
very interesting map of the island of Thanet, with the course of 
the stag traced on it, is given in the MS. of Thomas of Elmham. 
Eormenberga built a monastery and church on the land 
made over to her by King Ecgberht, which was dedicated to the 
Virgin.^ When she had built her monastery, since widely known 
as Minster, in Thanet, she dedicated it to the memory of her 
two murdered brothers, and determined to set her daughter 
Mildred over it. She accordingly sent her to be trained abroad. 
Symeon of Durham, no doubt following ^Ifric's Life of Mildred, 
merely says " in transmarinas partes " ; while Jocelyn says ex- 
pressly she was sent to Kalas, i.e. Chelles, near Paris, a favourite 
place of education for the daughters of Saxon nobles. ^ At this 
point Jocelyn relates one of his extravagant stories. He says 
that that monastery was then presided over by the Abbess 
Wilcoma — doubtless an Englishwoman {quod bene venias 
resonat anglica lingua). A kinsman of this Abbess being 
anxious to marry Mildred, the latter refused, whereupon we are 
gravely told she was thrown into a furnace by Wilcoma, but 
miraculously escaped unhurt. The Abbess then beat her and 
tortured her in various ways, but with no better success. Mildred 
contrived to inform her mother of her position. She sent the 
message by the bearer of a psalter, which she had herself written 
and which she now sent with some of her hair, no doubt to 
identify the sender. Her mother commanded her to return, but 
the Abbess refused to let her go, whereupon she furtively escaped 
and landed at Ipplesfleot, i.e. Ebbsfleet, where a chapel was 
afterwards built to commemorate the event.^ In her Life we are 
told that, on landing, the saint impressed her feet miraculously 
on the squared stone on which she stepped, which afterwards 
effected miracles of healing.^ She brought with her from France 
some vestments and relics, together with a nail from Christ's 
cross {clavis crucifixionis Dominicae). She joined her mother's 

^ Symeon of Durham, M.H.B.^ 649. ^ Hardy, op. cit. i. 377. 

' lb. * This seems a repetition of a similar story told of Augustine. 






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The Amhit of Kormenherc.a's Estate in Thanet. 

[/W. III., faciug p. 226. 



APPENDIX I 227 

monastery, of which she afterwards became Abbess, and where 
she had a band of seventy nuns. She was consecrated by Arch- 
bishop Theodore or, as Symeon of Durham says, by Archbishop 
Deusdedit. The date of her death is apparently not known, 
but she was commemorated on 13th July. Stubbs speaks of the 
numerous dedications of churches to St. Mildred, and the frequent 
use of her name as a baptismal name. Churches dedicated to 
her exist in Bread Street and in the Poultry in London, and 
others at Preston, Canterbury, and Whippingham. There was 
also one at Oxford, but it has been demolished.^ Of this 
Dr. Bright says, every one who passes up Brasenose Lane 
traverses ground belonging of old to a church named after 
the canonised granddaughter of Penda, and three columns of 
its crypt remain under the common room of Lincoln College.^ 
She is mentioned in several charters, all of which are, I believe, 
spurious. In the De Gestis Regum^ which has passed under the 
name of Symeon, a story is told of her that one day when she was 
resting and had fallen asleep, a dove came down and, alighting 
on her head, protected her from the attacks of evil spirits.^ 

On her death she was succeeded as Abbess of Minster by 
Eadburga, who, according to Thorn, was her mother's sister. 

The church which had been built by Eormenberga, and was 
dedicated to the Virgin, had become too small to accommodate 
the sisterhood, so she built a larger one a little distance away, 
which she dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, and which was 
consecrated by Archbishop Cuthberht.* 

To this church St. Mildred's remains were translated. In 
later days a fierce fight took place between the monks of St. 
Augustine and the canons of St. Gregory, both of Canterbury, 
in regard to these relics, which were such a valuable posses- 
sion. There seems little doubt that the claims of the monks 
of St. Augustine's were supported by a series of forgeries and 
concocted story. According to the latter, Abbot ^Istan, with 
the consent of King Cnut, who was passing through Kent on his 
way to Rome, transferred the remains of the saint to his monas- 
tery of St. Augustine, where he placed the saint's tomb in the choir 
" near the great candlestick called Jesse." ^ In the time of Abbot 
Wilfrid the younger, it was transferred to the porticus of St. 

^ Did. of Chr. Biog., iii. 914. Miss Arnold-Forster adds others at 
Ipswich, Lee, Nursted, and Tenterden. 

2 Op. cit. 273. ^ M.H.B., 639. 

* Thomas of Elmham, 217. ^ Thorn, Twysden, 1910. 



2 28 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Augustine's Church. Thorn claims that the night before the 
translation, a monk of the Abbey, who was also sacristan, called 
Maurus, saw the vision of a virgin in a nun's dress, which informed 
him that she was St. Mildred and was going to be translated the fol- 
lowing day, and quotes this as conclusive against " the Gregorians." 
He also says that Abbot Egelwine had carried off the key of 
.^Istan's shrine to Denmark and afterwards returned it to Abbot 
Scotland, and it was found to open this shrine. No one recog- 
nised the key except Godwyn the Dean, who had been present 
at the first translation by ^Istan. When they opened the chest 
or coffin {archa) they found a leaden case, and inside it a wooden 
one much decayed, in which was a glittering cloth which con- 
tained the bones and arms of the saint. The whole were now 
transferred to a new sarcophagus, where they remained till the 
year 1262, when they were removed to a fresh one, on which was 
inscribed : 

" Clauditur hoc saxo Mildreda sacerrima virgo 
Cujus nos precibus adjuvet ipse Deus." 

When the translation took place, says Thorn, a leaden vessel 
with a leaden label was found, reading : 

'* Hoc in loculo habetur pulvis Dei dilectae virginis Mildredae, 
ossa vero ejus in tumha ipsius clausa saxo durissinio requiescunt." ^ 

At her tomb daily Mass was said in her memory. 

We can hardly doubt that the whole of this story was a 
concoction of the monks of St. Augustine's, who were most adept 
at the art. Thorn has an additional story illustrating the 
methods by which great men were in those days induced to 
foster monasteries. He says that when King Edward i. was 
once crossing the sea from Flanders a terrible storm arose and 
the ship was driven towards Thanet. The king saw a vision 
of the saint surrounded by her nuns standing on the shore and 
impelling the waves against the ship with her abbess's staff. 
When the king appealed to her she replied that she would 
comply with his wish if he would restore to her monastery some 
of the possessions of which it had been deprived, and he quotes 
the document by which the king presently conveyed the lands 
in question.^ 

While the monks of St. Augustine's claimed to possess the 
saint's remains, a similar claim, as I have said, and perhaps 
^ Thorn, op. ciL 19 12-13. '^ Op. cit. 1962 and 1963. 



APPENDIX I 229 

equally dubious, was set up by the canons of St. Gregory at 
Canterbury. According to their story, which is reported by a 
champion of the other side, namely, Thomas of Elmham, the 
canons urged that in early times the remains of St. Mildred had 
been translated to Lyminge. Thence they were again removed 
in 1085, in the time of Archbishop Lanfranc. If their story was 
as Thomas reports it, it seems clear that their case was not a 
very strong one. A famous polemical pamphlet against the 
canons and their claims was written by Jocelyn, the monk of 
St. Augustine's, which was entitled Libellus contra inanes usurpa- 
tores Sa?ictae Mildrithae. Thomas of Elmham also makes a 
good fight in his book for his own monastery. 

According to the Acta Sanctorum, vol. iii. p. 514, a number 
of her relics were preserved at Deventer. 

Thomas of Elmham further reports a remarkable saga about 
St. Mildred's remains, which he quotes from the tract on the 
translation of her relics. He says that in the time of William 
the Conqueror a certain knight broke into a barrack {militis 
hospitio) and stole the greater part of its contents. He was 
captured and imprisoned in the castle of Canterbury and put 
in fetters. On the vigil of the saint, stirred by the sound of the 
bells of the monastery summoning people to its services, he had a 
yearning to go thither himself. He found his chains loosened, 
while the custodians were paralysed. The gates of the castle 
were opened, and he fled to the monastery, the gates of which 
were closed, but was able to creep through the windows of 
the crypt, nor was he pursued. He thereupon proceeded to 
secure some portion of the hair, the neck, legs, arms, feet, and 
of the vestments and girdle of the virgin to whom he was 
devoted, and who had assisted him in escaping from the prison. 
The sacristan, hearing a noise in the church, collected a number 
of people, by whom the runaway was recaptured.^ 

As we have seen, Mildred was succeeded as Abbess by her 
aunt Eadburga, who is reported to have died in 751.^ 

There is a special interest about Eadburga from the fact 
that she was one of the correspondents of Archbishop Boniface. 
The first of his letters to her is dated about 717, and was 
apparently written by him before he left England, and under 
his early name of Wynfrid. In it he sends her an account, 
which he had also sent to Hildelitha, the Abbess of Barking, 
of the visions of the monk of Wenlock reported in a later 
^ Thomas of Elmham, 224 and 225. ^ lb. 220. 



2 30 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

page.^ He ends the letter gracefully with an alliteration, a 
mode of composition then in fashion : — 

" Vale; verae virgo vitae ut et vivas angelicae ; 
Recto rite et rumore regnes semper in aethere 
Christum."^ 

In a second letter written to Boniface by Leobgytha in 732, 
then a nun in England, who went to Germany in 737, she speaks 
of Eadburga as an accomplished Latin versifier.^ In 735 the 
Bishop writes her a letter, in which he thanks her for having sent 
a present of books " to the exile living in Germany, which would 
light up the dark recesses of the German race." The same year 
he again writes to her asking her to copy out for him in golden 
letters the Epistles of St. Peter, of which he had special need.^ 
Some time between 742 and 746 he again writes to Eadburga 
telling her of his troubles and labours, and asking for her 
prayers for himself and the pagans, whom he had been charged 
to rescue from idolatry.^ In 745-46 he sends her a further 
graceful letter, in which he says he is sending her some small 
presents {J)arva munuscula), including a silver style or pen 
{graphium), and some spices {storacis et cinnamonia), and tells 
her that if she needs anything else which he could send her, she 
must inform him by his messengerCeollaorotherwise.^ Leobgytha, 
one of his pupils, also corresponded with Boniface, as we have 
seen, and sent him specimens of her verses, which she claimed to 
have composed " according to the rules derived from the poets, 
not in a spirit of presumption but with the desire of exciting her 
slender talents and in the hope of his assistance." She said she 
had learned the art from the Abbess Eadburga, who was ever 
occupied in studying the divine law. The following four hexa- 
meters conclude a poem addressed to Boniface by Leobgytha, 
and comprise a blessing upon him : 

" Arbiter omnipotens, solus qui cuncta creavit 
In regno patris semper qui lumine fulget, 
Qua jugiter flagrans sic regnat gloria Christi, 
Inlesum servet semper te jure perenni." 
{Mon. Germ. Hist., Ep. iii. 281 ; Wright, Biog. Britt., i. 32 and 33.) 

Let us now turn to the famous Abbey of Barking, in Essex, 
founded out of his private patrimony, as we have seen, by 
Earconwald, afterwards Bishop of London, as a monastery for 

* Ante, vol. ii. 379. 2 j/^„ Germ, /list., Ep. iii. 257. 

^ lb. 2^\. * lb. 285 and 286. 

» lb. 333 and 334. « lb. 337 and 338. 



APPENDIX I 231 

women, and over which he put his sister ^^thelberga.^ Bede 
says of her : " She behaved herself in all respects as became the 
sister of such an episcopal brother, living rigorously and piously 
and according to rule, providing for those under her, as was 
manifested by heavenly miracles." ^ I have elsewhere described 
her death from the plague.^ Bede says that when she was ap- 
proaching her end a wonderful vision appeared to one of the sisters 
called Torctgyd, who had lived many years in the monastery and 
had taught the young people there. She had, however, been 
stricken with a serious complaint, from which she suffered for 
nine years. Bede attributes this affliction to the direct action 
of the Redeemer, who desired that the faults she had committed, 
either through ignorance or neglect, might be purged in this 
world. One morning at dawn, as she left the house she saw a 
vision of a human body, more effulgent than the sun, and wrapped 
in a sheet, being lifted up and carried out of the house. It was 
being drawn along by a number of cords brighter than gold, and 
at length entered the open heaven and passed out of sight. She 
interpreted this as meaning that one of their sisterhood was 
about to die and to go to heaven, and, in fact, a few days later 
their mother ^thelburga took her departure. 

Three years later Torctgyd had become so ill that not only 
were all her limbs paralysed but her tongue also. She again saw a 
vision and was able to speak to it, and begged that the delay in 
summoning her to another place might not be prolonged beyond 
the next night. On being asked whom she had been talking to, 
she replied that it was their mother yEthelburga. They under- 
stood this to mean that the latter had come to summon her.* 

Bede tells another story of a nun who was much afflicted by 
illness, and so disabled that she could not move a limb. Being 
informed that the body of the Abbess was being carried into the 
church preparatory to placing it in the tomb, she desired to be 
carried thither too, and to be placed near the body in the attitude 
of one praying, whereupon the Abbess spoke to her as if she had 
been living, and she begged her to pray for her that she might 
be delivered from her sickness, which occurred twelve days 
later, when she died. 

Such were the naive and simple tales which brought consolation 
and comfort to the much believing folk of the eighth century. It is 
necessary for those who study the period to take note of them, as 

^ Ante, i. 426. 2 ^g^g^ j^^ 5^ 

^ See St. Augustine the Missionary, 363-65. * Bede, iv. 9. 



232 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

they are almost the only information we have about the way people 
then faced the greater problems that still embarrass us all. 

The death-day of ^thelburga in the calendar is nth 
October. Florence of Worcester says she died in 676, which 
Stubbs says is very doubtful.^ There is more probability that 
she was the patron saint of St. ^thelburga's church in London. 

Bede tells us that she was succeeded as Abbess of Barking 
by a certain person. He does not say who she was. According 
to the legendary Life of Earconwald, she was a foreign lady 
invited by him to instruct his sister in her monastic duties, from 
which, says Stubbs, it has been inferred that she came from 
Chelles. Father Haigh suggests that she perhaps came 
from Northumbria, and possibly was a relative of St. Hilda. 
This he infers from her name (Hildelitha). Bede says she 
presided over the monastery at Barking till she was of great age, 
and did so in a most exemplary way. On account of the small- 
ness of the site, she determined that the bodies of the female 
and male servants of Christ who were buried in it should be 
translated into the Church of the Blessed Mother of God and 
there interred. Bede says that in the book from which he 
gathered these facts it was reported that a heavenly light was often 
seen there and a sweet fragrance proceeded thence, as well as 
other miracles. Of these he mentions one. The wife of a 
certain nobleman who lived close by was seized with dimness 
in her eyes, which became so bad that she could not see. She 
therefore had herself carried into the cemetery and prayed 
for help at the grave of the saint. Almost immediately 
she recovered her sight and was able to return home without 
assistance.^ 

The fame of Abbess Hildelitha must have been very great, 
for, as we have seen, St. Aldhelm dedicated to her and other 
sisters of her house his famous work entitled De laudibus 
Virginitatis (which I have described in an earlier page). In 
the preface to this he apostrophises her as Hildelitha regularis 
disciplinae et monasticae conversationis magistra. The other nuns 
of the abbey whom he mentions were Justina and Cuthburga, 
Osburga, Aldgida and Scholastica, Hedburga and Burrigida, 
Eulalia and Tecla — some of which are actual names and others 
adopted names in religion. In the concluding sentence of his 
work he apostrophises them thus : Valete, flores ecclesiae sorores 

^ Diet, of Chr. Biog.^ ii. 219. 
^ Bede, iv. 10. 



APPENDIX I 233 

monasticae, alumfiae scholasticae Christ! margaritae^ paradisi 
gemmae et coelestis patriae participes.^ 

To the poetical edition of this work Aldhelm prefixes a 
preface forming a double acrostic, addressed not to Hildelitha 
by name but " ad maximan Abbatissam." ^ As Aldhelm died 
in 709, this poem must have been written before that year. 

In 717 or 718 she is mentioned in a letter written by St. 
Boniface to Eadburga, the Abbess of Minster in Thanet, 
enclosing an account of the visions of a Wenlock monk, 
which he says he had already sent to the Venerable Abbess 
Hildelitha.^ Her death-day is given in the calendar as the 24th 
of March ; the year is uncertain. Cuthburga, the first abbess 
of Wimborne, was one of her pupils and is one of the nuns 
mentioned, as I have said, in Aldhelm's tract in praise of virginity. 

The successor of Hildelitha at Barking is not specifically 
mentioned. I venture to make a suggestion in regard to her. 
Among the nuns mentioned by Aldhelm in the work last named 
as being under Hildelitha, one is called Hidburga. I think it 
probable, for more than one reason, that she was the Heaburg 
mentioned in a letter addressed to Boniface.^ This letter was 
written by a certain Eangyth, who styles herself indigna ancilla 
ancillarum Dei et nomine abbatissae sine merito j'uncta, and her 
only daughter Heaburg, styled Bugga {cognomento Buggae).^ 
This latter uncommon name suggests that she was the same 
Bugga who was the sister of Aldhelm and daughter of Kentwine, 
King of Wessex, who built the famous basilica upon which 
Aldhelm wrote a poem. In that case Eangyth was the widow 
of King Kentwine. This conclusion falls in very well with the 
contents of the letter above named written to Boniface, and 
with the fact that both Boniface and Aldhelm were on such 
terms of close friendship with Abbess Hildelitha. If the con- 
clusion be right, it enables us to say that the Abbess Hildelitha 
was dead when the letter was written, i.e. circ. 719-722. 

Let us now turn to the letter. The use in it of Bugga as a 
surname is illustrated by another phrase in which Eangyth speaks 
of a certain Wale (which looks like a similar pet name) as formerly 
her abbess and spiritual mother. This may have been a pet name 
of Hildelitha. She goes on to speak of the poverty and scanty 
supply of worldly things in her rural home {paupertas et penuria 
verum temporaliu?n et augustia cespitis ruris nostri) and of the 

^ Aldhelm, op. cit. ; Giles, 1-82. 2 /^ j^^ 

^ Mon. Genn. HisL, Ep. iii. 252. ^ lb. 260. ^ Jb. 261. 



2 34 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

hostility of the King {i7ifestatio regalis), caused by the accusations 
of those who were envious of her, added to which was the loss 
of a crowd of friends and relatives. " We have neither son nor 
brother, father nor uncle," she says, "and only one daughter, 
entirely bereft of all dear to her in this world except an only 
sister, a very aged mother, and a son of their brother, and he, 
without any fault of his own, is afflicted with mental weakness 
{infilicem propter ipsius mentis)^ and meanwhile the King hates 
our family exceedingly." 

This letter, while a querulous document, is a very interesting 
one, and discloses the manifold troubles of an abbess (who was 
probably not very tactful and worldly-wise) in her efforts to 
manage her establishment. It was a double monastery 
{promiscui sexus et aetatis), and she had the duty of keeping 
the peace among a crowd of people differing in temperament 
and in mental equipment and varying in age and sex, and was 
held responsible not only for their overt words and actions but 
for their secret thoughts. 

" God has removed from me," she says, " in various ways those 
who might have been useful to me. Some are dead and buried 
at home — God knows how many — others have forsaken their native 
land and sought shelter at the shrine of the Apostles Peter and 
Paul. I myself," she adds, "was also anxious to go thither 
across the sea, and asked for counsel from my spiritual brother 
Boniface, especially as I was getting old, and many dissuaded 
me from going, on the ground that I ought to stay and do my 
duty where I had been put by Providence." 

The letter closes with a request to Boniface to show kindness 
to Denewald (whom she designates as ilium fratrg?n necessarmm, 
amicum nostrum^ whether a real or only a spiritual brother I 
don't know) if he should come into the parts where he lived ; 
she also sends a friendly message to the priest Berther.^ 

The letter also affords good evidence of the mastery of Latin 
possessed by English nuns at this time. One sentence will suffice 
as a sample. Speaking of the relatives who had gone away and left 
her so lonely, she says : '■'■ Alii obierunt in patrio solo ; et corpora 
eorum in terrae pulvere squalente requiescunt, iteruvi resurrectura in 
die necessitatis^ quando herilis tuba concrepat et Ofnne huma7ium genus 
atris tumbis e?nergerit, ratione?n redditura, et spiritiis eorum angelicis 
ulnis evecti regnaturi cum Christo ; ubi omnis dolor deficiet et invidia 
fatescit et fugiet dolor et gemitus a facie sa7ictomm^'' etc. etc. 

^ O/*. cit. 261-263. 



APPENDIX I 235 

The quality of the Latin in the letter is coupled with a proof 
of considerable reading, as instanced by quotations from Jerome, 
Isidore, and Aldhelm. 

We still have left for description a nunnery in Western 
England which was famous as a mother of missionaries and for 
other reasons. This was Wimborne (Winborna). It was founded 
by Cuthburga, the sister of King Ini, whom we have already 
named among the Barking sisters under Abbess Hildelitha. She 
had been the wife of Aldfrid, King of Northumbria, from whom 
she separated ("during his lifetime," ^.-6'. Chron., 718), as other 
royal queens had done, under pressure of quite false ascetic 
notions. Florence of Worcester says she did so for the love of 
God {pro amore Dei). 

She founded a nunnery at Wimborne near the river of the same 
name (called Wenturnia by Aldhelm) before the year 705, as it is 
mentioned in a document dated in that year by Aldhelm. He 
tells us it was then presided over by Cuthburga, whom he calls 
Regis nostri germana Cuthburga^ thus making her the sister of King 
Ida, as she is also made by the compiler of the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle and by Florence of Worcester, sub an, 718. These 
authorities tell us she was the sister of Cuenburga or Quen- 
burga, who is called the co-foundress of Wimborne by John 
of Tynemouth in his Historia Aurea. According to the 
Life of St. Leobgytha or Leoba there were 500 nuns at 
Wimborne. We are not told the year when Cuthburga died, 
but her death-day was observed on August 31st. Her bio- 
graphy is entered in the Acta Sanctorum in August (vol. vi. 

696). 

She was apparently succeeded as Abbess of Wimborne 
by her sister Cuenburga. She is probably the same who is 
mentioned in an interesting document preserved among the 
Epistles of St. Boniface (which was written sometime in 729-744),^ 
in which she is called Cneuberga. This document is the first 
recorded instance, say Haddan and Stubbs, of an association of 
confraternity between distant houses for mutual prayer, of which 
some important examples occur in later times. It is a kind of 
missive or letter addressed by Abbot Aldhun, Cneuburga a nun 
{Christi famulae), doubtless Cuenburga, and Coenburg the Abbess 
(? a corruption of Cuthburga), to the Abbots Coengils and Ingeld,^ 

^ Mon. Germ. Hist., Ep. iii. 309. 

^ The third abbot of Glastonbury so named, who, in Malmesbury's list 
is put in 729-743 {Ant. Glas., ed. Gale, 313 and 328). 



2 36 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

and the priest Wiehtberht^ their relative {cognatus). Abbot Ingeld's 
monastery is not mentioned, but he is named in a letter addressed 
by Wiehtberht to the monks of Glastonbury, and may be the Ingeld 
named as the brother of King Ini, and his sisters Cuthburga and 
Cuenburga. In the letter Aldhun and the nuns acknowledge the 
receipt of certain presents from their correspondents ; Cneuberga 
then proceeds to communicate the names of her dead sisters to the 
two abbots and Wiehtberht, apparently with the intention of 
securing their prayers. The first of them, she says, was her sister 
Queongyth {soror mea germana)^ and the second Edlu, who, when 
alive, was mother of Etan, a relative {propinqua) of Aldhun, once 
Wiehtberht's abbot. Both of them were commemorated on the 
same day, namely, the ides of September : the nuns also asked for 
the prayers of their correspondents for themselves. Haddan and 
Stubbs (iii. 343) suggest that Etan or Eto was the same person as 
Tetta,2 which seems almost certain. Mabillon makes Aldhun 
abbot of Wimborne, of which there is no proof. An abbot of the 
name presided over St. Augustine's, Canterbury, from 748-760.^ 
Cuthburga and Cuenburga were both buried at Wimborne. A third 
sister named Tetta, above named, was also Abbess there, and 
presided over the sisters while St. Leoba was in residence there. 
We learn from the interesting Life of the latter Saint that 
the convent was not a very happy family. In it Tetta is 
called the sister of the King {i.e. of King Ini). Montalembert 
has picturesquely translated some phrases from this Life. He 
says : ''Among the crowd of minor authorities who lent their aid 
to this zealous and pious abbess was the provost (preposita), the 
deaconess {decand) ; the porteress whose business it was to close 
the church after compline, and to ring the bell for matins, and 
who was furnished with an immense collection of keys, some of 
silver, others of copper or iron." ^ " But neither the rank nor 
moral influence of the princess Abbess was always successful in 
restraining the barbarous impetuosity of the monastic youth. 
Thus at one time the nun who held the first rank after the 
Abbess, and who was principally occupied with the care of the 
novices, made herself odious by her extreme severity. When she 
died, the hate which she inspired burst forth without pity ; she 
was no sooner buried than the novices and young nuns began 
to jump and dance upon her tomb, as if to tread under foot 

^ He was afterwards one of Boniface's missionaries to the Hessians and Saxons 
{,Mon. Germ. Hist.^ Ep. iii. 289, and note i). He became Abbot of Fritzlar. 
2 Vide below. ' See Elmham, 317 and 318. * Vit. S. Leob.^ c. v. 



APPENDIX 1 237 

her detested corpse. This went so far that the soil, freshly filled 
in, which covered the remains of their enemy, sank half a foot 
below the level of the surrounding ground. The Abbess had 
great trouble to make them feel what she called the hardness 
and cruelty of their hearts, and imposed on them three days 
of fasting, and prayers for the deceased."^ 

Leoba was the pet name of the nun whose life I have been 
quoting from. Her full name was Leobgytha and she was 
apparently also called Trythgifu.^ While still at Wimborne she 
wrote a letter to Boniface. This was addressed to the Very 
Reverend Lord and Bishop Boniface, beloved in Christ, by his 
kinswoman Leobgytha, the humblest of the servants of God, health 
and eternal salvation. " I pray your clemency to remember the 
friendship which united you to my father Dynne, a native of 
Wessex, who died eight years ago, that you may pray for the 
repose of his soul. I also commend to you my mother Ebba, 
your kinswoman (as you know better than me), who still lives in 
great suffering and has long been overwhelmed with her in- 
firmities. I am their only daughter ; and God grant, unworthy 
as I am, that I may have the honour of having you for my 
brother, for no man of our kindred inspires me with the same 
confidence as you do. I have sent you a little present, not that 
I think it worthy your attention, but that you may remember my 
humbleness and that, notwithstanding the distance apart of our 
dwellings, the tie of true love may unite us for the rest of our days. 
Excellent brother, what I ask you with earnestness is, that the 
buckler of your prayers may defend me from the poisoned 
arrows of the enemy. I beg you also to excuse the rusticity of 
this letter, and that your courtesy will not refuse the few words 
of answer which I so much desire. You will find below some 
lines which I have attempted to compose according to the rules 
of poetic art, not from self-confidence, but to exercise the mind 
which God has given me, and to ask your counsel. I have 
learnt all that I know from Eadburga my mistress (i.e. the 
mistress of the novices), who gives herself to the study of the 
divine law. Farewell. May you live a long and happy life, 
and intercede for me." 

The verses referred to in this letter I have quoted on page 230. 

After her mother's death Leobgytha joined Boniface in 
Germany, who appointed her Abbess of Biscopsheim. 

^ Vit. S. Leob.f ch. iii. ; Montalembert, op. cit. v. 295. 
^ Setjourn. Yorks. Archaol. and Topog. Soc.^ iii. 368. 



APPENDIX II 

ARCHBISHOP THEODORE'S PENITENTIAL 

I HAVE described this document and its contents at some length 
in the Introduction, and in an earlier chapter, and shown how 
valuable and important it is, not only for English ecclesiastical 
history but for that of Western Christendom, being, with one 
exception, referred to in it as the Libellus Scotorufn^ the earliest 
example of a Penitential extant. I have thought it would be 
useful and welcome to other students to give it at length for 
the first time in translation, excluding only those parts of it 
which deal with unclean topics. 

I may say that the text of the document is in several places 
very ambiguous and doubtful : I have taken it from Haddan 
and Stubbs, iii. 177-21 1. I have to thank my friends Mr. 
Mattingley and Mr. Hardinge-Tyler for help in clearing up 
some doubtful passages, but others remain in which the sense 
is by no means clear to me. 

The First Book 

The first chapter of the first book is headed " De crapula et 
ebrietate^ 

1. If a bishop or other ordained person is habitually drunk 
he must give the practice up or be deposed. 

2. If a monk is so drunk that he is sick {vomitum facit\ let 
him do penance for thirty days. 

3. In the case of a priest or deacon this penalty is extended 
to forty days. 

4. If, however, he has been a very abstemious man, or is 

delicate, or has been without food for some time, and has thus 

accidentally succumbed from either drinking or eating too 

much ; or if through joy at Christ's birth, or at Easter, or at the 

commemoration of some saint he should give way, notwithstand- 

* See Introduction, p. cxvii. 
»38 



APPENDIX II 239 

ing that he had not drunk more than was permitted him by the 
seniors, no offence is committed. If it was by command of the 
Bishop that he drank, then, again, it is no offence, unless the 
Bishop has also done it {nisi ipse similiter faciat). 

5. If a faithful layman is sick from drink he is to do fifteen 
days' penance. 

6. Any one, however, who becomes drunk ** against the Lord's 
command " (if he is under a vow of sanctity) is to be limited to 
bread and water for seven days and to be seventy days without 
butter or fat. Laymen are similarly to abstain from beer as a 
penance. 

7. If a man through wickedness causes another to become 
drunk he is to do penance for forty days. 

8. He who becomes sick through intemperance is to do 
three days' penance. 

9. If he do this at Communion he is to do seven days' 
penance ; if it is due to infirmity, however, there is no offence. 

The second chapter of the first book is headed '^ De 
fornicatione." 

It contains twenty-two clauses, all of which deal with the 
relations of the sexes or unnatural crimes, to each of which 
special forms and degrees of penance are assigned. The 
minuteness of the classification and the details are incredibly 
offensive in a document professedly compiled from the decisions 
of an archbishop. 

Bishop Stubbs, in dealing with the matter, offers some 
apologies which explain if they do not justify it. He says of 
the Penitential that " Like all works of a disciplinary character, 
it contains much that is repulsive and redolent of heathen and 
other abominations, against which early Christian teaching had 
to contend. Painful and disgusting as it is, it shows the Church 
attempting to struggle against the moral and social evils which 
the Roman satirists and epigrammatists regarded either as matters 
of jest or matters of course, and it was certainly never meant for 
common reading." ^ 

The third chapter is headed " De avaritia" 

I. If a layman carries off a monk from a monastery by 
stealth, he must either himself enter a monastery to serve God, or 
subject himself to human servitude. 

^ Diet, of Chr. Biog.^ iv. 932. 



240 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

2. Money if stolen from a church is to be returned fourfold; 
if from laymen, twofold. 

3. He who has often committed theft is to suffer a penance 
of seven years, or such time as shall be deemed right by the 
ecclesiastic {sacerdos) who tries him — that is to say, what is deemed 
a punishment equivalent to the offence. A thief who is truly 
penitent ought always to make due restitution, and thereupon he 
should have the length of his penance reduced. If he is un- 
willing or incapable of doing this, the full length of the penance 
is to be exacted. 

4. He who informs against the thief is to give one-third to 
the poor ; and he who hoards up his superfluity is also to give 
a third to the poor on account of his ignorance. 

5. A thief who steals consecrated things is to do three years' 
penance, with the plainest food (without fat), and afterwards to 
communicate. 

The fourth chapter is headed " De occissione hominum.^^ 

1. If any one in revenge for a relative kills a man, he is to do 
penance, as in the case of homicide, for seven or ten years. If, 
however, he is willing to pay the relatives the recognised blood- 
penalty the penance is to be reduced by one-half. 

2. He who kills a man to revenge a brother is to do three 
years' penance. In other cases it is to be ten years {In alio 
loco X. annas dicitur penitere). 

3. In the case of homicide it is to be ten or eleven years. 

4. If a layman kills another after brooding over it {pdii 
meditatione)^ if he does not wish to give up his arms {i.e. to lose 
his social rank), he must do penance for seven years, and for 
three of them to be without flesh or wine. 

5. If any one kills a monk, he must " give up his arms " and 
** serve God," or suffer seven years' penance. The Bishop is to 
be the judge ; in case the victim is a bishop or a priest, the King 
is to be the judge. 

6. If a man kills another by order of his lord, he is to 
abstain from church for forty days, and if he kills one in public 
war {publico bello), he is to do forty days' penance. 

7. If through anger, three years; if by accident, one year; 
if when drunk or by a stratagem, four years or more ; if in a 
brawl, ten years. 

The fifth chapter is headed '^ De his qui per heresim deci- 
piuntur.^^ 



APPENDIX II 241 

1. If any one is ordained by a heretic, he ought, if it was 
done in ignorance, to be reordained ; if knowingly, he must be 
deposed. 

2. If any one abandons the CathoHc Church and becomes a 
heretic, and afterwards returns, he cannot be reordained until 
after a long interval {post longa??! abstmentiam) or for some great 
necessity. Pope Innocent did not allow a clerk {clericus) to 
reinstate himself by penance as the canon provided {cajioiium 
aiictoritate). Therefore it is that Theodore adds " unless great 
necessity should arise," for he declared that he would never 
change the decrees of the Roman See {nunquam Romanorum 
deer eta jnutari). 

3. If any one does not accept the Nicene Council, and cele- 
brates Easter with the Jews on the fourteenth day, he is to be 
entirely excluded from the Church unless he repents before 
his death. 

4. If any one joins in prayer with such a one, as if he were 
a Catholic cleric, he must do penance for seven days ; if he 
neglects this, he must, on the first breach, do penance for forty 
days. 

5. If any one encourages heresy and does not want to do 
penance for it, he is to be excluded from the Church ; as the 
Lord says, " He who is not for Me is against Me." 

6. If any one is baptized by a heretic who does not rightly 
hold the doctrine of the Trinity, he is to be again baptized. 

7. If any one gives the Communion to or receives it from a 
heretic, in ignorance that this is forbidden by the Catholic Church, 
and afterwards learns of it, he is to do penance for a year. If 
he know, but neglects the rule, and afterwards wishes to do 
penance, let him do it for ten years. " Others," says the reporter, 
" say seven years ; and those, again, who are more lenient, 
say five." 

8. If any one permits a heretic to say Mass in a Catholic 
church, in ignorance, he is to do forty days' penance ; if it is 
done out of regard for the heretic, then for a whole year. 

9. If he has done it to do harm to the Catholic Church 
and to the custom of the Romans {et consuetudine Romanorum)^ 
he should be cast out like a heretic unless he is willing to do 
penance, when he must practise for ten years. 

10. If any one leaves the Catholic Church and joins an 
heretical congregation, and persuades others to do so, and after- 
wards desires to do penance, let him do it for twelve years, four 

VOL. III. — 16 



242 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

years outside the Church and six among the congregation 
{auditores), and then two more years without Communion. In 
connection with this, it is said by the Synod, " in the tenth year 
let them receive their Communion or oblation." 

11. If a bishop or an abbot orders a monk to chant a Mass 
for dead heretics, it is neither right nor expedient to obey. 

12. If a priest be present at a Mass for the dead where the 
names of heretics and catholics are recited together, he is after 
the Mass to do penance for a week : if he has done it frequently, 
he is to do a year's penance. 

13. If some one, however, order a Mass for the death of a 
heretic and preserves relics of him on account of his goodness 
{pro religione) ; although he failed much, if it was in ignorance of 
the deference due to the Catholic Church, and if he afterwards 
confessed it and desired to do penance, the relics should be 
burnt and penance should be done by the offender for a year. 
If he knew and yet disregarded the rule in such a case, yet was 
afterwards moved by penitence, he is to do penance for ten 
years. 

14. If any one abandon the Faith without any necessity, and 
afterwards does penance with his whole heart in public {infer 
audientes)^ in accordance with the rule laid down by the Nicene 
Council, he shall do penance — three years outside the Church, 
seven in the Church, and ten more without Communion. 

The sixth chapter is headed ^^ De perjurio." 

1. He who commits perjury in a church is to suffer a year's 
penance. 

2. If he do it under durance, then for three Lents. 

3. To swear " in the hand of a layman " is not treated among 
the Greeks as of any consequence. 

4. If, however, one swear in the hands of a bishop, priest, or 
deacon, or on an altar or a consecrated cross, and then breaks 
his oath, he is to suffer three years' penance ; if on a non- 
consecrated cross, only one. 

5. Those who commit perjury are to suffer three years' 
penance. 

The seventh chapter is headed " De ??iultis vel diversis malis 
et quae non nocent necessarian 

I. Any one who has committed certain crimes, such as 
homicide, adultery, unnatural offences with cattle, or theft, must 
enter a monastery, and do penance till his death. 



APPENDIX II 243 

2. In regard to money captured in a foreign province from 
a defeated enemy, as from a king who has been beaten, one- 
third of it is to be given to the Church or the poor, while the 
captor is to suffer forty days' penance, since it was done by order 
of the king {quia jussio regis erat). (I do not quite understand 
this clause.) 

3. This clause I prefer not to print. 

4. Evil thoughts which do not culminate in actions are not 
subject to punishment. 

5. Theodore approved of twelve three-day fasts {triduana pro 
anno pensanda) annually. From sick people, from a male or a 
female servant for a year, or in default the payment of half of 
all he owns, as Christ laid down, and if he committed a fraud he 
should restore fourfold.^ " These regulations," adds the reporter, 
" are taken, as we said in the Preface, from the small book of the 
Scots {de libello Scotoruni), in which and in the rest {in ceteris) 
the penalty is sometimes heavier and sometimes lighter." 

6. He who eats unclean food or the flesh of a dead animal 
which has been torn by wild beasts is to suffer forty days' 
penance, unless compelled by famine, when it is allowable, since 
it is done under compulsion. 

7. If any one by chance touch food with his hand which a 
dog or the skin of a mouse, or any unclean animal which eats 
blood has touched, it is not an offence, nor is it wrong to eat an 
animal, either bird or beast (which seems unclean), from necessity. 

8. If a mouse falls into a liquid it is to be taken thence and 
the liquid asperged with holy water. If the mouse is still alive, 
the liquor may be drunk ; if, however, it is dead, all the liquor 
is to be thrown out and not given to any one, while the vessel is 
to be washed. 

9. If, however, the liquid into which a mouse or a weasel 
{mustela) falls and dies, is in considerable quantity, it may be 
purged and asperged with holy water and afterwards consumed 
if necessity arises. 

10. If birds drop excrement into water, the excrement is to 
be removed, the liquid sanctified, when the food shall be deemed 
clean. 

11. It is not wrong to absorb blood unknowingly with saliva. 

12. If any one is unwittingly polluted by eating blood or 
anything else unclean, he does no wrong; if knowingly, he must 
do penance as in the case of pollution. 

^ This clause is most obscure in the original. 



244 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Chapter viii. is headed " De diverse lapso servorujn DeiP 
Of the clauses in this chapter eleven deal with unclean 

and carnal matters and their punishments. These we will 

pass by. 

12. In reference to those who having been laymen have 
become monks and have again resumed their secular habit, if 
willing to suffer penance, they are to be punished with ten years' 
penance ; after three years, if duly penitent with tears and prayers, 
the rest of the punishment may be lightened with the approval 
of the Bishop. 

13. If a man is not a monk when he leaves the service of the 
Church, he should do penance for seven years. 

14. Basil decided that a boy under sixteen might marry if he 
could not abstain. In case he had been a monk, he was, how- 
ever, to be treated as a bigamist and do penance for one year. 

Chapter ix. is headed " De his qui degraduntur vel ordinari 
non possunt" 

1. A bishop, priest, or deacon committing fornication is to be 
degraded and to be adjudged penance as prescribed by the 
Bishop; nevertheless he may communicate. "While the man 
thus loses his worldly position his soul is made to live by the 
penance." 

2. If any one having devoted himself to God adopt a lay 
habit, he must not again be raised to any other rank {gradum). 

3. Nor, if a woman, ought she to adopt the veil. It is much 
better she should not have authority in the Church. 

4. If any priest or deacon marry a strange woman he is to be 
publicly degraded. 

5. If he commit adultery and appear publicly with her, he 
shall be excluded from the Church and suffer penance among the 
laity as long as he lives. 

6. If he has a concubine he ought not to be ordained. 

7. If a priest, in his own diocese or in another, or any- 
where else where he may be, professes to be infirm and is 
unwilling to go and baptize any one because of the length of the 
journey, and the person dies without baptism, he is to be 
deposed. 

b. Similarly, he who kills a man or commits fornication is to 
be deposed. 

9. No young man living in a monastery is to be ordained 
before he is twenty-five. 



APPENDIX II 245 

10. If any one marries a widow, either before she has been 
baptized or after, he is not to be ordained, but is to be treated 
as if he were a bigamist. 

11. If any one who is not ordained baptize some one through 
temerity, he is to be ejected from the Church and never ordained. 

12. If any one be ordained by chance before he is baptized, 
those whom he has baptized must be baptized again, and he 
must not baptize any more.^ 

"This again," says the reporter, "was differently decided by 
the Roman See, which declared that it is not the unbaptized man 
who baptizes in such a case, but the Spirit of God which confers 
the grace of baptism. The matter, however, was adjudged 
differently in the case of a pagan priest who was believed to 
have been baptized, since his works showed he had the Catholic 
faith. Others held that in such a case a man might baptize and 
ordain. 

Chapter x. is headed "Z>d Baptizatis bis^ qualiter 
peniteant.^^ 

1. Those who in ignorance have been baptized twice should 
not in consequence suffer penance, although according to the 
canons they might not ordain unless when compelled by 
necessity. 

2. If any one, however, being aware that he had been 
previously baptized, should wilfully be rebaptized (thus, as it 
were, crucifying Christ twice), he must suffer penance for seven 
years on the fourth and sixth days of the week, i.e. on 
Wednesdays and Fridays, and also during three Lents. If he did 
this for some worldly reason {pro mundantta), for three years. 

Chapter xi. is headed " De his qui damnant Do7ninicam et 
indicia jejunia aecclesia Z)ei." 

1. In regard to those who work on the Lord's Day, the 
Greeks are wont on their first breach to argue with the 
offenders ; on the second occasion they take something from 
them ; on the third they deprive them of a third of their goods, 
or flog them, or exact a seven days' penance. 

2. If any one should fast on the Lord's Day through negli- 
gence, he must fast during all the succeeding week. If he 
do it again, he must fast for twenty days ; if more than twice, 
forty days. 

^ Because a man cannot be ordained twice. 



246 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

3. If he fast thus, in order to show his contempt for the 
Lord's Day Hke the Jews, he is to be abhorred by all Catholic 
churches. 

4. If, however, he contemns the practice of Christian fasting 
altogether, and, contrary to the decrees of the elders, breaks 
his fast in another season than Lent, he is to do penance for 
forty days; if in Lent itself, for a year. If he contemns the 
Lent fast altogether, he must do forty days' penance. 

5. If he commits such breaches frequently, he is to be 
expelled from the Church, in accordance with the Lord's 
saying, "They who scandalise {scandalizarent) one of these little 
ones," etc. 

Chapter xii. is headed ^^ De Communione Eucharistiae vel 
Sacrificto." 

1. The Greeks, both clergy and laity, communicate every 
Sunday, as the canons require, and those who fail to do so for 
three Sundays are excommunicated. 

2. The Romans can also communicate every Sunday if 
they wish, but when they do not do so they are not ex- 
communicated. 

3. Both Greeks and Romans abstain from women for three 
days before the offering of the bread {ante panes propositionis)^ 
as is bidden in the Scriptures. 

4. Penitents, according to the canons, ought not to com- 
municate before completing their penance. We, however, 
through compassion allow them to do so after a year or six 
months has elapsed after the beginning of their penance. 

5. He who takes the sacrifice {sacrificiuni) as food is to do 
penance for seven days in the discretion of the Bishop. (In 
some copies the clause about the Bishop is omitted.) 

6. Every sacrifice {omne sacrificiuni) which becomes dirty and 
soiled by age is to be burnt. 

7. Confession to God alone, is permissible, if it be under 
necessity. (The limiting clause is absent from some copies.) 

8. He who accidentally mislays the sacrifice, and it is in 
consequence devoured by beasts or birds, is to fast for three 
weeks ; if from negligence, three Lents. 

Chapter xiii. — ^^ De Reco7iciUatio7ieP 

I. The Romans reconcile men within "the. apse" {intra 
absidem) ; not so the Greeks, 



APPENDIX II 247 

2. The reconciliation of penitents is to be made on Good 
Friday, and only by the Bishop and after the completion of 
the penance. 

3. If, however, the Bishop find a difficulty in doing it, a 
priest may do it on the ground of necessity. 

4. " In this Province " a public reconciliation is not required 
and public penance is not exacted. 

Chapter xiv. — '•'' De Fenite?itta Nubentium specialitery 

1. In a first marriage the priest ought to say Mass and to 
bless both parties, after which they are to abstain from church 
for thirty days. They are then to do penance for forty days 
and abstain from public prayer, and afterwards to communicate 
with oblation. 

2. Bigamists must do penance for one year, and on the 
Wednesday and Friday and during three Lents they must abstain 
from meat. They must not be separated, however, nor should 
a man in such a case dismiss his wife. 

3. In the case of trigamists the man is to do similar penance 
for seven years on the fourth and sixth days, while for three 
Lents they are to abstain from meat, nor is it permissible for 
him to separate from his wife. " Basil so decided ; the canon, 
however, prescribes a four years' penance." 

4. If a man find that his wife has committed adultery and 
he is unwilling to separate from her, he is to do penance for two 
days weekly for two years, with fasting as long as the penance 
continues. In such a case he must abstain from matrimonial 
intercourse with her inasmuch as she has committed adultery. 

5. If any man or woman have made a vow of virginity and 
marries, the two must not separate but must do penance for 
four years. 

6. Stupid vows and those impossible to carry out {vota 
siulta et importabilid) must be cancelled. 

7. It is not lawful for a woman to make a vow without the 
consent of her husband ; but if she have vowed to leave him, 
she can do so on doing such penance as is prescribed by 
the priest. 

8. He who separates from his wife and takes another must 
do seven years' penance with chastisement. 

9. He who pollutes the wife of his relative must do penance 
for three years, with abstention from his own wife, twice a week 
during three Lents. 



248 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

10. If he does so with a virgin he is to do penance for a 
year without meat or wine. 

11. If she be a servant of God {puellam Dei), he must do 
penance for three years, whether she have a son or not by 
him. 

12. If she be his slave, he must give her her freedom and 
do penance for six months. 

13. If his wife go away with another man, and returns 
without having been polluted, she is to do one year's penance ; 
otherwise, three years. He himself is to do a year's penance 
if he take another wife. 

14. A woman committing adultery is to do seven years' 
penance, as it is provided in the canon. 

15. 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, and 23 are too gross for translation. 

16. A wife who takes her husband's blood as a remedy is 
to do penance for forty days, more or less. 

20. Any one marrying on a Sunday must ask pardon from 
God and do penance for one, two, or three days. 

24. Women who commit abortion before there is evidence 
of life in the child must do penance for a year, or three Lents, 
or forty days, according to the degree of her fault ; if she do it 
after signs of life have appeared {i.e. forty days after conception), 
she is to be treated as a homicide with penance for three years 
and with fasting on the fourth and sixth days and during three 
Lents. This is according to the canon. 

25. When a woman kills her son, if it amount to homicide, 
she must do fifteen years' penance, except on Sundays. 

26. If a woman who kills her child is very poor, she is to 
do penance for seven years. The canon says when it amounts 
to homicide it is to be for ten years. 

27. A woman who kills her child within forty days of con- 
ception is to do one year's penance ; if after forty days, it must 
be treated as homicide. 

28. If an infirm child or a pagan be entrusted to a priest and 
dies, the priest is to give him up. 

29. If a child die from neglect of the parents, they must do 
one year's penance ; and if a child of three years old dies with- 
out being baptized, the father and mother must do three years' 
penance. 

30. He who kills his son before baptism is, according to 
the canon, to do penance for ten years ; if after deliberation {per 
consilium) seven years. 



APPENDIX II 249 

Chapter xv. is headed "Z>^ culture Idolorum" 
T. Those who sacrifice to demons in a small way are to do 
a year's penance ; if in a large way, ten years. 

2. A woman who puts her daughter on the roof or in the 
oven to cure her of fever is to do seven years' penance. (These 
were apparently pagan remedies.) 

3. He who burns grain {grana) when a man has died, for the 
health of the survivors and for his house, is to do five years' 
penance. (This also was a pagan practice.) 

4. If a woman perform diabolical incantations or divina- 
tions, she is to do penance for one year, or three Lents, or forty 
days, according to the quality of the fault. About this it is said 
in the canon : " They who are guilty of augury, prophecies 
{ausf>ida), dreams, or divinations after the manner of the 
Gentiles, and have introduced men into her house to practise 
such acts, if they are clerics must be deposed, if laymen they 
are to do five years' penance." 

5. In the case of one who eats the flesh of animals which 
have been sacrificed, and then confesses, the priest is to make 
inquiry what his age is and in what manner he was taught, or 
how it came about, and is to measure the punishment by the 
amount of the guilt. This is to be the case in all penances and 
confessions. 

The Second Book 

Chapter i. is headed " De Ecclesiae ministerio vel reaedificatione 
ejusr 

1. It is lawful to remove a church to another site, and it is 
not necessary to reconsecrate it, but the priest ought to asperge 
the old site with water and to place a cross on the site of the altar. 

2. Two Masses may be said at every altar on the same day, 
and any one who fails to communicate is not to approach the 
bread {panem) nor share in the kiss in the Mass. He also who 
has previously eaten {ifianducat) is not to share in the kiss. 

3. Wood that has been used in a church is not to be 
used for any purpose other than that of another church or for 
burning, or by the brethren in a monastery, or to bake the 
loaves (panes, i.e. the hosts) ; but not for lay purposes. 

4. In a church where the bodies of unbelievers are buried it 
is not allowable to hallow an altar ; but if it seem suitable for 
consecration they are to be removed {evulsa), and re-erected 
after the timbers have been scraped or washed. 



2 50 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

5. If, however, it had been previously consecrated, it is 
allowable to say Mass at it if religious men {religiosi) are buried 
there ; if, however, a pagan is buried there, it is better to cleanse 
it and remove his remains {mundari et jactari foras). 

6. Steps ought not to be made before the altar. 

7. Relics of the saints are to be venerated. 

8. If possible, a taper should be burnt every night where the 
remains are {ibi) ; if, however, poverty prevents this, there is no 
harm done. 

9. The incense of the Lord is to be burnt on the natal days 
of saints in reverence for the day, " for, like lilies, it gives an 
odour of sweetness " ; on such days they should also asperge the 
Church of God and cense the church, beginning with the altar. 

10. A layman ought not to read a lection in church nor sing 
an Alleluia, but he may sing psalms and responses without 
Alleluia. 

11. Men may asperge the houses in which they Hve with 
holy water whenever they wish. When water is consecrated, 
a prayer should be said. 

The second chapter is headed ^^ De tribus Gradibus Aecclesiae 
principalibus. " 

1. It is allowable for a bishop to confirm in the open air {in 
campd) if necessary (i.e. probably when the church was too small). 

2. And so a priest may say Mass out of doors if a deacon or 
the priest himself hold the chalice and oblation. 

3. A bishop ought not to compel an abbot to attend a synod 
unless there is a reasonable cause. 

4. A bishop may decide the lawsuits of the poor to the extent 
of fifty solidi, but over that sum it is the duty of the King. 

5. A bishop or an abbot may keep a criminal as a slave if 
the latter have not the money for his own redemption. 

6. A bishop may discharge a vow if he thinks well. 

7. A priest may say Mass, bless the people on Good Friday, 
or sanctify a cross. 

8. It is not compulsory to give tithes to a priest. 

9. It is not allowable for a priest to disclose the sin 
(j>eccatu??i) of a bishop. This is because he is set over him. 

10. The sacrifice is not to be received at the hands of a priest 
who cannot say the prayers or read the lections according to the 
rite. 

11. When a priest, or other, sings the responses in the Mass 



APPENDIX II 251 

he is not to take off his cope, but is to put it on his shoulders 
at the reading of the Gospel. 

12. If a priest fornicate and it is found out, those who have 
meanwhile been baptized by him must be rebaptized. 

13. If an ordained priest discover that he has not himself 
been baptized, he should be baptized and ordained afresh ; all 
tho?e whom he has baptized should also be baptized again. 

14. "Among the Greeks, deacons do not break the holy 
bread, nor do they repeat the Collect {collectionetii) nor the 
Dominus vobiscum^ nor the last of the Mass Collects " (known in 
later times as the " Post Common "). 

15. It is not permitted to a deacon to impose penance on a 
layman, but only to a bishop or priest. 

16. Deacons may baptize or bless food or drink, but may 
not distribute the bread (panem dare). Similarly, monks and 
clerks may bless food. 

The third chapter is headed " De Ordinationibus diver sorumP 

1. At the ordaining of a bishop the Mass should be chanted 
by the ordaining bishop. 

2. At the ordination of a priest or deacon the bishop ought 
to celebrate the Mass. This is also the fashion of the Greeks at 
the consecration of an abbot or abbess. 

3. At the ordination of a monk, the abbot should say Mass 
and repeat three prayers over his head. For seven days the monk 
ought to veil his head with a cowl, and on the seventh day the 
abbot is to remove it, just as at baptism the priest removes the veil 
from the child. The abbot should do so to a monk because 
his consecration is his second baptism, which in the judgment 
of the Fathers removes all sins, as in baptism. 

4. A priest may consecrate an abbess with a celebration of 
Mass. 

5. At the consecration of an abbot, however, the bishop 
should say Mass and bless him with bowed head in the presence 
of two or three witnesses selected from his brethren, and give 
him the staff (baculum) and crooks (pedules). 

6. Nuns and basilicae should always be consecrated with 
Mass. 

7. The Greeks consecrate a widow and virgin in the same 
way, and elect either to the position of an abbess. The Romans, 
however, do not veil a widow as they do a virgin. 

8. According to the Greeks, it is allowable for a priest to 



2 5 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

consecrate a virgin with a sacred veil, to reconcile a penitent, 
and to make the exorcising oil and the chrism for the infirm, if 
necessary. Among the Romans these duties are reserved for 
bishops. 

The fourth chapter is headed " De Baptismate et Confirma- 
tione" 

1. In baptism sins are remitted {dejnitinntur). Not so when 
the child is the offspring of a doubtful connection with a woman, 
since in that case sons born before baptism would afterwards be 
deemed her true sons. 

2. A woman who was married before she was baptized 
could not be deemed a real wife ; therefore any sons she had 
before baptism could not be treated as real sons, nor were they 
to call each other brothers, nor to share in the inheritance. 

3. If a Gentile {i.e. an unbaptized person) give alms and 
practises abstinence and other good works which we cannot 
enumerate, he does not lose the benefit of these at baptism. 
The good is not lost, but the bad will be washed away. This 
was approved by Pope Innocent, who took his precedent from 
what happened in the case of the catechumen Cornelius. 

4. Gregory of Nazianzus said that the second baptism is 
one of tears. 

5. Baptism is not perfect without confirmation by a bishop. 
" However, we do not despair of one in such a case." 

6. Chrism was appointed by the Nicene Council. 

7. It is not incorrect to use the same pa?i?ms chrismatis 
{i.e. the chrismal napkin) again upon another baptized person. 

8. If it be necessary, one person may act as father, i.e. 
godfather, both at the baptism and confirmation of a person. 
This is not usual, however, and a different one is generally 
selected for each ceremony. 

9. It is not allowable to act as godfather {aliuni suscipere) 
when a person has not been baptized or confirmed. 

10. A man may, however, be godparent to a woman and a 
woman to a man. 

11. It is not allowable for the baptized to eat with the 
catechumens nor to kiss them, still less to do so with Gentiles. 

The fifth chapter is headed " De Missa Defundorum.^^ 
I. According to the Roman Church, it is customary to carry 
dead monks and other religious men to the church, and then to 



APPENDIX II 253 

touch their breasts with chrism, to celebrate Mass for them, to 
carry them to their graves, and when placed there to say a 
prayer for them and to cover them with earth or stone. 

2. On the first, third, ninth, and thirtieth days Masses are 
to be said for dead monks, and also after twelve months if they 
so wished it (si voluerint servatur). 

3. In the case of a dead monk a Mass is to be said on the 
day of his burial and the third day after, and afterwards as often 
as the abbot desires. 

4. Masses are also to be said for dead monks every week, 
when it is the custom to recite their names. 

5. Masses for dead laymen are to be said three times in the 
year, on the third, ninth, and thirtieth days, and this because the 
Lord rose from the dead on the third day, died at the ninth 
hour, and the Israelites lamented Moses for thirty days. 

6. For a good layman Mass is to be said on the third day ; 
for a penitent, on the thirtieth or the seventh after a fast, because 
his relatives ought to fast for seven days and make an offering 
at the altar, as was said by Jesus, son of Sirach, "And the 
children of Israel fasted for Saul," and afterwards as often as 
the priest shall desire. (This is an ambiguous clause.) 

7. Some say it is not allowable to say Masses for infants 
under seven years old, but it is in fact permissible. 

8. Dionysius, the Areopagite, says it is blaspheming God to 
say Masses for a bad man. 

9. Augustine says they ought to be said for all Christians, 
for they may either console those who make them or profit those 
for whom they are offered. 

10. It is not permissible to say Masses for a priest or a 
deacon who could not or would not accept the Communion. 

The sixth chapter is headed " De Abbatibus et Monachis et 
MonasterioJ^ 

1. An abbot may resign his office from humility and with 
the consent of a bishop. Nevertheless, the brethren must elect 
his successor from their own number if they have one among 
them who is fit ; if not, a stranger. 

2. A bishop ought not by force to retain an abbot in his 
position {in loco suo). 

3. The brethren ought to elect their new abbot after the 
decease of the previous one ; or in the latter's lifetime if he have 
taken his departure or commits sin. 



2 5 4 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

4. An abbot must not ordain one of his relatives to his own 
post nor give the post to a stranger nor to another abbot without 
the consent of the brethren. 

5. If an abbot sin, the bishop has no power to remove him, 
but he must send him to another abbey and another abbot. 

6. It is not allowable for a bishop or an abbot to dispose 
of the property of the community to another abbey, although 
both may be in his jurisdiction. If he wish to exchange the 
land with another abbey, it should be done with the consent 
of both the communities. 

7. If, again, he wish to move his monastery to another place, 
he can do so with the consent of the bishop and the brethren, 
at the same time leaving at the former site a priest to minister 
to the church. 

8. It is not permissible for monks to have women in their 
monasteries, nor for nuns, similarly, to have men ; nevertheless, 
says Theodore, " I do not wish to destroy what is the custom in 
this country." 

(It would seem that this is directed against double monasteries, 
presided over in some cases by women and in others by 
men.) 

9. A monk should not make a vow without the consent of 
the abbot, and if he do so it may be broken. 

10. If an abbot have a monk worthy of the episcopate in his 
house, he ought to give him up if it be necessary. 

11. A boy is not to be allowed to marry when he has already 
taken a monk's vow. 

12. If a monk has been selected by the brethren for the 
rank of a priest, he ought not to give up his previous monk's 
life. 

13. If presently, however, he be found to be proud, dis- 
obedient, or vicious, and to lead a worse life in the higher station, 
he may be deposed and reduced to his former position, or be 
restored in the lowest grade, unless he make amends. 

14. It is allowable for a monastery to receive the infirm. 

15. It is permissible in such a monastery to wash the feet 
of laymen, except on Maundy Thursday. 

16. It is not allowable for monks to impose penances on 
laymen ; this is strictly the duty of the clergy. 

The seventh chapter is headed ^''De Ritu Mulierinn vel 
Mifiisierio in Aecclesta" 



APPENDIX II 25 5 

1. Women should not veil the altar with the corporal nor 
place the oblations in the chalice, nor are they to stand among 
the ordained in the church nor to sit among the clergy at feasts, 

2. Women are not to prescribe penances. This, according 
to the canons, is the function of the clergy. 

3. Women may, when wearing a black veil, receive the 
sacrifice as St. Basil decided. 

4. According to the Greeks, women may make the oblations, 
but not so according to the Romans. 

Chapter eight is headed ^'' De Moribus Grecorum etRomanorum." 

1. On Sundays the Greeks and Romans alike sail and ride 
on horseback, but they do not make bread and do not ride in 
carriages, except to church, nor do they bathe. 

2. The Greeks do not write in public on a Sunday, but when 
necessary write at home. 

3. The Greeks and Romans give their clothes to their slaves 
and they work them without a Sunday's rest. 

4. Greek monks do not have slaves ; Romans have them. 

5. The Romans take refreshment at nine o'clock on the day 
before Christmas Day, that is, the vigil of our Lord, after Mass 
has been said ; the Greeks before doing so say Vespers and the 
Mass. 

6. Both Greeks and Romans visit those stricken with the 
plague, as in the case of other diseases, in accordance with the 
Lord's command. 

7. The Greeks do not give the flesh of dead animals to pigs, 
but allow their skins and furs to be used for shoes, and similarly 
with their wool and horns, but such things are not to be used 
for any sacred purpose. 

8. The head may be washed on Sundays and also the feet 
{lavatio pedum) ; the last, however, is not customary with the 
Romans. 

The ninth chapter is headed ^^De Comtnunione Scottorum et 
Brittonum qui in Pascha et tonsura catholici non sunt" 

1. Those who are ordained by Scotch or British bishops, 
and who do not conform to the Catholic practice about Easter 
and the tonsure, are not deemed to be in communion with the 
Church, and should be confirmed by a fresh imposition of hands 
by a Catholic bishop. 

2. Similarly, the churches which are consecrated by the same 



2 5 6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

bishops are to be asperged with exorcised water and reconfirmed 
with a Collect. 

3. We have not the power, at their request, to give them 
chrism or the Eucharist until they confess that they wish to join 
with us in the unity of the Church. Any one among these people, 
as well as any one else who doubts the regularity of his own 
baptism, should be rebaptized. 

The tenth chapter is headed " De Vexatis a diabulo." 

1. If a man be vexed by a devil and run about heedlessly, 
or kill himself, he ought to be prayed for, if he was previously a 
religious person. 

2. If he have killed himself from desperation, or fear, or some 
unknown reason, we leave the decision to God and do not dare 
to pray for him. 

3. In the case of one who wilfully kills himself no Masses 
should be said, but he may be prayed for and alms may be given 
for him. 

4. In the case of a Christian who, seized by a sudden out- 
break, loses his mind or becomes insane and kills himself, some 
are accustomed to say Masses for him. 

5. In resisting a devil it is lawful to cast stones and herbs 
{holera) at him, but not to use incantations. 

Chapter xi. is headed "On the Use or Nonuse of 
Animals." 

1. Animals which have been lacerated by wolves or dogs are 
not to be eaten, nor is a stag or a goat which is found dead, 
unless it have been killed previously by a man. 

2. Birds and other animals strangled in nets are not to 
be eaten by men, nor if found slain by hawks, for in the 
fourth chai)ter of the Acts of the Apostles we are told to abstain 
from fornication, from blood, from things strangled, and from 
idolatry. 

3. Fish, however, may be eaten, for they are of a different 
nature. 

4. Horse-flesh is not forbidden, but it is not the custom to 
eat it {consuetudo non est comedere). 

5. It is lawful to eat a hare, and it is good for dysentery ; 
while its gall, mixed with pepper, is good for quelling pain. 

6. If bees kill a man, they ought to be killed as soon as may 
be, but the honey may be eaten. 



APPENDIX II 257 

7. If by chance pigs eat the flesh of an animal found dead 
or the blood of a man, they are not to be thrown away, nor are 
hens, but they may be eaten. 

8. It is not permitted to eat the flesh of animals which have 
fed on the bodies of the dead until twelve months have elapsed. 

9. Animals which have been polluted by men must be put 
to death and their flesh given to the dogs, but their off"spring 
may be used, and their skins also. When there is doubt about 
the matter they need not be killed. 

Chapter xii. is headed " De Qiiestiojiibus Conjugiomm.^^ 
I shall leave out some of the headings in this chapter, 
which are not fit for publication. 

6. A woman should not desert her husband, even if he be a 
fornicator, unless for the sake of entering a monastery. Basil 
decided this. 

7. A legitimate marriage ought not to be dissolved except 
with the consent of both parties. 

8. It is lawful, however, for one party to consent to the 
other entering the service of God in a monastery and then to 
marry again if it was the first marriage. " This is according to 
the Greeks." "Yet," says the reporter, "it is not canonical 
for one to marry again during the life of the other." 

If a man become a slave in consequence of having com- 
mitted theft or fornication, his wife, if it was her first marriage, 
may after a twelvemonth take another husband ; but not if she 
have married twice. 

9. If a man's wife die, he may take another after a month. A 
woman may take another husband, but only after a twelvemonth. 

10. If a woman commit adultery and her husband will not 
live with her, she may, if she wishes, enter a monastery, and in 
such a case can claim a fourth part of her heritage ; but if she 
does not wish to do this, she is entitled to nothing. 

11. If a married woman commit adultery she is in the 
power of her husband, if he wishes to be reconciled to her. In 
such a case she cannot claim to be so {in clero ?ion proficit 
vindicta illius), and she belongs to her proper husband. 

12. If a man and woman are married and he wishes to serve 
God, but she does not, or she wishes and he does not, or if 
either of them is seriously ill, they may be entirely separated 
with the consent of both. 

13. A woman who makes a vow that on the death of 
VOL. III. — 17 



2 5 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

her husband she will not take another, and if on his death 
breaking her vow she agrees to take another, and, if moved by 
penitence, she then wishes to keep her former vow, it is in the 
power of the man whether she shall be released or not. 

14. Theodore in one case in which a woman had admitted 
such a vow, allowed her to marry a second time after eleven years. 

15. If a layman makes a vow without the consent of the 
bishop, the latter may dissolve it. 

16. A legitimate marriage may take place either by day or 
night, as it is written, "Thine is the day and Thine the night." 

17. If a Gentile {i.e. an unbaptized person) put away his 
Gentile wife, he may after baptism choose whether he will con- 
tinue to live with her or not. 

18. Similarly, if one of them is baptized and the other is a 
Gentile ; for the Apostle says, " If the unbeliever depart, let 
him go." If a man have a wife who is an unbeliever and a 
Gentile, and will not be converted, she should be sent away. 

19. If a woman leave her husband because she despises him, 
and is unwilling to return to be reconciled to him, he may after 
five years take another wife with the consent of the bishop. 

20. In the case of a married woman who has been captured 
by the enemy and cannot be redeemed, the husband may marry 
again. 

21. If she have been made captive in this way her husband 
shall wait for her five years before he marries again, and the 
woman shall do the same if the like befall her husband. 

22. If a man marry a second wife and the first one returns 
from captivity, he may leave the second and return to the first. 
It is the same with the wife and her husband. 

23. If a man's wife is carried off by the enemy and he can- 
not get her back, he may take another. It is better to do this 
than to commit fornication. 

24. If the woman returns afterwards, she ought not to be 
received by him if he have another wife, but let her take another 
husband. The same rule shall apply in regard to foreign slaves. 

25. According to the Greeks, marriage is allowed between 
those in the third degree of affinity, as it is written in the law. 
According to the Romans, the prohibition extends to the fifth 
degree. Nevertheless, the latter do not dissolve marriages in the 
fourth degree after they have once been undertaken. Thus they 
are deemed to be regularly united in the fifth degree, while in the 
fourth they are not separated if the marriage has taken place. 



APPENDIX II 259 

26. After the death of her husband a woman may not accept 
another who is related to him in the third degree. 

27. Similarly, a man cannot be joined to those who are blood 
relations and to the blood relations of his wife after her death. 

28. Two brothers may marry two sisters, and father and son 
may marry mother and daughter. 

2,S' The parents of an engaged woman cannot give her to 
another man unless she resists them altogether {nisi ilia oninino 
resistat). She may, however, go to a monastery if she wishes. 

34. If, being married, she refuse to live with the man to 
whom she is united, the money must be returned to him, with a 
third more ; if he, however, decline her, he loses the marriage 
gift paid with her. 

35. A girl of sixteen has power over her own body. 

36. A boy up to fifteen years is in the power of his father. 
After that he can make himself a monk. A girl can make herself 
a nun at sixteen or seventeen. After this age the father cannot 
marry a girl against her consent. 

Chapter xiii. is headed " De Seruis et Ancillis." 

1. A father driven by necessity has the right to put his son 
in servitude at the age of seven ; after that age it must be with 
the son's consent. 

2. At fourteen a man may make himself a slave. 

3. It is not permitted to a man to take from his slave, money 
which the latter has earned by his own labour. 

4. If a man marry his male and female slave to one 
another and afterwards either of them becomes free, if the one in 
service cannot be redeemed, the other is free to marry a free 
person. 

5. If a free man marries a female slave, he has not the right 
to divorce her without her consent. 

6. If any one marry a pregnant woman who is free, the 
child born from her is free. 

7. If a man give her freedom to a pregnant woman who 
is a slave, the child when born shall be in servitude. 

Chapter xiv. — ^^ De diver sis questionibus." 

I. There are three obligatory fasts which people must ob- 
serve : namely, forty days before Easter (when tithes for the year 
are paid), and forty days before Christmas, and after Whitsuntide 
respectively, both day and night. 



26o GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

2. He who fasts for a dead man helps himself only. God 
alone has knowledge of the dead. 

3. Laymen ought not to delay performing their promises, for 
death does not tarry. 

4. A servant of God ought under no circumstances to fight. 
Conciliation is the role of the servants of God. 

5. An infant may be exchanged for another who has been 
vowed to God in a monastery, but it is better to fulfil the 
vow. 

6. Cattle of equal value may be exchanged if necessary. 

7. A king who possesses the land of another king may give 
it for his own soul. 

8. What is found on a road may be kept, but if the real 
owner be discovered it must be given up to him. 

9. The income {tributum) of the Church is to be distributed 
according to the custom of the province, but the poor are not to 
be deprived of their tithe or other things by force. 

10. It is not lawful to give tithes except to the poor and to 
pilgrims {feregrmi), save by laymen to their own churches. 

11. Out of reverence for the new birth by the Holy Spirit, 
prayers are to be said at Whitsuntide in white garments, as 
also at Quinquagesima. 

12. A prayer may be said under a veil when necessary. 

13. It is lawful for the sick to take food and drink at all 
hours when they desire and are able to take it, if they cannot 
take it at the fitting time. 

Besides these are certain canons not found in the official col- 
lection. According to Stubbs they were probably traceable to 
Theodore, and are found in two collections known as the Capitula 
Theodori^ and the so-called Capitula Gregorii. They are as follows : 

1. A free man ought to marry a free woman. 

2. At one altar, according to the Greeks, two Masses may 
be said in one day. Among the Romans five may be said, on 
account of the five crosses placed on it by the bishop when he 
consecrates it. He who has previously eaten is not to be ad- 
mitted to the kiss. (This is a repetition of the clause in the Peni- 
tential^ ii. I, 2, with the addition of the words about the Greeks.) 

3. A man should abstain from his wife for forty days before 
Easter, in the first week after Easter, and for a week after 
Pentecost. (This is like the paragraph in the Fejiitefitial^ 11. xii. 
2, with the last clause added.) 



APPENDIX II 261 

4. Children in monasteries may eat meat until they are 
fourteen. 

5. The remains of dead Gentiles {i.e. unbaptized people) 
should be ejected from holy places. (Cp. Fe?iitential, 11. i. 4.) 

6. This clause extends to priors the provision in regard to 
abbots contained in the Femte7itial, 11. vi. 4. 

7. He who commits a homicide or a theft and has not com- 
pounded with those whom he has injured, ought to return what 
he has taken or compound for the crime when he confesses 
his sin to the bishop or priest. If he have no means, however, 
from which to compound, or does not know whom he has 
injured, the penance must, be increased. (See Fenitential^ i. iii. 
3 and I. iv. i.) 

8. No one should be buried in a consecrated church, and if 
it is found that there were dead people there before it is con- 
secrated then it should not be consecrated. (See Penitential^ 11. 

i- 4, 5-) 

9. If in consequence of such burials the church is moved to 
another site and the boards are washed {tabulae laventur)^ it 
should be hallowed afresh. When it shall have been moved to 
another place on the same site, it should be asperged with 
holy water. (This is in contradiction to the clause in the 
Penitential, ii. i.) 

10. If a slave refuse to marry a maid belonging to his lord, 
he should accept her resignation. 

11. A man should not join in the common feast {non ineat 
pacem communem — i.e. communicate) with an adulterous 
woman, nor a woman with an adulterous man. 

12. Those who eat the flesh of unclean animals or the 
vegetables {olera) which are cooked with it should leave the 
ministry. 

13. A bishop, priest, or deacon ought to confess his sins. 

14. Prayer must be offered standing, to do reverence to God. 

15. If a priest arrive at a pagan farm it is better to baptize 
him there in the name of the Trinity with water that has been 
signed with the cross. 

16. If any one casts out his father or mother he is to be 
deemed impious and sacrilegious, and is to do penance for the 
same length of time as his wicked action lasts. 

17. He who commits self-abuse is to do one year's penance. 
If he commit rape or violence on a virgin or widow, three years'. 



APPENDIX III 

C^DMON, THE MORNING STAR OF 
ENGLISH POETRY 

Among the pupils and proteges of St. Hilda, the one whose 

fame has been the most lasting was the peasant boy Caedmon, 

who, like Burns, learnt how to tune his harp, if not while 

following the plough, in tending cattle in the byre attached to 

the monastery at Whitby, — " the herdsman poet," as he has been 

fitly called. All we know about his personal history has been 

preserved by Bede, who was himself probably born three or four 

years before his death, and who, like him, was a Northumbrian. 

Bede's notice of him is touched with romance — an easy product 

in a very credulous age when legends rapidly grew. He tells 

us that in Hilda's monastery there was a certain brother noted 

for his piety, who used to make pious verses, and whenever 

some subject was interpreted to him out of Scripture, he put 

it into poetical form of much sweetness and feeling in the 

Anglian speech which was his native tongue {in sua id est 

Anglorum lingua). Some of the Anglians who came after him 

tried to compose religious poems, but none were his equals 

{nullus eum aequiparare potuit), for he learnt the art of verse not 

from men, nor was he taught it by a man, but by a Divine gift. 

"He would never," says Bede, " compose a frivolous or foolish 

poem " {frivoli et superuacui poematis). Only religious themes 

were suited to his religious tongue {religiosam ejus lifigua?fi). 

He had lived until he was well advanced in years {ad tefnpora 

prouectioris aetatis), during which time he had followed a 

secular life, before he composed any verses. In his earlier 

days he shrank from such things, and when he was present at 

entertainments at which it was usual for all to be gay and 

for each to sing in turn, he used to rise from his place and 

return home when he noticed that the liarp {cithern) was coming 

towards him. This points to its having been the custom for 

262 



APPENDIX III 263 

men at that time to sing at feasts, it also shows that playing 
the harp was widely known. 

Having on such an occasion left the table and gone to the 
cattle byre, which it was his duty to guard during the night, he lay 
down to rest at the wonted hour. When he was asleep " a certain 
one " (quidam) appeared to him, and, calling him by his name, 
said, "Caedmon, sing something to me" (^Caedfuon canta mihi 
aliqiiid). He replied : "I do not know how to sing, and that 
was the reason I left the feast and came hither." His guest, 
however, again pressed him. "What must I sing?" said 
Caedmon. "Sing about the beginning of created things" 
{^pri7icipium creaturaruni)^ was the reply of the apparition. He 
therefore began as it were spontaneously, to sing in praise of 
God the Creator, in verses such as he had never heard before, 
of which the sense was as follows : " We ought now to praise the 
author of the Divine kingdom and the power of the Creator and 
His wisdom {constlm?n) and the deeds of the Father of Glory 
{facta patris gloriae). How He being the Eternal God became the 
author of all miracles, who first made heaven as a protecting 
roof {pro culmine tecti) for the children of men, and then as the 
preserver of the human race created the earth." Bede claims this 
to be a paraphrase in Latin of Caedmon's exordium. He expressly 
says that his Latin translation of it preserves the sense but 
not the actual words {sensus, non autein ordo ipse verborum)^ as 
Caedmon sang them in his sleep, for, " as he very truly says " (and 
as we all know to our cost), " verses, however well composed, 
cannot be literally translated from one language to another with- 
out losing much of their beauty and dignity {decoris ac dignitate)" 
To return to Caedmon. Having awoke he recalled what he 
had seen in his sleep, and added much more to the same effect 
in verse worthy of the Deity. In the morning he repaired to his 
superior, whom Bede styles the town reeve {ad vilicum^ qui sibi 
praeerat), — in the English translation it reads, " To thamtungcrefan 
se the his Ealdorman waes^^ — and informed him of his newly 
acquired gift. He conducted him to the Abbess Hilda, and she 
in turn made him repeat his verses before many learned men. 
On hearing them they all concluded that he had received the 
grace from the Lord. They further went on to explain to him 
some passage from holy writ, either historical or doctrinal, and 
bade him, if he could, to transpose it into verse. He thereupon 
went away, and next morning returned with it duly converted into 
excellent verse. Therefore the Abbess, recognising God's grace 



264 G0LDP:N days of early ENGLISH CHURCH 

in the man, counselled him to abandon his secular dress and to 
adopt the calling of a monk. Having done so, he joined the 
rest of the brethren in her monastery, and she ordered that he 
should be taught the whole series of sacred history. " Thus," 
says Bede, using one of his odd similes, " keeping all he learnt 
in his mind, and ruminating like an animal {quasi mundum 
anifnal, ru7ninando\ he turned it into sweetest verse {in carmen 
dulcissimuni) and repeated it harmoniously to the doctors his 
hearers." ^ 

Bede has little else to tell us about the life of Csedmon, and 
merely praises in a rhetorical sentence his goodness, zeal, and 
attention to regular discipline. He concludes his account of 
him, however, with a notice of his death, which has been very 
naturally praised for its simplicity and beauty. " When the time 
of his departure arrived," he says, " he suffered for fourteen days 
under a bodily infirmity, yet so moderate that he could walk 
and talk the whole time. Close by was the house into which 
those who were ill and likely to die were carried. There, on 
the night when he died, he bade his attendant prepare a place 
for him to rest in. The servant, who wondered at the request 
(for there were no signs that the end was so near), nevertheless 
did as he was bidden. He was accordingly placed there, and con- 
tinued to speak in a joyful and joking mood with those about him. 
When midnight arrived he asked them if they had the Eucharist 
within (he doubtless meant whether it was reserved in the 
infirmary). They asked him what need he had of the Eucharist, 
since he talked to them so joyfully, as if he were in perfect 
health. He nevertheless pressed them to bring it to him.^ 
When he had received it into his hand, he asked if they were all 
in charity with him and had no ill-will towards him. They all 

' Bede, H.E., iv. 24. 

^ The Rev, J. Stevenson, in reference to this passage of Bede, argues that at 
this time it was not the universal practice for the communicant to receive the 
sacrament directly from the hand of the priest, but that on sudden emergencies 
it might be transmitted by the hands of another, and he cites in support the 
Articles of Inquiry cited by Hincmar of Rheims, one of which is " Does the 
priest himself visit the sick and anoint them with the holy oil and himself give 
them the Holy Communion, or does he do this by another, and does he himself 
give the Communion to the people, or does he give the Communion to some 
lay person to carry to his house for. the use of the sick " (see Labbe, Cone, viii. 
573). Stevenson also cites Ratherius, Bishop of Verona and Regino, in the 
same behalf. It is also plain from Bede's account that at this time the com- 
municant was permitted to receive the consecrated bread into his hand, while in 
later times the custom arose of putting the consecrated wafer into his mouth. 



APPENDIX III 265 

replied they were so, and asked in return if he felt kindly to them 
all. ' My brethren,' he said, ' I am in charity with you and all 
God's servants'; and thus strengthening himself with the 
heavenly viaticum he prepared himself to enter into another 
life. He then asked how long it would be before the brethren 
would rise to say their nones {nocturnae), and when they said it 
was not far off, he replied that it was well and that he would 
wait till that hour. Then, signing himself with the sign of the 
cross, he laid his head on his pillow, and falling into a gentle 
slumber he ended his life in silence. Thus," says Bede, "his 
tongue, which had uttered so many words in praise of the Creator, 
uttered its last words while he was signing himself with the cross 
and recommending his spirit into the hands of God."^ 

Caedmon is supposed to have died in the year 680. He was 
buried in the monastery at Whitby, and there, according to 
William of Malmesbury, his bones were discovered in the twelfth 
century with those of other saints. " Inventa sunt noviter, id est 
ante initium seculi xii . . . sanctoru7n corpora Trumwini episcopi ; 
Oswii regis et Aelfledae filiae ejus ; . . . necnon et illius monachi 
quern divi?io muneri sdentia?n cantus accepisse Beda refertP ^ 

Caedmon's name appears in the Anglo-Roman calendar in 
some examples on the loth and in others on the nth February. 
There is no known authority for either date. 

Let us now turn to the question of his personality and works, 
which have aroused a good deal of ingenious and much futile 
speculation in modern times. 

One of the acutest and most informing historians of this 
period of our history. Sir Francis Palgrave, who was a Jew by 
origin and was inspired sometimes by the imaginative fancy of 
his race, altogether questioned the fact of Caedmon having been 
a possible name for an Englishman, and argued that it was in 
fact a kind of symbolical name. He says that "the name 
Caedmon has no meaning in the Anglian tongue, adding that the 
Jews name Genesis from its first word ^. Rashid (in the begin- 
ning). This, Onkelos the Aramaic translator, translates by 
Cadmin, meaning the same thing, and when the Anglo-Saxon 
poet translated Genesis they called him Caedmon or Cadmon 
instead of Cadmin. Inasmuch as the Culdees, who were the 
masters of the monks of Streaneshealh, derived their ritual and 
their theology from Jerusalem and Egypt instead of Rome, this 
accounts for the whole thing." 

^ Bede, iv. 24. ^ G.P., iii. 116. 



266 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

It would be difficult to match this sample of perversity. 
That a country boy in Northumberland with a gift for poetry 
should have had among the simple monks at Whitby teachers 
who could point out to him not only the Jewish name for 
Genesis, but also the Aramaic one, and that Bede should have 
been misled into giving, by mistake, to a monk (who must have 
been more than usually well known) the name for Genesis, is 
really fantastic, and is completely answered by the fact pointed 
out by Wiilker that Caedmon or Cadmon, instead of being an 
unknown Anglian name, was in fact a well-known one. As he 
says : " Da sich der Eigenname Caedmon ( = nauta, oder piratd) 
erklaren lasst fallt auch damit der unglaublice zweite Teil von 
Palgrave's aufstellung." 

While Palgrave was alone in doubting the English name and 
personality of Caedmon, quite an army of critics has busied itself 
with the intricate questions surrounding his works, some having 
even suggested that he was little more than a name, and that the 
works attributed to him really belong to others. This conclusion 
has chiefly been the outcome of the perverse subjective methods 
of German criticism. 

The first thing to remember in the discussion (a fact which 
was much overlooked by the earlier writers), is that in the 
beginning of the eighth century there were two distinct dialects, 
which might be almost called languages, spoken by the English : 
one, the tongue of the Northumbrians, and the other spoken by 
the people south of the Humber and the Lune. 

Secondly, so far as we have evidence, there was no literary work 
composed in the vernacular of Southern England until much later 
times; such work in the earlier time was confined to Northumbria. 
On this point an excellent authority speaks plainly : " It is a remark- 
able fact," says Professor Horstman, " that Anglo-Saxon poetry is 
almost exclusively confined to the North of England, and to the 
ancient kingdom of Northumbria. . . . Here, in 674, Benedict 
Biscop founded the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow, where 
Beda (d. 735) wrote ; in the school of York, founded by Beda's 
friend Egbert, Alcuin taught ; at Whitby under Abbess Hilda lived 
Caedmon the poet; and Cynewulf was a Northumbrian."^ It is 
perfectly plain in fact that Caedmon, who was a Northumbrian of 
humble birth, must have spoken and written in the Northumbrian 
speech. Now it happens that although Northumbria was no 
doubt the part of England where almost alone in early Saxon 
^ Richard Rolle of Hampole, p. vi. 



APPENDIX III 267 

times the vernacular literature flourished, we have scarcely any 
remains of it extant in its original form and dialect. This is a 
real measure of the devastation which overwhelmed all culture 
there, when its monasteries and other religious establishments were 
destroyed by the Danes. We cannot expect therefore to find any 
considerable poem of Csedmon in the form in which he wrote 
it. We are not, however, without some samples. In the most 
important MS. of Bede (probably, says Hardy, written in his life- 
time), which is known as Bishop Moore's MS., and is preserved 
in the public library at Cambridge, where it is numbered K.K. 16, 
fol. 128 v., there is an entry in the margin in a hand differing 
from, but nearly contemporary with, the one in which the bulk of 
the MS. was written, which is known as Caedmon's hymn, and is 
written in the Northumbrian dialect. The same exordium occurs 
in a West Saxon form in other MSS. of Bede and is also entered 
in the margin. It is quoted by Bede as representing the Divine 
hymn which was heard by Caedmon. 

As Mr. Plummer says, the Northumbrian version is much 
older than the other, and being Northumbrian is more likely 
to represent what Csedmon actually sang than any other, 
and as it is extant in a MS. not much later than the death 
of Bede, this Northumbrian version must represent what was 
believed in his time to be a genuine work of Caedmon. There 
can be no doubt that if it was composed by Csedmon, the 
Northumbrian version must be the original form, and the West 
Saxon one must be a later translation. Its genuineness has 
been defended by Wanley, Bouterwek, Ettmiiller, Stephens, 
Hammerich, Grein, Ten Brink, Zupitza, Wiilker, and Sarrasin. 
Wiilker says of it : " Ich . . . sehe in der Nordhumbrischen 
Fassung des Hymnus den Text, welcher in 8 jahrhundert als 
derjenige gait welchen Caedmon am Beginne seiner Dichter- 
laufbahn dichtete." ^ Sarrasin, writing in 1913, says: "Die 
Sprache des Kadmonischen Hymnus dessen Echtheit jetzt wohl 
nicht mehr bestritten wird." ^ 

It will be interesting to give the words of this hymn, inas- 
much as they form the very first composition in any kind 
of English that is extant. The only suggestion that has been 
made on the other side is that the lines in question are 
a retranslation into Northumbrian English of the southern 
version of the hymn. Apart from its a priori improbability, 

^ " Grundriss zur Gesch. der Angelsachsischen Literalur," p. 120. 
^ Von Kaedmon bis Kynewulf^ 17. 



268 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

this is ridiculous, since it occurs in a marginal note of an 
eighth-century MS. in a writing much earlier than the southern 
version. The hymn is as follows : — 

Northumbrian Edition. Wessex Edition. 

Nu scylun hergan Nu we sculon herian 

heboen ricoes uard heofonrices we[ard] 

metudoes moccti metoddes mihte 

end his modgidane and hi[s] modgepane 

uere uuldur fadur weore wu[l]dor feeder 

sue he uundra gihuaes swa he wu[n]dra gehwile 

eci drictin ece drih[ten] 

or astelidse word astealde 

he serist scop he serest gescop 

celda barnum ylda [bear]num 

heben til hrofe heofen to rofe 

haleg scepen [halig] scippend 

tha middun geard middan ear[de] 

moncynnses uard mann cynnes weard 

eci dryctin ece drihten 

sefter tiad^, aefter tid[a] 

firum fol'du fyrum on foldum 

frea allmectig.^ frea ealmihti.'^ 

We will now give the verse in translation : — 

Now must we praise 

the Guardian of Heaven's kingdom, 

the Creator's might, 

and his mind's thought. 

Glorious Father of men, 

as of every wonder. He, 

Lord Eternal, 

formed the beginning. 

He first framed 

for the children of earth 

the heaven as a roof ; 

Holy Creator 

then mid earth. 

The Guardian of mankind, 

the eternal Lord, 

afterwards produced 

the earth for men, 

Lord Almighty. 2 

This hymn is not the only fragment of Northumbrian poetry 
which has been attributed to Cnedmon's own pen. Among the 

^ Plummer's Bede^ ii. 251, 252. 

"^ Thorpe's Ccedmon, xxii. and xxiii., and Bede's paraphrase as given above. 



APPENDIX III 269 

finest monuments dating from Anglo-Saxon times is the Ruthwell 
cross, which will occupy us again presently. It is now preserved 
in the church at Ruthwell, near Annan, in Dumfriesshire. As 
we shall see, it almost certainly dates from the beginning of the 
seventh century. On this great cross there are sculptured a 
number of fragments of a poem written in runic characters. 
This cross and the inscription on it have given rise to many 
polemics. I will abstract the story, which is interesting and 
instructive, from Professor Stephens's great work on runic 
inscriptions. 

The first person to publish an engraving of the stone was 
Hickes, in his Thesaurus^ in which he figured the four sides ; this 
was in 1703. He made no comment on it. In 1722 Gordon 
published figures of the two sides containing runic inscriptions. 
In the beginning of the next century Dr. Duncan, who re-erected 
the cross, also copied the four sides for the use of the Icelandic 
scholar Repp, who wrote a treatise on it and was the first to 
attempt a translation of it. The cross was again published in 
the Vetusta Monumenta, vol. ii. plates 54 and 55. G. J. Thorkelin, 
the Icelandic antiquary, visited England in 1786, and obtained 
a copy of the plates in the Vetusta Monui?ienta, which he pre- 
sented to his countryman. Fin Magnussen, who wrote the first 
professedly scientific memoir upon the stone, entitled Om obelisken 
i Ruthwell. This was in 1837. 

The memoirs of Repp and Magnussen were excellent 
examples of the futility of attempting an interpretation of English 
runic inscriptions by men who do not know our Early English 
tongue, however well they know German or Scandinavian. Of 
their version, says Stephens, the less said the better. Their 
ingenious authors were entirely out of the track. Both invented 
a new language in which the words were said or made to be 
written, some kind of bastard Pictish. Repp asserted that the 
monument recorded the gift of a font (which, according to him, 
the runes call a Christ-bason) and of certain cows and lands in 
Ashlafardhal (a place which never existed) by the monks of 
Therfuse (a monastery never heard of). Magnussen "makes 
it to be the record of Ashlofs marriage settlements, adding all 
sorts of wild and absurd statements, the whole amid a cloud 
of misplaced erudition. The fact was, that neither of these 
gentlemen knew Old English, the language of the pillar which 
they were studying."^ 

^ Stephens, i. 409, 410. 



270 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

The first person to attack the inscriptions successfully was 
Kemble, our own great Saxon scholar, to whom the obligations of 
English scholarship have never been sufficiently acknowledged. 
In his famous paper on the runes of the Anglo-Saxons, published 
in 1840, he, i?iter alia^ translated the runic writing on the Ruth well 
cross, which he showed was a Christian memorial and that the 
letters formed twenty lines, more or less complete, of a poem on 
the Holy Rood, i.e. the Cross of Christ, in old North English 
(commonly called Old Northumbrian). It is pleasant to think 
that Fin Magnussen was the first to announce that Kemble was 
right and that he himself had been wrong. Kemble did not assign 
the lines to any particular poet, nor had he a complete copy of 
the runes before him. 

The next step that was taken in clearing the story was when 
in 1856 the late Rev. Daniel Haigh, in a paper printed in the 
Archaeologia Aeliana (Nov. 1856, pp. 149-195) on the Saxon 
cross at Bewcastle, made the happy conjecture that the Ruthwell 
cross was erected about the year 665 and contained fragments 
of a religious poem of very high character, and that there was 
only one man living in England at the time worthy to be named 
as a religious poet, and that was Csedmon.^ 

In 1 86 1 the same writer wrote his Conquest of Britain. 
In this he says of the poem we are discussing : " It was 
probably one of those which Caedmon, who was living at the 
time when these monuments {i.e. the Bewcastle and Ruthwell 
crosses) were erected, composed," adding : " That they belong 
to the seventh century cannot be doubted ; they contain forms 
of the language which are evidently earlier even than those which 
occur in the contemporary version of Bseda's verses in a MS. at 
St. Gallen, and the copy of Csedmon's first song at the end of 
the Hist. Ecd.y which was completed two years after its author's 
death." 2 

Stephens says of this suggestion of Haigh's : " This splendid 
and daring assumption in implication has now been proved by 
the stone itself." And may I add, proved by the equally potent 
skill of Professor Stephens himself. 

He was the first who gave a really correct copy of the entire 
inscriptions from careful rubbings and tracings that he had 
received from Mr. Maughan and Father Haigh. He was thus able 
to give for the first time what was most important, namely, a 
correct reading of the inscription on the top stone of the cross — 
» Op. cit. 173. 3 Op. cit. 39. 



APPENDIX III 271 

a very critical part of the monument, and which had been 
strangely overlooked. It then became clear that the figure of a 
man which occupied one side of it was that of St. John, with 
an inscription in Latin letters plainly reading " In princ . . . 
verbum . . .," which is a fragment of the opening passage of 
St. John's Gospel. On the other was the eagle of the same 
Evangelist, with the words, "Cadmon maefauoe]^o," being, 
says Stephens, " a bind-rune." " In regard to this reading," 
he says, " there is no doubt, and all are agreed."^ The word, 
says Stephens, is a form oi faked^ fadged^ fawed^ fayed ^vaf3cs\\x\% 
composed, made.^ Elsewhere he says that it is a form of the 
verb which King Alfred uses in the sense of composing a song, 
namely, ged ge/egean.^ Stephens's reading has been adopted as 
unquestionable by a second English scholar highly skilled in 
reading our runes, namely. Bishop Browne. 

From the concurrence of evidences here adduced, Stephens 
concluded, and I think unanswerably, that the poem on the 
stone was in fact composed by Caedmon, the protege of St. 
Hilda. This conclusion is a perfectly simple and complete 
explanation of the facts, but it would not satisfy those who 
cannot tolerate simple explanations but are always in search of 
intricate ones, and who are always finding what they search for, 
namely, mare's nests. It could not be disputed that the name 
on the cross was Csedmon, as attested by two of the most 
competent authorities on our English runes, and that it was 
associated on the cross with just such a poem as our Caedmon 
would have written, and was composed in the language he spoke 
and at the time he lived. All this went for nothing with these 
transcendental spinners of cobwebs. They would have it that 
the name (an uncommon one) was that of the carver of the stone 
and not the author of the poem, a conclusion as arbitrary as 
anything could be, and entirely based on subjective speculations 
and not on any valid induction. The association on a cross of 
the early seventh century of Caedmon's name with a poem which 
was precisely the kind of poem he would have written in the very 
dialect he spoke is conclusive to me, as it was to Mr. Haigh, Dr. 
Stephens, and Bishop Browne. The hymn on the margin of the 
Moore MS. and the poem on the Ruthwell cross are the only 
remains of Caedmon's verse which are extant in their original 
form and language. 

It is not surprising, however, that in the time of Alfred and 
^ Stephens, op, cit. i. 419. "^ Op. cit, ii. 920. ' Op. cit. i. 419. 



272 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

later, and when so much of the earlier poetry of the North 
and East of England which had survived the Danish destruction 
was translated into another dialect, the poems of Caedmon 
should fill a notable place, for, apart from their merit, Bede had 
given them a special prestige. 

Let us now turn to what we know of these translations. Mr. 
Stopford Brooke has given an interesting account of one of them. 
He says Archbishop Ussher, hunting in England for books and 
manuscripts with which to enrich the library of Trinity College, 
Dublin, found a manuscript and gave it to Francis Dujon, a 
scholar of Leyden, who is known in literature as Junius. He 
was then librarian to Lord Arundel, and when he left for the 
Continent in 1650 he took care to have the MS. printed at 
Amsterdam. He published it as the work of Caedmon, having 
come to the conclusion on the ground of the substantial agree- 
ment between the first lines of the MS. and the Latin abstract 
which Bede made of the verse that it was the song which 
Csedmon had sung in his dreams. He afterwards brought it 
back to England, where it eventually found a home at the 
Bodleian. Mr. Stopford Brooke claims that not improbably he 
showed the book to Milton, who was familiar with Bede's 
writings, and that Milton in fact had the book before him when 
composing Paradise Lost} 

The book is a small folio of 229 pages. The first 212 pages 
are written in a fair hand, apparently of the tenth century, while 
the other 17 pages formed a second book, written in an inferior 
handwriting and a less grammatical style and more inaccurate 
orthography. The earlier part of the MS. down to p. 212 
consists of a paraphrase of parts of the Old Testament and of 
the Apocrypha, comprising Genesis, Exodus, Daniel, and the 
prayer of Azariah, and is written in a good handwriting with 
rude pictures ; and the second, in a more modern handwriting, 
includes verses on the fall of the rebel Angels, the Harrowing 
of Hell, the Resurrection and the Ascension, Pentecost, the 
Last Judgment, and the Temptation. ^ 

Now it is clear that not only does the exordium of the poem 
in the Bodleian book agree with the portion preserved in the 
margin of Moore's MS. of Bede, except that it is written in 
another dialect, but that the rest of it answers very closely to 
the subject-matter of Caedmon's complete poems as described 

^ See Brooke, Hisiory of Early English Poetry, ii. 69 and 70. 
^ Brooke, op. cit. ii. 67 and 68. 



APPENDIX III 273 

by Bede. Thus, Bede says that in his first poem he first sang 
of the doctrine of the Apostles ; he also sang many songs of 
the terror of the future judgment and of the horror of the pains 
of hell {poe?iae gehennalis) and the delights of the heavenly 
kingdom, and also many more about the divine benefits and 
judgments, in all of which he tried to turn men's minds from 
the love of vice, and to induce them to the love of what was 
good and to application to good actions.^ 

This description of Caedmon's works is clear enough, 
and it will be remembered that it was written by a singularly 
clear-headed historian who was virtually a contemporary, and 
was living when the full glow of the poet's fame was still 
alive, and when there must have been a large number of 
people living who had known him in the flesh and were 
quite competent to inform him of the true facts of the 
case. It is no wonder, therefore, that all the editors of 
these poems from the time of Junius, e.g. Thorpe, Bouterwek, 
and Grein, have agreed in attributing them to Caedmon. 
Some of the critics^ however, have argued differently, and 
a notable one lived as long ago as the seventeenth century. 
This was Hickes, in his Thesaurus^ i. 133. He urged that 
the language was not that of Caedmon, in which he showed 
considerable acumen, for it is now clear that, as in the case of 
much other Anglo-Saxon poetry, the language of the Bodleian 
book (which is in the Wessex dialect) was not the language of a 
Northumbrian poet, but of a tenth-century translator. This 
does not, however, affect the question that the substance of 
the poems in the book was the work of Caedmon, nor that the 
translator sometimes paraphrased his text and sometimes also 
interpolated it. The subjective method of analysis by which only 
the best parts of a poem are attributed to the master while 
the poorer ones are ascribed to a weaker hand seems to be 
most misleading. Poets of all men are most apt to be unequal. 
Two very typical instances are Wordsworth and Keats. In one 
case only do I think the existence of a really important inter- 
polation has been proved in the poems we are discussing, 
namely, in that on Genesis, where Sievers seems to have clearly 
shown that the portion of the poem from line 234 to line 
852, which has been referred to as "Genesis B," and contains a 
second account of the Fall of man, has been taken from another 
version of that story as paraphrased in some other similar poem 

^ Bede, H.E., iv. 24, 
VOL. III. — 18 



274 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

written by another poet. It differs from the rest in metre, 
manner, style, and language. This may well be. Sievers's 
further argument about this interpolated part has not received 
the assent of other writers. He claims that it resembles in style, 
language, etc., that of a part of the famous Old Saxon poem 
known as the Heliand, and that, like it, it contains evidence that 
it was partly dependent on a Latin poet of the fifth century. He 
therefore claims that the interpolated section in the Bodleian 
book was originally written in Old Saxon by the author of the 
Heliand. To this view Wiilker demurs. He says : " Wahrend 
niemand die Richtigkeit der scharfsinnigen Entdeckung eines 
engen Zusammen-hanges von B mit der altsachsischen Dichtung 
deren Wort und Formelschatz wir allerdings nur nach dem 
Heliand beurteilen konnen, in Abrede stellen wird, und gar keine 
zwingenden Beweis gegeben, dass B nun gerade eine Dichtung 
vom Verfasser des Heliands sein miisse. Sievers selbst bringt 
S. 2 2 grunde vor, welche dagegen sprechen. Aber allerdings 
wenn B nicht vom Heliand-Dichter geschrieben ist, dann biisst 
die Abhandlung von Sievers einen in Teil ihres interesses ein.''^ 
The fact is, that there is the greatest uncertainty about the 
date of the Heliand. The preface upon which some have relied 
for an early date for it, which is alone consistent with Sievers's 
theory, does not occur with the text of the work in the two MSS., 
and was first published by Flacius lUyricus in 1562, and his MS. 
cannot be traced. It has been with probability considered a 
forgery of Flacius. This was the view held by Schulte, writing 
in 1873, and its contents suggest the conclusion, for they refer 
to the poet in language which is only an echo of that applied by 
Bede to Csedmon. Sievers's reply was based on one trifling point 
only, which is entirely outweighed by a mass of other evidence. 
It depends on a use of a certain word at a certain date in those 
early times, which is very dangerous to base a far-reaching induction 
upon, when we remember how very scanty the documents of that 
time are. The preface in question makes the poet of the Heliand 
a mere inspired rude peasant, but inasmuch as he has clearly 
made use of the works of Bede he must have known Latin. 
This most dubious document, be it noted, is the only authority 
for dating the Heliand so early as the reign of Louis i., a 
date otherwise improbable, since the Saxons had then been 
so recently converted to Christianity that it is hardly likely the 
poem could have been written in his time. The oldest MS., 
^ Wiilker, op. cit. 127 and 128, note 3. 



APPENDIX III 275 

I believe, dates from late in the tenth century, and I should be 
disposed to put its composition about that time, and to conclude 
that it is much more likely that it was a translation from English 
than that the English poems in the Bodleian book were derived 
from it or some other Old Saxon original. It is not improbable 
in regard to the larger part of it, namely, the Genesis, that it was 
taken from two English poems on the subject, for there is certainly 
a duplication of part of the narrative, and that only the earlier part 
of it, together with the conclusion, was taken from the Wessex 
version of Caedmon's Northumbrian paraphrase. Who wrote the 
middle part, which differs much in style and other respects from 
the rest, we do not know. 

The Exodus section, it is generally agreed, is by one author 
and not a compilation, and there is no good reason for attri- 
buting it in its original form to any one but Caedmon, and so also 
with the Daniel and the prayer of Azariah, all of which answer to 
Bede's description of Caedmon's work. The same applies to the 
fragmentary poem forming the second part of the Bodleian MS. and 
relating to the harrowing of hell, etc. Let us now turn elsewhere. 

In 1833 Professor Bluhme found a MS. (a half-ruined skin, 
says Stephens) written in the Southern or Wessex dialect of Old 
English, and which had been preserved in the Conventual Library 
of Vercelli in north Italy. This was published about the years 1836 
or 1837 (Appendix B to Cooper's Report on the Feeder a) ^ and was 
admirably edited by Thorpe. Among its contents was a poem, 
entitled by Thorpe " The Holy Rood — A Dream," and consisting 
of 314 lines. It describes the vision of the Cross as it appeared to 
a pious sleeper, and gives the beautiful and sublime address of the 
Cross itself, picturing the Passion of the Saviour. This poem 
was seen by Mr. Kemble, who recognised that certain of its lines 
were the counterpart of those he had found in the Rood poem 
on the cross at Ruthwell. This conclusion he published in the 
Archceologia for 1843. So exact had been his text and version, 
says Stephens, that the discovery of this MS. copy only left him to 
correct three letters.^ The result of Kemble's discovery was the 
conclusion that the poem in the Vercelli MS. was in substance 
a work of the seventh century, originally written in the North- 
umbrian speech, and afterwards translated into West Saxon.^ 
Stephens, speaking of this transformation in the case of the Rood 
poem, says: "The whole lay is now extant only in the orthodox 
South English, a Wessex or Book or Court-dialect into which 

^ Op. cit, i. 410. 2 Stephens, i. 410. 



276 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

everything was transcribed in the later times previous to the 
Norman period. But we are now familiar with this operation. It 
deceives no one. And even still we can often perceive in these 
South English transcripts, peculiarities distinctive of far older 
texts, or distinct * shire ' speeches, sometimes of a clearly North 
English original from which the scribe was making his ' amended ' 
'Lindley-Murray'-ised and more or less interpolated copy."^ 

In 1865 Professor Dietrich published a memoir at Marburg on 
the cross at Ruthwell, and the poem upon it, in which he claimed 
to show that the latter coincided with the Vercelli Rood poem. He 
had, in fact (as learned Germans too often do in the case of English 
work), overlooked Kemble's splendid monograph on the subject 
published twenty-two years before, in which that conclusion had 
been proved. This he in fact presently acknowledged in a later 
review of Kemble's work.^ He assigned the poem to Cynewulf, 
Bishop of Lindisfarne, 737-780, who died in 782, but, as Stephens 
says, the lay is a century older, as the stone itself shows. Dietrich 
did not know of the conclusive fact established by the presence 
of Csedmon's name on the stone. He also, as does Grein, 
mistakenly reads til anum, instead of // lanum. This, says 
Stephens, is forbidden by the stave rune, for if we read anum^ 
we should have the same vowel as the al in the next line, which 
is inadmissible. " He also," says Stephens, " has some strange 
readings of the two Thorsbjerg pieces and of some bracteates." ^ 

Stephens says, further: "A careful examination of the South 
English copy (see the Glossary) shows that the scribe was writing 
from a North English original, even in those lines which are not 
carved on the cross. But in addition hereto, a slight acquaintance 
with the ' Dream ' will at once make us aware of one very striking 
peculiarity of style. This is an extraordinary mixture of accents. 
Commonly we have the usual two-accented line. But every now 
and then, under the pressure of poetic excitement or personal 
taste, or the traditions of a local school, the bard breaks out 
into three, sometimes four accents in one line, then sinking back 
again into the regular double tone-weight." Stephens then 
gives an example from the poem, lines 7-24, and continues : 
*'As far as I know, this rhythmical peculiarity is unknown in 
Old English verse except here, in C;^dmon's Paraphrase and in 
that noble epical fragment ' Judith.' And I venture to assert 
that all these are by one and the same Scop. Ccedf/iofi wrote 

* Op. cit. i. 411. 2 See the Gott, gel. atiz. for the 5th of July 1865. 

' Op. cit. i. 405. 



APPENDIX III 277 

them all. They have all the same colour, all the same Miltonic 
sublimity, the same steeling of phrase, the same sinking back, 
not only to the two-accented line, but sometimes to an almost 
prosaic simplicity in the intervals of his flights of genius. I am 
thus led to do for 'Judith ' what Mr. Haigh did for the * Dream.' 
I attribute it to Ca:dmon. After-discovery has proved the 
latter to be right ; probably we shall never be able to produce 
direct evidence with regard to ' Judith. ' " ^ In regard to the date 
of the Ruthwell cross, which is a critical matter when dealing with 
the authorship of the poem, Stephens further says : " So we 
gaze on these baptized Runic runes stones more potent than all 
the Troll-runes of Heathenry. All the dates are strictly in 
accordance herewith. It cannot be later than the latter half of the 
seventh century, for it bears a grammatical form so antique (the 
accusative dual ungcet) that it has hitherto only been met with in 
this place, while the workmanship also points to the same period." ^ 

In 1873 the Dane Hammerich wrote a notable work on 
the oldest Christian epic, which was translated into German the 
following year. He speaks quite positively in regard to Caedmon 
being the poet of the Rood poem. I prefer to use his own words 
in German translation : " Die saule muss namlich ungefahr gegen 
Ende des 7 Jahrhunderts, also wahrend Kaedmons Lebenzeit 
Oder doch kurz nach seinem ableben errichtet worden sein. 
Hierauf fiihren uns mit Bestimmheit der stil des Denkmals, seine 
Schriftziige, endhch die altertiimliche Sprache welche nur 
Deklinations und Conjugationsform zeigt die in keine der uns 
erhaltenen Handschriften ueber gegangen sind."^ Hammerich 
speaks equally positively about the "Judith" poem. 

At present only fragments of the Rood poem as originally in- 
scribed exist on the weather-beaten stone, but Stephens suggests 
that if we had the cross in its original integrity it is not improbable 
that the whole of the poem would be preserved on it. Thus, he 
speaks of one lacuna of fourteen lines as being necessary to the 
sense. The fragments are short and sublime, he says, and in the 
poet's best manner, "and the lost lines have probably stood on one 
side of the base, or one of the arms of the cross." Again, of another 
portion of five lines which is now absent, he says : " These five 
lines have perhaps been graven on another side of the base or 
the other arms of the cross," and he concludes (should this view 
be correct) that the whole cross-lay has consisted of about forty- 
four or forty-six lines from C^dmon's own hands. As his sense 
^ Op. cit. 419, 420. 2 /^^ ^20. 3 Qp^ (-1^^ p_ 24 ; see also Walker, 137. 



278 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 



is simpler and terser in some places than the later South English 
more or less altered and interpolated copy, the forty-seven lines 
of the polished and modernised skin-book would answer to about 
forty-four or forty-six of the original North English poem.^ 

This conclusion seems most reasonable, and if it be so, we may 
add a corollary equally plausible, namely, that the poem was not 
improbably actually composed for this very cross by Caedmon. 
I will now give the fragments of the poem preserved on the cross 
in juxtaposition with the corresponding part of the West Saxon 
version, or rather " extension " contained in the Vercelli Codex. 



[On]-geredse hinae 

God almeyottig 

Sa he walde 

On galgu gistiga 

Modig fore 

[Ale] men 

[B]ug [a ic ni dars] te 



Line 'J'J. On-gyrede hine pa geong haeleS 
set wses God selmihtig 
Strang and stid-mod 
ge-stah he on gealgan heanne 
modig on manigra gesyhSe 
pa he wolde mancyn lysan 
Bifode ic pa me se beorn ymbelypte 
ne dorste ic hwse'grebugan to 
cordan 



[Ahof] ic Rllcnoe cuningc 
Heafunaes Hlafard 
Hoelda ic [n]i darstse 



Line 87. rod woes ic a sacred 
Ahof ic ricne cyning 
heofona hlaford 
hyldan me ne dorste 



Line 95. 



Bismaersedu ungcet men ba 3et-gad[r]e 

Ic [wses] mid blodse bistemid 
Bi[g]ot[e]n o[f] 



Bysmeredon hie unc butu set 

gaedere 
call ic wses mid blode bestemed 
begoten of pses guman sidan 



Krist wsees on rodi 
HwseSrse per fusae 
Fearran kwomu 
^SSilse ti lanum 
Ic pset al bi[h]eal[d] 
S[are] ic waes 
Mip sorgu[m] gi[d]roe[fe]d 
H[u]ag [ic] 



Christ woes on rode 
Hvaedere hoer fuse 
feorran cwoman 
to pam osSeHnge 
ic poet eall beheold 
Sare ic woes 
mid [sorgum] gedrefed 
Huaji ic hwaedre 



Mip strelum giwundad 

A-legdun hise hinse limwoerignae 
Gisloddun him [cet] h[isl]ieaes 

[h]eaf{du]m 
[Bi]hea[lldu[n] hi[3e] [pe[r] heafun 



eall ic waes mid stroelum for- 

wundod 
aledon hie deer limeverigne 
gestodon him aet his lices heafdum 



bcheoldon hie 
dryhten. 



'iSxr heofen es 



* Op. cit. i. 415. 



APPENDIX III 279 

Let us now try and shortly analyse the peculiarities of 
Ca^dmon's verse. Like other early Teutonic poetry it was 
marked by a special form which also prevailed in all the other 
extant Anglo-Saxon verse, and which has been admirably and 
tersely described by my very accomplished friends, Yorke Powell 
and Vigfussen in their Corpus Poeticum Boreale. I will give 
their account, which may not be familiar to my readers. They 
emphasise that this early poetry " knows no rhymes, alliteration 
being its sole bond ; so many sets of alliteration, so many lines ; 
nor was this primitive poetry insistent on a strict number of 
syllables in each line, nor was it divided into strophes. Every 
line of old Teutonic poetry is a blank verse divided into two 
halves by a Ihie pause which always comes at the end of a word. 

" Each half is made up of a fixed number of measures, a measure 
being a word, or number of words, of which the first root syllable 
is stressed {i.e. forcibly pronounced), as one does in speaking 
when one wishes to draw particular attention to a particular 
word or syllable ; e.g.^ We want it, we want it. A measure 
never ends nor begins in the middle of a word, such affixes as 
-ge^ -for^ -U7n^ -be, being treated as separate words in poetry ; com- 
pounds and strong inflexions are like separate words. 

" In every line two stress-syllables at least, one in each half- 
line, must begin with a similar consonant or vowel (these 
vowels being usually different, and in later Northern poetry 
always so). Stress-syllables thus alliterated are said to carry 
letter-stress. 

"In many lines there occur one or more unstressed syllables 
which form, as it were, the elastic, unmeasured part of the line ; 
these for the want of a better term we call slurred syllables, or 
collectively, a slur. It is not meant that these syllables are 
gabbled over ; they may be spoken fast or slow, but that they 
are redundant or unimportant for the ' make ' or structure of 
the verse, and that they would be less emphasised and spoken in 
a less vigorous tone than the rest of the line. There may be 
one or more slurs in a line. 

" When a monosyllabic word is stressed and followed by no 
enclitic words before the next stress, it is succeeded by a short 
interval of silence, which we call a rest\ such a monosyllable with 
its rest is a measure in itself. 

" Quantity is observed in some measures as in Greek verse. 
There are two kinds of rhy?ne or sound-echo used in later 
Northern metres : full-rhyme, which may be single^ ' take ' and 



2 8o GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

' bake/ and double, ' taking ' and ' baking,' consonant rhyme, 
or co7iso?iance, as ' take ' and ' cook.' 

" Rliymes may be end-rhymes^ coming one at the end of each 
half-Hne or Hne of a set, or they may be line-rhymes^ coming 
both within one half-line : line-rhymes may come in any stem- 
syllable of a word. 

"A set of lines may form a verse-group which is called a 
stanza. 

" A set of lines or of stanzas may form a longer group called 
a strophe. 

"A line or lines may be used at necessary intervals as a 
refrain or burden.^'' 

Again, our authors say : '* In the beginning poetry was simply 
excited prose and emphatic prose with repetitions of catchwords, 
and such was no doubt the primitive Teuton poetry. . . . With 
the Teutons alliteration of stressed root-syllables was the pivot 
on which his metric turned. The Teutons having no musical 
instruments when we first know them, and having a tongue whose 
structure did not lend itself well to a purely quantitative system, 
seem to have hit upon the development of that alliterative stress, 
which is a feature in almost all early verse, naturally satisfying 
that marked love of repetition which is seen in all children's and 
savages' songs and speeches. 

" In the older Teutonic law Formulae, and in the old Latin 
Saturnians, we seem to get specimens of the earlier stage before 
regular verse of the alliterative type was completely reached, 
when all the necessary factors were already present — line pause, 
stresses, and alliteration, but before the artist had arisen who 
was to fix the type. This great Unknown had, however, arisen 
before the English crossed the North Sea, for we find the same 
line, well-marked and unmistakable, in the oldest remains of the 
German, the Scandinavian, and the English races. 

"Its finest specimens are to be found in England, in the 
Vercelli book and the Caedmon MS., whence, says Yorke Powell, 
we have called this type of line the Csedmonian line. In the 
lay of the Rood (preserved in the Vercelli book), attributed to 
Caedmon as it seems on the Ruthwell cross, we have the purest 
extant piece of poetry in this metre. ... It may be fully de- 
scribed as a four-measured line 2 : 2 (two measures in each half), 
with two letter-stresses in the first half and one in the second, 
the third letter-stress being the strongest, the first weak, the 
second the weakest. Sometimes there is but one letter-stress in 



APPENDIX III 281 

the first half-line. There is frequently a ' slur ' of several words, 
and this is always j)laced at the beginning of a line or half-line. 
Ciedmon himself prefers to put it after \.\\<i line-pause, and as is well 
shown in the Rood Song this is far the best place, artistically 
speaking, for it. Occasionally ... it heads both halves of the 
line. The slur is spoken in a low but distinct recitative : it is 
the elastic part of the line and forms a background to the 
emphatic stresses which stud the line. The effect of such un- 
stressed syllables was soon noticed and taken advantage of. 

" The last syllables of each C^edmonian half-line appears to 
have in preference the quantity - «^. . . . There would be a very 
good reason for this strict and regular finish before each pause ; 
one wants to feel when the end of the half-line is coming, in such 
a long and varying metre as this.^ 

I will now give a sample or two in translation to show the 
vigour and force with which the Bible story was paraphrased, 
and how picturesquely the tale was told. Courthope in his 
History of English Poetry, i. 99, remarks of one phase : — 

"It is most significant to observe how many of the fundamental 
notions of Teutonic mythology and custom are interwoven with 
Caedmon's reproductions of the Scripture narrative. Thus the 
image by which the Bible always suggests the torments of 
Gehenna is fire ; but the old German conception of Nifleheimer, 
or the underworld, was a place of cold and mist, and these 
conflicting ideas are strangely blended in many passages at the 
opening of Caedmon's ' Genesis,' in which the poet seeks to point 
the abode of the devil. For example : — 

" ' Then was God angry and wroth with that host whom 
formerly He had honoured with beauty and renown. For those 
traitors He shaped a house of banishment with anguish for their 
reward, the groans of hell, hard punishments. Our Lord, 
Guardian of Spirits, bade a house of torment await the exiles, 
deep and void of joys. When He knew that it was ready, 
furnished with perpetual night, charged with sulphur, filled 
throughout with fire, with intense cold, smoke and red flame, 
then through that house void of comfort He bade the dread 
of torment to increase.' ^ And again : ' Therefore stern, in a worse 
light, God had placed them triumphless in a dark hole ; there at 
even they have, each of the fiends, an immeasurably long renewal 
of fire ; and ere dawn comes, the east wind, frost, bitter cold, 

^ Op. cit. i. 431-435. ^ Paraphrase by Thorpe, p. 3. 



282 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

piercing like fire or dart.' ^ Mists, too, and vapours prevail in 
this region, as thus : * God Himself hath swept us into these 
swart mists (thas sweartan mis]?a).' " ^ 

In the Teutonic creed, adds Mr. Courthope, monstrous ser- 
pents wander round the world like the Mitgards Orme ; or lurk 
underneath it like the snakes that haunt the Spring Hvergelmir, 
or the dreadful reptile which fought with Thor. A reminiscence 
of these horrors pervades the description of hell as painted in the 
Descensus ad Inferos. " Even at hell-gate dragons dwell, hot in 
spirit; they may not help us."^ Hence it is imagined that the 
"floor is on fire with venom scorched," and hell itself is described 
as a "horrid den with venom blended."* Mr. Courthope well 
remarks that the vivid descriptions of hell in the poem could 
only have occurred to one steeped in the tradition of polytheism. 
Thus the poet says : " Verily he might hear who was twelve miles 
from hell, that there were teeth grinding loud and mournful." ^ 

And when in the " Harrowing of Hell " Satan is cast finally into 
the burning pit, it is said that when he stood on the bottom 
there seemed to him to be from thence to hell-gate one hundred 
thousand miles of measured space.^ 

" Something, too, of the old heathen terror of the Mark land 
fills the minstrel's animated rendering of the march of the 
Israelites out of Egypt." "The Heavenly Candle {i.e. the 
pillar of fire) burned, the new night-ward must perforce rest over 
the hosts lest the horrors of the waste, the hoar heath with its 
raging storms, should overwhelm them, their souls should fail."'^ 

The ancient spirit is no less conspicuous in the paraphrase 
in those parts relating to war, etc. Abraham is described in the 
genuine Teutonic vein as " the bold evil " ; Pharaoh as " the dis- 
penser of treasure." When Satan is contemplating his rebellion, 
he says : " Heroes stern of mood have chosen me for their chief, 
renowned warriors ; with such may one take counsel, with such 
folk-companions share it. They are my jealous friends, faithful in 
their thoughts : I may be their leader, rule in this realm ; hence 
it seems not right to me that I in aught should cringe to God for 
any good. I will no longer be His youngest vassal."^ 

So when the paraphraser has to describe the battle between 
the four against the five kings, an image of a tribal battle rises 
in his mind. "There was hard play, an exchange of deadly 

^ Paraphrase by Thorpe, p. 20. ^ lb. p. 25. 

^ lb. p. 270. ■* lb. pp. 226 and 273. ^ lb. p. 283. 

« lb. p. 310. "^ lb. pp. 184, 185. 8 /^^ p, i^_ 



APPENDIX III 283 

weapons, a great warcry, a loud crash of battle. The warriors 
from tiieir sheaths drew their ring-hilted swords of doughty 
edge."^ Abraham comes to the rescue of the defeated party. 
" Then the holy man bade his hearth-retainers take their 
weapons, warriors he found there, bearers of the ashen spear, 
eighteen and three hundred beside, faithful to their lord. He 
knew that each could well bear into battle the yellow linden 
(i.e. the wooden shield)." ^ Mr. Courthope sums up his conten- 
tion thus : " The foregoing extracts serve to show how many 
characteristics of the old minstrelsy were preserved in the 
Coedmonian cycle of song. . . . The most noticeable feature in 
Caidmon's art is the readiness with which an exotic class of 
subjects becomes naturalised in the old poetical soil."-^ 

I will now give two samples of the vigorous force which 
marks the narrative in parts of the Old Testament paraphrase. 
The first one refers to the Deluge : — 

"Then the Powerful spake, our Preserver unto Noah said . . . 
I will with flood the folK destroy. . . . Thou shalt have peace with 
thy sons. When the swart water the dark death-streams swell with 
the multitudes, with the guilty wretches. Begin thee a ship to 
make, a great sea-house . . . form shelves in the ship's bosom, 
. . . against the working of the waves make it seem fast. There 
shall be brought food for the living of every kind, into that wood 
fastness. . . ."^ 

" Noah zealously . . . began forthwith to build the house, the 
great sea chest . . . the greatest of sea houses he strengthened 
within and without with lime of earth against the flood. ^ 

" Noah then departed as the Preserver bade him, leading his 
offspring under the wave timber, and their wives with them and 
all their provisions.^ 

"... The Lord sent rain from heaven and also amply let 
the well brooks throng on the world from every vein . . . the 
seas rose over their shore walls . . . then rode it at large under 
the skies, over the orb of ocean, that house most excellent 
with its store. . . . Then remembered God the ' Seafaring ' 
{i.e. Noah) ; the Lord of triumphs, the son of Lamech . . . the 
Warrior Lord of hosts then let a wind over the wide land 
pass, the water ebbed . . . the rain had stilled. . . . Then he 

^ Paraphrase by Thorpe, p. 120. 

^ lb. p. 123. ^ See Courthope, op. cit. i. 10 1. 

^ Thorpe, Caedmon's Paraphrase, pp. 78 and 79. 

^ lb. p. 80. « lb. p. 82. 



2 84 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

{i.e. Noah) assayed at the ship's prow whether the sea flood 
were yet sinking under the skies. The son of Lamech then let 
fly out a swart raven over the deep flood from the house. Noah 
expected . . . that if on the way it found not land over the 
water it would seek the wave house again. That hope it 
deceived, for the exulting fowl perched on the floating corpses. 
. . . Then after seven nights he from the ark let out a livid 
dove, on discovery whether the foaming sea still deep, had given 
up any part of the green earth. . . . Widely she her will sought 
and flew far away, yet she found no rest for the flood, she 
could not perch on land nor on the tree leaves for the steep 
mountain tops were with waters covered. The wild fowl at 
eve went to seek the ark over the dusky wave, weary, to sink 
hungry, into the hands of the holy man. Then after a week 
was gone the dove was again sent from the ark ; wildly she flew 
away till that she in space exulting, a fair resting-place found, 
and then with her feet stepped on a tree, blithe of mood 
rejoicing because she had sate much, weary on the tree's 
branches. On the lofty mast she shook her feathers, again she 
went flying with her gifts and sailing brought a twig of olive 
tree to hand and green leaves. Then quickly understood the 
chief of mariners that comfort was become his painful journey- 
ing's recompense. Again after the third week the blessed man 
a wild dove sent which came not again flying to the vessel 
but she gained the land, and the green groves. She under the 
pitched boards would not ever afterwards appear in that storied 
hold. . . .1 

"... The Lord spake words to Noah. Teem now and propa- 
gate. . . . Never do ye with blood your table meals impiously 
take, defiled with sin, with blood of life ... I upon mid 
earth the torrent host never again will lead. ... Of this ye in 
the skies full oft a sensible token may behold, when I my shower- 
bow display. . . . Then was the wise son of Lamech come from 
the vessel with his three sons, guardians of the heritage, and 
their four wives, and these were called Percoba, OUa, OUiva, and 
Ollivani. . . . ^ Chose him them a dwelling, the son of Haran in 
Sodom city . . . with his possessions and bracelets from Bethel 
and household treasures, wealth, twisted gold. . . . ^ They four 
then departed, kings of nations to seek south of thence Sodom 
and Gomorrah {i.e. Chedorlaomer and the other kings).^ 

1 Thorpe, pp. 88 and 89. ' lb. pp. 91-93. 

^ lb. p. 115. ^ lb. p. 118. 



APPENDIX III 285 

"Then with hostile hands was by Jordan the soil of the 
people's natal land wide overspread with enemies. Many a 
fearful, pale-faced damsel must trembling go into a stranger's 
embrace . . . the defenders of their brides and bracelets fell sick 
with wounds . . . they then marched together, the five kings of 
nations, the javelins were loud, wroth the bands of slaughter, the 
sad fowl sang amid the dart-shafts dewy of feathers, the rush 
expecting . . . the warriors with their hands drew from their 
sheaths the ring-hilted swords of edges doughty, then was early 
found death-work for the man who was not with slaughter satiate 
. . . the weapons' leavings went to seek a fastness. The foes 
pillaged the gold. . . . The holy man {i.e. Abraham) bade his 
hearth retainers their weapons take . . . bearers of the ashen 
spear . . . the fallow linden . . . the lines of the foes fell thickly 
where laughing they had borne the spoil. . . . The Lord of the 
people went of his men bereft, to seek Abraham destitute of 
friends ; with him went Salem's treasures guardian that was the 
great Melchizedek, the people's bishop who came with gifts. . . } 
Then went the prince of Salem to Abraham and said to him, Give 
me the damsels of my people, have to thee the twisted gold that 
erst belonged to our folk. . . . There is no worldly pelf that I will 
for myself possess nor shilling. . . . De|)art now homeward with 
the fretted gold and beloved damsels, women of the nations . . . 
the teeming fowls among the mountain heights sit bloody with 
the slaughter of those bands thickly filled. . . . " ^ 

In describing a battle between the Israelites led by Moses 
and the Egyptians, our poet says : — 

" Around them screamed the fowls of war, greedy of battle, 
dewy feathered ; over the bodies of the host the wolves sang 
their horrid evensong, in hopes of food the reckless beasts 
threatened death to the valiant, on the foes' track flew the army- 
fowl. The march-wards cried at midnight, the spirit of death 
flew, the people were hemmed in. At length the proud thanes 
of that host met amid the paths in bendings of the boundaries ; 
to them there the banner king marched with the standard, the 
prince of men rode the marches with his band, the warlike 
guardian of the people clasped his grim helm, the king his 
visor. The banners glittered in hopes of battle, slaughter shook 
the proud. He bade his warlike band bear them boldly . . . the 
hoar army wolves the battle hailed, thirsty for the brunt of war 
. . . the renowned oft awaited the horn in the phalanx, to the 
^ Thorpe, pp. 121-126. ^ lb. pp. 126-130. 



2 86 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

leaders of which the warlike host of people ready marched. . . . 
In the number of the people were fifty bands, each band had 
of the famed host arm-bearing, warfaring ten hundred numbered 
illustrious warriors. That was a warlike host. The weak were 
not admitted into that martial number, the leaders of the army, 
those that for youth, might not yet under their bucklers the 
breast-net {i.e. shirt of mail) of men against the arrows of the 
enemies with their Hmbs defend, nor baleful wounds had injured ; 
sore body-wounds over the linden shields — the darts exulting 
play. The aged, the hoary chieftains might not engage in battle, 
yet in the bands their mind and might had sway, for they 
according to their strength each chose each warrior how to the 
nation he would show valour with glory also by dint of might. 
. . . Leaped then before the warriors the man of war, the bold 
commander, with his shield upraised who bade the folk leaders stay 
the march while many should hear the bold chiefs address. . . . 
Then before the multitudes he raised a loud voice, before the 
people of the living when he to the nations spake : ' Lo ye now 
with your eyes behold, most beloved of people, a stupendous 
wonder ; how I myself have struck with this right hand, a 
green sign the ocean's deep, the wave ascends ; rapidly worketh 
the water a wall fastness ; the ways are dry, rugged army roads ; 
the sea hath left its old stations, where before I have never heard 
of men journeying over mid earth, there are now variegated fields 
which from this time through eternity the waves have covered, the 
salt sea depths hath the south wind dried up, the sea wave's blast. 
Ocean is swept away, the sea's ebb hath drawn the sand. I 
know in sooth full well that to you the mighty God will have 
shewn mercy^, O chiefs, ere sunset. Quickest is best so that ye from 
the enemies' may grasp escape. Now the Lord hath upreared the 
red streams as a protecting shield, the fore-walls are fairly raised 
(wondrous roads) to the cloud's roof.' After those words, the host 
all rose, the power of the bold : the sea stood still. Martial 
hands raised the white lindens, the banners on the sands ; the 
sea wall rose, stood erect towards the Israelites on one day's 
space. The host of men was of one mind. . . . Then the 
fourth tribe went foremost, waded into the wave stream the 
warriors in a body, over green ground. The tribe of Judah 
hastened singly an unknown way before their kinsmen, so on them 
the mighty God for that day's work a high reward the stern 
worker of victories bestowed, since that to them he granted that 
it the eldership should possess over the kingdoms, the flower of 



APPENDIX III 287 

their kin. They had over their bucklers for their banner when 
into the sea they marched a signal reared in the armed band, 
a golden lion, greatest of tribes, keenest of beasts. . . . After 
that band the sea-men proudly moved, the sons of Reuben, 
bare their shields, sea vikings {s(B vikingar) over the salt marsh. 
. . . The power went forth ... on their way forth, folk by 
folk, tribe by tribe. Each one knew his right of kin as Moses 
bade them, the chief nobility. To them was one father a 
beloved patriarch." ^ 

The destruction of the Egyptian host in the Red Sea is told 
with wonderful picturesqueness and force. '' The folk was 
affrighted, the dread flood seized on their sad souls ; the ocean 
wailed with death, the mountain heights were with blood be- 
steamed, the sea foamed gore, there was crying in the waves 
and the water was full of weapons. A death mist rose ; the 
Egyptians were turned back, they fled trembling, they felt fear, 
would that host ever gladly find their homes ? Their vaunt grew 
sadder, for the rolling of the waves rose against them like a cloud. 
Then came none of that host to home, but from behind they 
were enclosed by the fateful wave. Where paths once passed, the 
sea now raged . . . the storm rose high to heaven, the loudest 
army-cry uttered the host, the air above was thickened with 
dying voices, blood infused the flood ; the shield walls were riven, 
the firmament shook, the proud dead kings died in a body in that 
greatest of sea deaths. Over the soldiers' bucklers shone as the 
proud ocean stream their might fast fettered. . . . The tides neap 
obstructed by the war enginery laid bare the land to the pallid 
host, when the ever cold sea with the salt waves rushed on. . . . 
The blue air was with corruption tainted, the bursting ocean 
whooped a bloody storm the sea-men's way ... it swepf death in 
its embrace, the flood foamed, the fated died, water deluged the 
land . . . the guardian of the flood struck the unsheltering 
wave with an ancient faulchion, and in the swoon of death 
those armies slept . . . there was drowned the flower of Egypt, 
Pharaoh with his folk. ... Of that multitude, came not home 
again of all the boundless host any as remnant, to proclaim 
their fate, and to publish to the consorts of the warriors the 
greatest of baneful tales, there princes fell, and those mighty 
bands the sea-death swallowed."^' 

In describing the march of Moses and his host on Etham, 
after destroying the Egyptian host, the poet recalls the scene 
^ Thorpe, pp. 192-199. ^ lb. pp. 206-210. 



2 88 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

in picturesque condensed phrases. " On their south was the 
Ethiop's land, scorched mountain-tops, with a people burned 
with the hot coals of heaven. Then the holy God shielded the 
people against the heat intense, with a canopy he overspread the 
burning heaven, with a holy net the torrid air. The cloud in its 
wide curtain divided the earth and firmament. It led the 
nation host, and quenched was the flame-fire of the heaven's 
bright heat. The people were amazed, and most joyous with 
the shade of their day-shield of rolling clouds. The Wise God 
shrouded the sun's course with a sail. Through the short ropes 
their sight could not penetrate nor could they see the sail-cross and 
how all the enginery was fastened in that greatest of field houses." ^ 
Let us now turn to the second part of the Bodleian book, 
where the vivid suggestion of the pictures, the rapidity of the 
thought, and the simplicity, directness, and passion of the narrative 
are specially extolled by a good critic, namely, Mr. Stopford 
Brooke. As he says, the characters live, and notably the chief 
hero himself, Satan, while his dwelling-place hell is painted with fine 
imaginative colours from a master's hand, however crude in form. 
" The description of the latter seems," says the author just quoted, 
" to belong to a time when the Northern idea of the realm of the 
dark death-goddess Hel had begun to be influenced by the 
Christian hell." If that conception mingled at all with the hell 
now before us, we might be able to suggest a conjectural date 
for this poem. The Northern Helle is not a place of punishment 
fiUed with fire, nor is it dwelt in by the evil only. All go down 
to it save the heroes who die in battle — even Brynhild and 
Balder. It lies low down to the North, in a pale, mist-world 
(Nifleheimer), covered with night, very cold, swept with winds ; 
with gat^, a great hall where the goddess dwells, a fountain in 
the midst where dragons and serpents lie, and twelve roaring 
rivers, gloomy and joyless. Muspell is the fire-world in the 
South, and no human beings ever pass into it. Various 
fragments of this conception appear in the hell of this poem. 
Fire-breathing dragons are at its gates, and serpents swarm in it. 
There is a hall in it, in which Satan wanders like Hel. It is 
cold and dark, and over it broods abysmal cloud. Those who 
wander in it are black-visaged. These are the heathen fragments. 
The Christian hell — in " which the name of the goddess was 
changed into the name of a place — is made a realm of fire, like 
Muspell, but unlike Muspell is filled with human souls as well as 
^ Thorpe, Caidmon's Paraphrase, pp. 182, 183. 



APPENDIX III 289 

demons. This place is vigorously described in the poems. It 
is sunk deep in the lowest abyss, " underneath high nesses " 
{i.e. promontories, a new image in the description of hell). This 
is twice repeated, and links the conception of the place to the 
mediaeval notion of the last pit of hell. Below these, as if on their 
strand, the fiends sometimes assemble and mourn. The cliffs 
stand round a '* deep-tossing and weltering sea of fire, greedy and 
ravenous — a loathsome lair." This heaving and leaping sea is hell's 
floor — "an ocean mingled with venom and with venom kindled." 
Serpents move in it and twine round naked men ; adders and 
dragons dwell in it (in " Judith " hell is called "a hall of serpents ") ; 
its wind-swept hall is filled with anguish. The devils wander to 
and fro in it, howling in woe ; and twelve miles beyond the gates 
of this narrow realm of hate the gnashing of their teeth is heard 
in the abyss of space. The gates are huge, dragons sit at them, 
and they are fast, shut up and immovable save when Christ 
comes upon them, when they are battered down to the noise of 
thunder at dawn. When Satan speaks, fire and poison fly from 
his lips with his words, and flicker through hell ; and he is as 
restless in hell as he is said in the Book of Job to be on earth. 
The very distance from Palestine is given. Hell is 100,000 
miles below the Mount of the Temptation. This is as definite 
as Dante. Much of this is freshly imagined, and its possible 
nearness to heathen thought gives it a greater interest than the 
later mediaeval conceptions possess.^ 

The first poem, "The Fall of the Angels," begins with the praise 
of God as Creator, and with a sketch of the fall of Satan into 
hell. Then the " Old One " wails for his loss of heaven, and for 
the fiery ruin in which he lives. He is far more convinced of 
his sin than the audacious devil of "Genesis." "I may never 
hope," he cries, " to have again the better home I lost through 
pride." A new motive is now introduced. In the " Genesis " all 
his companions love him and are on his side. Here they 
reproach and scorn him. " With lying words thou hast deceived 
us ; God thou wast ; thyself wast the Creator — so thou saidst ; 
a wretched robber art thou now, fast bound in bands of fire." 
Another curious phrase is the following, where we meet with the 
son of the devil, as if in heaven he had imitated God and sent 
his son forth as master : " Full surely thou saidst that thy son 
was the creator of man ; all the greater are now thy pains." 
Again Satan takes up his complaint, and repeats in different 

1 Stopford Brooke, History of Early English Literature, ii. 129-131. 
VOL. III. — 19 



290 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

phrases the same motive — regret for heaven, hopelessness of 
return, the present horrors of hell. A third time he takes up the 
same cry ; and then a fourth time, the words flying from him in 
sparks likest to poison, and he bursts out into a passionate agony 
of vain repentance — 

164, O thou helm of banded hosts ! O high glory of the Lord ! 
O thou might of the great Maker ! O thou Middle-Earth ! 
O thou dazzling daylight ! O delight of God ! 
O ye angel hosts ! O thou upper Heaven ! 
O that I am all-bereft of the Everlasting Joy ! 
That I may not with my hands reach unto the Heaven, 
Never with these eyes of mine upwards look again ; 
Never with mine ears ever hear again 
Sounding clear the clang of the clarions of God. 

"Woe and torment, exile must I bear, wander a wide 
wandering in wretchedness and care, for I strove to drive from 
his throne the Lord of Hosts." This is the first song in the 
poem, and it ends with an outburst on the poet's part of warning 
to men, and of a prophecy of the joy of heaven. ^ 

The second complete poem of this part of the Junian 
Caedmon is on the " Harrowing of Hell," and begins at line 366. 
It commences with a sketch of the fall of Lucifer into hell, and 
then breaks abruptly into the subject. "Anguish came on hell, 
thunder-crash before the Judge, as He bowed and shattered the 
gate of hell, but joy was in the heart of men " (that is, of the good 
spirits in prison) " when they saw the Saviour. But full of horror 
were the fiends, wailing far and wide through the windy hall." 
"Terrible is this, since the storm has come to us, the Hero with 
His following, the Lord of Angels. Before Him shines a lovelier 
light than we have ever seen, since we were on high among the 
angels. So will now our pains be deeper." Then, — for now the 
poet repeats his motive in order to introduce the speech of Eve, — 
then came the Angel-cry, loud thunder at the break of day. 
The Lord had overcome His foes — war-feud was open on that 
morning, when He came to lead forth the chosen souls of Adam's 
race. Yet Eve could not look upon the glow of joy till she had 
spoken, and her speech occupies nearly forty lines. It may 
mark the early origin of the poem, that the important place 
among the souls in Hades is given to a woman. She tells the 
story well ; she makes picture after picture of hell before the 
Saviour's coming. He listens courteously to the end. She 
^ Stopford Brooke, ii. 131-133. 



AITENDIX III 291 

begins with the story of their fall, speaking for Adam and herself. 
"Our guilt was bitterly recompensed; thousands of winters 
have we wandered in this hot hell, dreadfully burning. But 
now, I beseech thee, Prince of Heaven, that I with all my kins- 
folk may go up from hence. Three nights ago came a servant 
of the Saviour " (this was Judas), " home to hell. Fast is he now in 
prison, yet he told us that God Himself would enlighten this 
house of hell, our dwelling." From this happy invention of 
Judas, his message and his fate, she turns to describe how the 
news was received by all the Old Testament saints waiting in 
hell— 

432. Then up-lifted each himself; on his arm he set himself, 
On his hands he leant. Though the hellish Horror 
Full of awfulness appeared, yet was every one 
Midst his pains delighted, since the Prince of Men 
Willed their home to visit and to bring help to them. 

Then she reached out her hands and besought the King of 
Heaven through the office of Mary. "Thou wert in truth, O 
my beloved Lord, born into the world of my daughter, now it is 
plain that thou art God." 

She ended, and Christ, driving the fiends deeper into hell, 
took upwards with Him all the host of the redeemed. " It was 
fair indeed, when they came to their fatherland, and with them 
the Eternal to His glorious ' burg.' Holy prophets put forth their 
hands, and lifted them into home," and they sat down to feast. 
Then, as in an assembly of English nobles, Christ rose and made 
His speech to them — and the phrase with which He begins recalls 
the Witan : " Wise spirits," He starts, and in His turn he gives 
another account of the fall and of its punishment ; " O 'twas 
woe to me," He cries, "that the work of My hands should endure 
the chain of the prison-house. Then I came on earth and died. 
Well it was for you that the warriors pierced Me with spears 
upon the gallows tree." So spake the Ward of Glory on the 
morning of the Resurrection ! The poem then turns to describe 
the Resurrection, the Ascension, Pentecost, and the Last Judg- 
ment, and each fragment closes withaseparate outbreak of religious 
warning and joy. As in the previous part, this similar ending 
suggests that these were isolated songs, collected here and 
placed together by a later editor. There is nothing in them of 
any special worth.^ 

At line 665, another fragment of a separate poem, inserted 
^ Stopford Brooke, ii. 133-135. 



292 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

out of its historical place, relates a part of the story of the 
Temptation. It is only remarkable for the mocking speech of 
Christ when He repels the tempter on the mountain, such a 
speech as an English warrior might have made to his foe : " Go, 
accursed, to the den of punishment, but I bid thee take no jot 
of hope to the burghers of hell ; but promise them the deepest 
of all sorrows ; go down, and know how far and wide away is 
dreary hell. Measure it with thine hands, and grip against its 
bottom. Go, till thou knowest all the round of it ; from above 
to the abyss, measure how broad is the black mist of it. Then 
wilt thou understand that thou fightest against God. Go with 
speed, and before two hours are passed, thou shalt have measured 
thine allotted house ! " 

So he fell down to dreadful pains — down towards hell, and 
first he measured with his hands the torment and the woe, and 
then (as he descended) the lurid flame smote upwards against 
him, and then he saw the captives lie below him in hell, and 
then the howl of the demons reached his ear when they saw 
the unholy one return, and then he on the bottom stood. And 
when he was there, it seemed to him that to hell's door from the 
place where he had been was roo,ooo miles by measure. And 
he looked round on the ghastly place, and there rose a shriek 
from all the lost, and they cried aloud to the Lord of their 
kingdom — 

There ! be ever thou in evil ! Erst thou wouldst not be good.^ 

As a specimen of the " Judith " poem I extract a passage 
in reference to her dealings with Holofernes. The tenth 
book begins with a vigorous description of a great drinking 
feast given by him, which lasts the whole day till all the 
captains were furiously drunk. As to Holofernes, himself, 
he seems to be drawn direct from some English chief well 
known for drinking prowess. " He laughed and shouted and 
raged so that all his folk heard far away how the stark- 
minded stormed and yelled, full of fierce mirth and mad with 
mead." He bids Judith be led to his tent. A golden fly- 
net hangs between his bed and the drinking chamber, so that 
he could see the guests, but they might not look on him. 
Drunk, he fell on his bed, and Judith stepped forth with plaited 
tresses. And she held a sharp sword, hardened by the storms 
{scuruiii) of battle, *' drew it from the sheath, and called on the 
^ Stopford Brooke, ii. 135, 136. 



APPENDIX III 293 

Ward of Heaven, God the Creator, spirit of consolation." The 
prayer is nobly wrought, brief and forceful, full of passion — 
passion for her country and her God, passion of the woman 
brought so near to shame. " Let me hew down," it ends, "this 
lord of murder ! Venge thou, O God, that which is so angry in 
me, the burning in my heart." The slaughter is then carefully 
described. Her cleverness as she seizes the heathen by the hair 
and tits him for the blow ; her strength as she drives the glittering 
sword half through his throat, and then again smites the heathen 
dog, half-dead, till his head rolled out upon the floor, are as 
vigorously hewn into the verse as the sword into Holofernes. 
" There lay the foul carcase, but the spirit turned to go to the 
deep abyss, and was battened down, with pangs, with worms 
enwound in that snake-hall." 

Book xi. then takes Judith and her " pale-cheeked maid," 
with the head in their bag, out of the sleeping camp, till they see 
the " shining walls of fair Bethulia. There sat on the ramparts 
the burghers, watching, and Judith called on them and the folk 
ran to the gate, men with women, crowding together, stormed 
and raced, old and young in thousands, to meet the divine maid." 
She bids her girl unwrap the bloody head, and Joan of Arc 
could not have made a more impassioned, a more warlike 
speech — 

177. Clearly may ye now, conquering heroes strong ; 

ye leaders of the people gaze upon the head 

of this heathen lord of fight, of this loathliest (of men) 
Holofernes, now unliving, 

who of all men made most of murderous woes for us ! 
185. By the help of God 

1 have wrenched his life away. Now will I bid each of you, 
each burg-dweller, to the battle. 

189. Fit ye for the fighting ! When the God of first beginnings, 
merciful and monarch,^ eastward arises 

bright with the blaze of day, then bear your lindens forward. 
Shield-board sheltering your breast, byrnies for your raiment, 
helmets all a-shining, midst that horde of scathers ; 
felling the folk-leaders with the flashing swords. 
Chieftains cursed for death ! (Courage !), all your foes 
to the death are doomed ! Ye shall have dominion, 
and gain a glory in the battle ; for the greatest Lord 
hath a handsel given through mine hand to you. 



^ Arfeast cyning, *' glorious king," but "Ar" has also the sense of 
compassion. 



294 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

** Then the host of swift ones speedily made ready ; all the 
warriors bold as kings, all the comrades, bore their victory- 
banners and fared into the fight ; forward in right line they moved ; 
all the heroes under helm from the holy burg at the breaking 
of the day. Din there was of shields, loud they rang ; and the 
gaunt wolf of the weald rejoiced, and the black raven greedy of 
slaughter. Well they knew both of them that the heroes thought 
to count out death to the doomed ; ^ and upon their track flew 
the erne, hungry for his fodder ; all his feathers dewy ; dusky was 
his sallow coat ; horny-nebbed, he sang his battle-song. Swiftly 
stepped the chiefs of battle to the field of carnage, with the 
hollow lindens sheltered. . . . Then they let, with valiancy, 
showers of their arrows, adders of the battle, fly from their bows 
of horn, hard-headed bolts. Loudly stormed the warriors fierce, 
and their spears they sent, right into the host of hard ones. . . . 
So the Hebrews showed their foes what the sword-swing 
was." 

By this time the Assyrian host was awake, and Book xii. 
relates how messengers came from the outskirts of the host 
to the chief thegns, and how they roused the standard-bearing 
warrior ; and how they took counsel whether they dared to wake 
Holofernes. Too much at this crisis is made of this poor 
motive. They gather round their lord's tent. No noise awakens 
him. At last, one bolder than the rest breaks in, and lo ! pale 
lay his gold-giver on the bed, robbed of life. " Here lies," he 
cries, " headless, hewn down by sword, our Upholder." All their 
weapons fall ; they fly ; behind them throngs a mighty folk ; the 
Hebrew heroes "hew a path with swords through the press, 
thirsty for the onset of the spear." So fell in dust the nobles of 
Assyria, " left to the will of the wolves, fodder for the fowls of 
slaughter." Then is told the gathering of the spoil. " Proud, 
with plaited locks, the Hebrews brought precious treasures to 
Bethulia's shining burg — helms and hip-seaxes {i.e. short swords), 
bright grey byrnies, and panoplies of warriors inlaid with gold. 
And to Judith, wise and fair of face, they gave the sword and 
bloody helm and eke the huge byrnie of Holofernes all with 
red gold embossed, and his armlets and bright gems. For all 
this she said praise be to the Lord of every folk." Then the 
poem makes a fair ending, tender and gracious, and touched 
with that love of nature which we so often find among the 
English — 

* Or, perhaps, **to furnish for them their fill on the doomed." 



APPENDIX III 29s 

347. To the Lord beloved, for this 

Glory be for widening ages ! Wind and light He shaped of old, 
Sky above and spacious earth, every one of the wild streams, 
And the aether's jubilation — through His own delightfulness.^ 

We will lastly turn to the finest of all Caedmon's poems, 
which is preserved for us on the Ruthwell cross and in the Vercelli 
Codex. I will collect a selection of passages from the translation 
of Professor Stephens, which echoes very fairly the language of 
the original, and which I shall in the main follow. 

• ••••• 

Methought me that I saw 

sudden in mid-air 

mantling with light rays, 

a Marvellous Tree, 

With beams the brightest, 

the pillared beacon 

glittered with gold. 

Its four corners 

were graced with fairest gems, 

while five as bright 

were over the span of the shoulder. 

All the Seraphs beheld it wistful, 

Angel-hosts of endless beauty. 

'Twas no wicked outcast's gallows, 

but holy Spirits 

hied and hasted to greet it, 

with men of our mid earth 

And each mystic orb-king. 

I sin-cankered 

eyed that Wuldor stem 

shining and shimmering 

shrouded with hangings and gold 

flashing with bright jewels 

in lustrous lines 

o'er its lordly timber. 

Yet saw I plainly 

through its golden surface 

how the grim ones had gashed it. 

It began to trickle ; 

red drops from its right side starting. 

Rueful anguish then o'erpowered me 

I feared sorely at that fairest vision. 

As I gazed, the shivering beacon 

all changing, weltered heart-gore sadly, 

and oozing sweat the rich stem crimsoned. 

^ Stopford Brooke, op. cit. ii. 137-143. 



296 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

So I lay long 
looking and sighing, 
beholding with sorrow 
the Healer's tree ; 
till at last its outcry 
leapt forth loudly 
and that wood most blissful 
uttered words. 

It was of yore, 

even yet I mind it, 

when I was hewen down 

at the wood's outskirt. 

By axes torn from the bole 

burly foemen took me straightway. 

Then gangs of thralls lifting me 

they bore me on their bending shoulders 

up to a beetling upland 

where the fierce ones fixed me upright. 

There the "Frea" of mankind I saw 

mightily eager 

to mount me trembling. 

But I durst not, against 

the Drecten's word 

bow me or break, 

though earth's bosom was quaking. 

I could have felled them all 

but I firmly stood. 

The youthful hero, 

(lo the man was God Almighty) ; 

strong of heart and steady minded 

he stept on the lofty gallows 

fearless and spite that crowd of faces. 

To save the tribes of men he would be there. 

I trembled and bevered when that "baron" clasped me 

but I dared not look me earthward. 

*Twas my duty to stand fast. 
*' Rood " was I thus reared, 
bearing the Rich King, 
the Lord of Light-realms ; 
and I durst not stoop. 
Dark-hued nails they drove thro' me 
whose deep scars men can see here, 
^ open chasms made by hammers. 

Yet to kill or hurt them I shuddered. 
They mocked and handled us both, 
and all with blood was I bedabbled 
gushing grievous from his dear side, 
when his ghost he up-rendered. 



APPENDIX III 297 

For days on that hill 

was I sorely troubled. 

For days I saw hanging 

the God of hosts. 

Clouds gloomy and swarthy 

covered the corpse of "the Waldend," 

o'er the sheer shine-path 

heavy shadows fell 

darkly 'neath the welkin. 

All creation wept 

and wailed the loss of their king ! 

Christ was on the Rood-tree. 

But fast and from afar, 

his friends hasted 

to help their atheling. 

I saw everything. 

Sorely was I 

with sorrows harrowed, 

yet humbly I inclined 

towards the hands of his servants, 

striving with might to aid them. 

Straight they took the all-ruling God 

rescuing him from that dire torment. 

Those '* Hilde-rinks" now left me 

streaming with blood drops ; 

with streals was I all wounded. 

They laid him down limb-weary. 

O'er his lifeless head they stood, 

Gazing eagerly at Heaven's chieftain. 

The holy body after the death fight 

rested awhile, "moil-worn." 

Then a mould house {i.e. a grave) they dug. 

Out of bright stone blocks they carved it. 

And there put "the Sovran Victor," 

and sadly sang their grave lays, 

through that eventide ; 

sadly did they carry 

their Lord their Loving Captain. 

Lonesome was his narrow chamber. 

We {i.e. the crosses) awhile 

stood on that steep. 

And then a band of battle men 

rose up. 

His body was now cold, 

and his fair soul-house was sallow. 

And soon they cut us down to earth, 

awful was that fall. 

They then delved a pit, and deeply hid us in it ; 

but the friendly Drecten's thanes 



298 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

found where they had flung us. 
Forth they drew me 
and gleefully bedecked me 
with gold and silver. 
Thus hear thou 
dearest heart-friend 
how I have mournfully borne 
sorest sorrows 
from these miscreants. 
The time is now come 
when far and wide 
men o'er this mould 
worthily honour me. 
And all the world of things 
bends in prayer to this "beacon." 
Once God's bright one 
Z) suffered on my substance. 

Hence why I now rise up 
so stately under heaven. 
And can heal all 
who are "awed" before me. 
Once was I, (and it was 
my heaviest penalty) 
in each land most loathsome. 
Ere the way of Life 
I made wide and open 
to wise and foolish ; 
but the Wuldor Elder, 
Heaven's guardian 
honoured me 
more than any hill tree 
like as his Mother 
Mary herself 
whom Almighty God 
has magnified 
before each one 
over every woman ! 
and now, I bid thee 
dearest heart friend 
• •.••• 

tire not to tell of the Tree of glory 
on which the Prince of Peace 
suffered his passion 
for the many sins 
>^ of Man's children. 

For the olden misdeeds 

of Father Adatn. 

Death he there tasted 

but the Drecten thane breaking 

with his mickle might 

for the help of man, 



APPENDIX III 299 

To heaven he ascended. 

To this our "mid-earth" 

he will come again 

to visit men 

on the Day of Doom. 

He the dread one, 

God Almighty, 

and his angels with him. 

He who hath power of judgment 

will so judge them, 

as each and every one, 

in this miserable life 

their deeds they merited. 

Pale need no one be 

nor panic-stricken, 

at the words which then 

the Waldend will speak. 

• ••••• 

Be there any creature 
who for God's name's sake 
will give Himself up 
to torment and death, 
as on the Tree He did. 

No one need be 

pale and panic-stricken, 

who shall bear on his breast 

this most blessed beacon. 

Thro' the cross each Christian 

may reach the Kingdom 

and his soul soar from earth skyward, 

if it willeth rightly 

to abide with the Waldend. 

• •«••■ 

Then hied I to the beacon 

in blithest mood. 

And with all my heart 

where I lay alone 

in my humble homestead. 

Holy musings 

filled me with flame thoughts. 

Now the hope of my life 
is ever to turn to 
that tree of Triumph. 

And to cling to the Crucified. 
From me are now rent 
My friends, the mightiest. 



300 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

They have sought the Wuldor King 

and found a harbour in heaven 

from our world's pleasaunce, 

with the High Father 

in glee and glory. 

I went each day longingly, 

till the Lord's Cross-tree 

on our earth's platform, 

which I once gazed at 

from the lands of this Care-world 

should call and fetch me 

should take me yonder 

to the City Celestial 

where bliss overfloweth. 

There the Saviour's disciples 

sit at his supper, 

and there is song for ever. 

And there he shall place me 

in that palace wonderful 

where the King shall crown me 

with grace and glory 

among God's hallowed ones. 

Christ will be my friend, 

who on earth erewhile 

underwent torture 

and suffered on the gibbet 

for the sins of men. 

He uplifted us ; 

life he gave us 

and heavenly habitations. 

Bliss and bloom cheered the sad one 

when his banner reached Hell. 



Splendid was his on-march, 

mighty and magnificent 

when he came with multitudes 

of ghostly legions 

to God's high kingdom. 

When he the matchless monarch' 

gave mirth to his angels, 

and to the saints his saved ones, 

who were seated in heaven 

and dwelling in brightness. 

When the Weldend, 

God Almighty 

came to his old home-halls.^ 

^ Stephens, Runic MonumentSy i. 423-429. 



APPENDIX III 301 

Several words in the poem are here given in their old form, 
and need a gloss. Thus : — 

Dryhte7i or Drecten^ Lord, Prince, is also applied to Christ 
and the Father. It is the Scandinavian Drotte?t, and comes 
from the verb to dree, to hold out, to act valiantly and enduringly.^ 

Wuldor^ from the same root as Waldend, wield of power, 
might, majesty, glory, also paradise. 

Athelin^:^^ from athel^ noble = nobling, noble youth, prince, 
especially applied here to the heir-apparent or a prince of the 
blood ; hence to Christ. 

Bever, to quake or tremble. 

Frea, the Frey of the Scandinavians, the god of Peace and 
Bliss, once worshipped on Friday, afterwards used as an epithet 
of honour for a prince or chieftain, and also for Christ and the 
Father. 

Hilde-rink^ hero of Hilde (Bellona). 

Battle-brave^ captain, soldier, man.^ 

^ Stephens, Runic Monuments^ i. 429, note. ^ lb. 429 and 430, notes. 



APPENDIX IV 

THE MEMORIAL CROSSES OF THE SEVENTH 
CENTURY IN NORTHERN ENGLAND 

Among the early monuments of our country few can rival in 
beauty, in artistic interest, and in historical importance the finer 
stone crosses erected in Northern England in early days. They 
have recently aroused a good deal of attention, and have given rise 
to some theories which in my view are so fantastic and so contrary 
to all sound induction and archaeological good sense that I deem 
it necessary to devote some pages to their discussion. This 
fantastic writing has extended to their date, their ornamentation, 
and the meaning and interpretation of their inscriptions where 
such exist. It is not perhaps singular that the writers who have 
published the most impossible theories about them have not 
been Englishmen who have made a long study of our archaeology, 
and have in consequence learnt how to treat our archaeological 
facts in rational perspective, but foreigners, who have had a very 
casual knowledge either of our history or our antiquities. 
America, Germany, and Italy have all furnished critics of the 
subject, whose conclusions are largely based on subjective 
methods which seem to ignore the most elementary facts under- 
lying the issue. Let us now see what these facts are. 

In the first place, these crosses are all clearly Christian. The 
fact that the cross is occasionally found as an ornament in early 
pagan structures is true, but that fact has no connection with 
our issue. Stone crosses, used as memorials or set up as 
symbolic emblems in early times in various places in Britain, are 
unmistakable signs of Christian culture and are so accepted by 
everybody. 

Secondly, such early Christian crosses as specially concern 
us here are limited to certain geographical areas. In regard to 
England they are only found in the North and in the West, and 
are virtually absent, or very scarce, from Wessex, Mercia south of 
the Mersey and the Trent, and East Anglia. The district, how- 
ever, where they abound is almost entirely that situated within 

302 



APPENDIX IV 303 

the boundaries of the kingdoms of Northumbria and Northern 
Mercia. 

Northumbria was divided into two sections by the river Tees, 
each of which was for a while, as we have seen, an independent 
kingdom, and later a sharply contrasted province. The northern 
one was called Bernicia, and the southern one Deira ; the former 
answering to the modern counties of Northumberland, Durham, 
Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Lancashire north of the Lune, 
and the latter to the county of York. 

In describing the great wooden cross set up by King Oswald 
at Heavenfield, near Hexham, where he defeated and killed the 
British King Caedwalla in the year 635, Bede says : " As we have 
understood, there was no sign of the Christian faith, no church, 
no altar erected throughout all the nation of the Bernicians, 
before that new commander of the army, prompted by the 
devotion of his faith, set up the banner of the cross as he was 
going to give battle to his barbarous enemy." ^ 

The year 635, therefore, is a notable date as a termi?ius a quo 
in fixing the chronology of the crosses of Bernicia. In regard to 
Deira, or Yorkshire, the possibilities are somewhat different, since 
that area was the scene of the labours of a Christian mission 
in the earlier reign of King vEdwin, under Paulinus and his 
protege James the Deacon. In a work on St. Augustine the 
Missionary, which I recently published, I followed the current 
view that one or two of the Yorkshire crosses and those at 
Whalley in Lancashire may have been contemporary memorials 
of the mission of Paulinus. I now think this is unlikely, and 
that they were probably set up some years afterwards as 
memorials of the proto-evangelist of Northumbria. No such 
memorials mark anywhere the mission of Augustine in the 
South, and as Paulinus was a Roman by origin and belonged to 
that mission, it is unlikely that he would have adopted the 
practice in the North, nor do any of these stone crosses recall 
the ornament and style derived from Rome or known in Italy or 
Gaul at that time. I now believe that all these stone crosses are 
of a later date. 

The first memorial crosses existing in the North about whose 
date there can be no doubt are those which were found at 
Hartlepool and elsewhere, which are ear-marked as to date and 
significance by their inscriptions as well as by their style. I 
have already described them and discussed their inscriptions, 
^ Bede, Ecci. Hist.^ iii. ch. 2. 



304 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

which show that they belong to the second half of the seventh 
century. They are unmistakably of Irish origin and due to 
the mission of St. Aidan. I have given figures of some 
of them, and also a representation of specimens of some from 
Ireland in the plates. A cross of similar style is preserved 
on a slab at Jarrow, and was doubtless the foundation-stone 
of the church. A fragment of a cross also of the same type 
was found by Dr. Greenwell at Bellingham, near Durham, and 
is now in the British Museum. It is inscribed "Orate pro F." 
My friend, Professor Lethaby, says of this inscription : " It is 
written in beautiful minuscules that must have been written by 
a learned scribe. ... A fragment of a cross from Dewsbury in 
the same museum is also inscribed in good minuscules, and it 
cannot be far removed in age from the other. Its date must be 
about 700." 

It is not these small funereal crosses, however, that are oc- 
cupying us now, and we will turn to the real purpose of this 
essay, namely, the discussion of some of the magnificent series 
of crosses and cross fragments which have been found in 
Northumbria, of which the most notable are those at Bewcastle 
and Ruthwell, which are such splendid examples and which really 
mark a great epoch in the history of the ornamental art of this 
realm. Such crosses seem to have been put up partly to mark 
sacred spots where baptisms and other services were afterwards 
held by the itinerant missionaries, or as memorials, etc. In the 
life of St. Willibald, who was born about the year 700, we read 
that when he was about three years old his parents made a 
dedication of him before the great cross of our Lord and Saviour. 
" For it is the custom of the Saxon race that on many of the 
estates of nobles and of good men, they are wont to have, not a 
church, but the standard of the Holy Cross, dedicated to our 
Lord and reverenced with great honour, lifted up on high." Let 
us now turn to the date of these crosses. 

Before dealing with the question directly, I should like to say 
a few words about the theories which have been enunciated by 
some foreign archseologists, and notably by an American writer, 
Professor Cook, and by others who seem to me to be entirely 
unconscious of the immense mass of work that has been done 
by English archaeologists, who have worked for several decades 
on strictly inductive lines to illuminate and trace the origin and 
progress of English art. These foreign critics have, so far as can 
be judged, only an elementary knowledge of our monuments. 



APPENDIX IV 305 

It is forgotten by some archceologists that that science is 
only a branch of history, and that a preliminary study of the 
history of a country is absolutely necessary if we are to explain, 
and especially to date, its monuments. First, then, I would 
explain the very elementary fact that English history is divided 
sharply into two great provinces by the Norman Conquest. 
That conquest displaced the nobles and gentry of this realm 
(that is, the educated classes) almost en bloc. Its effect on the 
personnel of the Church was almost as great as it was in regard 
to the civil grandees. French-speaking and thinking priests filled 
most of the dioceses and rapidly monopolised the canonries and 
other dignified posts. Some of the monasteries retained for a 
while their English complexion, nor did the speech of the 
country begin to change for a time, otherwise the life of 
the educated people and the priesthood changed almost entirely. 
Architecture and the other arts received a new impetus and 
developed greatly. 

By the middle of the twelfth century the change had become 
very marked in all these matters, and, as is well known, the old 
language had then become so obsolete that Latin translations of 
the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle became necessary, works composed 
in Anglo-Saxon entirely ceased to be written, while the ver- 
nacular speech became almost entirely disused in the scrip- 
toria of the monks. Meanwhile England became covered with 
fair minsters and parish churches, of which large numbers 
remain, which have been minutely studied and their architectural 
and sculptural details classified and described. It is doubtful, 
indeed, whether there is anything new to learn of any moment 
in regard to the arts of the twelfth century in England. 

Now it is to the twelfth century that the Commendatore 
Rivoira ^ and Professor Cook ^ attribute such splendid and 
unique monuments of art as the great Northern memorial 
crosses. I have no hesitation in saying (and I am sure I shall 
be supported by every English writer having any claim to 
authority on the question of the history of English art, especially 
ecclesiastical art) that there is no single feature about these crosses 
or their ornamentation which in the least resembles English artistic 
work of the twelfth century or can be found in any work attested 

^ Lombardic Architecture (1910), vol. ii. p. 143 ; and Burlington 
Magazine y April 191 2. 

^ "The Date of the Ruthwell and Bewcastle Crosses," Trans. Conn. Acad, 
of Arts and Sciences, Dec. 1 91 2. 
VOL. III. — 20 



306 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

by documentary evidence to belong to the twelfth century in any 
part of these realms. Nor, may I say very emphatically, can 
anything like it be found in remains of that date in any part of 
continental Europe. I had written this when I met with the 
following sentence in which my friend. Sir Moncure Conway, has 
expressed with his usual facile pen the general conclusion which 
most, if not all, archaeologists in this country have reached 
on the issue before us. He says: "Take a photograph of 
either the Ruthwell or the Bewcastle cross, which Professor 
Cook would assign to the twelfth century, and place beside 
it a photograph of any undoubted work of twelfth-century 
decorative sculpture, they will at once be seen to be expressive 
of different worlds. The ideal behind the one is not the ideal 
behind the other." 

Let us now turn from the character of the art on these 
monuments to another, perhaps an even more effective, argument. 
The principal crosses we are dealing with are inscribed ; they not 
only have the names of well-known kings and saints upon them, 
but also have whole sentences, and in one case a large section 
of a fine poem. First, in regard to the names. It must be 
remembered that to the early Norman conquerors the history 
of their predecessors and their literature in the vernacular was 
not only inaccessible but hateful. The Anglo-Saxon kings and 
saints were no heroes to them. They did not know their names 
except in two or three conspicuous cases, and they cared nothing 
about their deeds. So far did this extend that in the case of a 
majority of the churches the dedications were changed from those 
of Saxon saints to other saints especially favoured by the Normans, 
and so far as we can see, the change effected by the Conquest 
of 1066 was as far-reaching and complete in England as the 
French Revolution was when it replaced the ancient regime. 

How is it, then, that on these crosses not a single Norman 
name occurs, either of prince or priest or saint, not one ? They 
are all Anglian names. 

Not only so, but the great bulk of them are names of more 
or less obscure persons who had entirely passed out of living 
memory and whose very existence has only been rediscovered 
in modern times. How could it enter the imagination of any 
man, however fantastic, to" suppose that in the twelfth century 
wealthy Norman chiefs or churchmen (only men of wealth could 
have paid for such monuments) were urged by an afflatus for 
commemorating in this magnificent fashion a whole bevy of 



APPENDIX IV 307 

people who had passed away several centuries before, and were 
no longer remembered by any one ? 

Again, these names and inscriptions are written in two forms 
of script, some of them in runic characters and some in Roman 
minuscules. Who that has any knowledge of our history could 
suppose that inscriptions could have been written at all in English 
runes in England in the twelfth century ; a fortiori^ inscriptions 
written so accurately? The only instance of runes known to 
me in England from so late a date as the twelfth century is that 
of the inscription on the font at Bride Kirk, which is situated in 
a very Scandinavian part of England. The runes on this 
inscription, however, are not English runes at all, but Scandi- 
navian ones, and have nothing to do with the runes on the 
crosses. The whole notion can only have occurred to one 
unfamiliar with the history of our monuments. The forms of 
the Roman letters also used in the inscriptions are just as in- 
consistent with their belonging to the twelfth century as the 
runes, for they are written in Irish minuscules quite unknown 
to Norman scribes. 

Thirdly, in regard to the inscriptions other than names, and 
especially the poetry. Who was there in the twelfth century who 
could have written the Northumbrian tongue in this fashion so 
accurately and, as we have seen, in so early a form ? Who, again, 
was to read it when written ? — it was quite obsolete at that date 
and long before that date. What purpose, what motive could have 
induced these Normans to set up in out-of-the-way villages and in 
mountain graveyards these most costly monuments in memory 
of forgotten people and in a speech which no one could read ? 

The fact is that, instead of setting up crosses in this fashion 
and taste, the early Normans ruthlessly destroyed them, in 
their widespread efforts, which were especially potent in the 
twelfth century, to replace the more or less humble Anglian 
churches by the great Norman minsters and parish churches of 
the twelfth century which especially abound in our land. 

On this matter my acute friend (who did so much for 
the illustration of early art in these realms), Romilly Allen, 
wrote : " The Normans showed but little respect for the 
sepulchral monuments of their Celtic and Saxon predecessors, 
and when about to erect a church or cathedral the first thing 
they did was to break up all the crosses which were on or near 
the site and use them as wall-stones." ^ 

^ Vict. Hist, of Northamptonshire^ ii. 191, note. 



308 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

These historical considerations seem to me to be entirely 
conclusive, and to be much more weighty than any but the 
clearest archaeological testimony. Now it happens that Professor 
Cook's dating of the ornamentation on these crosses is quite 
impossible. Professor C. Balfour Brown, in his answer to his 
contention that they belong to the twelfth century, says " It 
might more easily present itself to one who regards these 
crosses as isolated objects, than to those who know them as 
they really are, only the most elaborate and beautiful of a series 
of monuments similar in kind, the number of which must 
run into the thousands, for there are no fewer than five hundred 
in Yorkshire alone. . . . Professor Cook takes no note of the fact 
that a good many of the stones have come to light in a fragment- 
ary condition, used as building material in mediaeval walls, some 
of which are of pre-Conquest date." ^ As one example out of 
many. Professor Brown cites the case of the west wall of the 
church of Kirkdale, in Yorkshire, which is dated by the famous 
inscribed sun-dial to within a year or two of 1060 a.d. This 
had built into it, low down, a beautiful tomb slab with char- 
acteristic foliage scroll-work of the Anglian type. On some of 
Professor Cook's judgments on archaeology which led him to put 
the crosses into the twelfth century, Professor Brown has some 
useful comments. Thus in regard to the representation of the 
Baptist and the Agnus Dei, of which Professor Cook writes that it 
cannot, according to indication, be earlier than the twelfth century, 
his critic reminds him that in another passage he had himself 
mentioned an early monument, probably of the sixth century, 
the ivory chair of Maximian at Ravenna, on which the principal 
figure is a John the Baptist with a lamb of the very type found 
on the crosses. In regard to the representation of the Annunci- 
ation and the Visitation, Dr. Stuhlfauth has specially emphasised 
the fact (as confirmatory of the early date of the Ruthwell cross) 
that the primitive Syro-Palestinian type of the Annunciation with 
the standing Mary makes its appearance on that monument; 
while the Visitation occurs on the golden medallions from Adana 
at Constantinople, published by Dr. Strzygofski, and which are 
of the sixth and seventh century, and is also represented on 
the chair of Maximian. The flight into Egypt, says Professor 
Brown, which according to Professor Cook does not appear in 
Christian art till the tenth or eleventh century, occurs in these 
medallions in a form that reminds us curiously of the relief on 
^ Burlington Magazine, vol. xxiii. p. 44. 



APPENDIX IV 309 

the Ruthwell cross, with the tree that is placed above the head of 
the ass.^ It also occurs at St. Maria Maggiore.^ The Christ 
which occurs in the scene of the washing of the feet of Christ by 
the woman of Samaria on the Ruthwell cross is very like the 
glorified Christ on both the great western crosses, and is an early 
type. In reply to the American Professor's remark about the 
representation of the Crucifixion which occurs on the Ruthwell 
cross, and which he says is first found in a seventh-century Roman 
painting, Professor Brown reminds him that he has overlooked its 
representation on the wooden doors of St. Sabina at Rome, and 
on a British Museum ivory, both of the fifth century ; and in both 
cases the Saviour is shown lightly clad, as on the Ruthwell cross. 
This Christ in the attitude of benediction also occurs on the 
wooden coffin of St. Cuthbert at Durham. Lastly, in regard to the 
royal falconer, " who is represented on the Ruthwell cross wearing 
long hair. Everybody," says Professor Brown, *' knows that the 
Normans cut their hair short like priests, and their heads were 
shaven at the back, as is shown on the Bayeux tapestry, while 
the Saxons were characterised by an ample chevelure.^^ ^ 

Summing up the results of his analysis. Professor Brown says 
that "An examination of Professor Cook's critique on the 
carving of the crosses leads to exactly the opposite result to that 
he aimed at, as it tends to confirm the view of their early date, 
and at any rate to place them convincingly in the Saxon 
period. . . . The single fact that in all the foliage of the two 
crosses there is nowhere a trace of the classical acanthus seems 
almost to force one to place them earlier than the Carlovingian 
renaissance.""* 

I do not propose to say another word about this twelfth- 
century delusion. Let us now turn to pre-Conquest days. 
Here, again, we can divide English history into two notable 
sections, separated by great race-changes and otherwise. 

During the ninth century England was persistently invaded 
and harassed by the most cruel invasion which ever tormented 
it, namely, the Danes and Norsemen. They destroyed nearly all 
the monasteries in the country and a large part of the churches, 
and for one hundred years the poverty-stricken and impoverished 
country could build no fresh ones, so that there is a great hiatus 
of a whole century in English art during the ninth century. 

^ Burlington Magazine^ xxiii. 44. 

2 Circa 435 ; Lethaby, Burlington Magazine, xxiii. 49. 

'/*• 43-45- ^Ib.6,S' 



3 1 o GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Especially was this destruction felt in its richest and most 
flourishing part, namely, Northumbria, where the pagan piratical 
invaders displaced the older landowners and divided the land 
among them. Christianity was really only restored there after 
the baptism of Canute. Between the accession of Canute and 
the Norman Conquest there was a certain renaissance of 
English art. Churches were again built, some on a larger and 
more ornamented scale than before, and crosses were also 
erected. These crosses, however, were decorated with a different 
kind of ornament to those existing on the crosses we are dis- 
cussing. 

Apart from this, the inscriptions on the latter are quite incon- 
sistent with their having belonged to the post-Danish conquest. 
The runes that are found on the later crosses belong to another 
type of rune, namely, that which prevailed in Scandinavia, as we 
should expect from their Danish origin, and are not of the English 
type such as we find on the Bewcastle and other similar crosses. 
The language on the latter series of crosses is also quite incon- 
sistent with their being post-Danish. It is pure Northumbrian 
of an early type, and contains neither Danish words nor traces 
of Danish syntax such as occur on the later crosses, when the 
speech of Yorkshire had become Dano-English. The names 
recorded on the older crosses, again, are purely English names 
written in their Northumbrian form ; not one of them is a Danish 
name, and, as I have said, many of them are names of obscure 
persons and not the least likely to have been commemorated 
on monuments by the Danish landowners of Yorkshire in the 
tenth and eleventh century, who were separated completely in 
tradition from the older men, not only by their belonging to 
another race but by the hundred years of restored paganism. 

All this was apparently unknown to Dr. Sophus Miiller, a 
deservedly high authority on Danish antiquities, but with no 
special or direct knowledge of our archceology and, what is 
also much more important, ignorant also of our history. In 
a work entitled Dyre or?iamentike7i i IVorden, published at 
Copenhagen in 1880, he dates our crosses not earlier than the 
year 1000, on the astonishing ground that their decoration 
belongs to the late Carlovingian period, with which it has in 
fact no connection whatever, in style or otherwise. Nothing 
can be plainer than that none of the crosses of the type we are 
discussing have anything to do with the ninth, tenth, or eleventh 
centuries. Thus by a process of exhaustion we are obliged 







The Figure of the Saviour on the Rushworth and Bewcastle 
Crosses, showing the same Treatment. 



[I'o/. I [ [., facing p. 310. 



APPENDIX IV 311 

to treat the close of the eighth century as the terminus ad que7n 
of our journey. 

Let us therefore turn to the earliest period of Northumbrian 
Christian history, and especially to that which intervened between 
the advent of the Celtic monks under Aidan in the seventh century 
and year 800. Here we have a different story to tell. All the 
reasons which I have quoted as conclusively proving the impossi- 
bility of these crosses having been erected later than the year 800, 
converge upon the probability, or rather certainty, that they were 
erected before the year 800. The runic letters on them belong 
to that period, the language on them is exactly of that period, 
the known names on them are all of persons who lived at that 
period, and the poetry which occurs on the finest of them was, 
as we have seen, composed by a Northumbrian poet who lived 
in that period ; nor do I know of a single fact or argument that 
is opposed to that conclusion except arguments drawn from a 
priori and subjective considerations, and which are all full of 
stupendous difficulties. I shall take it for granted, therefore, 
that the crosses we are discussing were erected in the seventh 
or eighth century. If we concede this we must reasonably 
further insist that they were erected during the lifetime or very 
soon after the death of those commemorated upon them or 
bearing their names. It is mere arbitrary wilfulness to discard 
this evidence without some kind of reason. So far as I know 
there is no assignable reason which can be supported by argu- 
ment in favour of dating these crosses at any other period 
than that attested by the names occurring on them and by all the 
other facts we know about them. Let me quote two instances 
drawn from some of the biggest and most important of these 
X crosses. 

First, that at Bewcastle, with which the Ruthwell cross is 
closely associated. As we saw, this cross is expressly dated in 
the first year of the reign of King Ecgfrid — that is, in the year 
670, and I have no doubt whatever that it was erected in that 
year. 

The second of these monuments which I would mention 
is Trumwine's cross at Abercorn. Trumwine was appointed 
Bishop of the Picts at Abercorn in the year 681. The Pictish 
Mission Church came to an end in 684, when Trumwine was 
driven away, having been the first and last Anglo-Pictish 
Bishop. This cross must, therefore, have been set up between 
681 and 684. It is quite incredible that it could have been set 



:t\, 



3 1 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

up after the latter date, when the Picts killed King Ecgfrith and 
put an end to the domination of the Northumbrians over their 
people. The last thing the Picts would have done would have 
been to set up a cross in honour of a Northumbrian bishop 
whom they had expelled. 

Thirdly and lastly, I would quote Acca's cross, formerly at 
Hexham and now at Durham, which bears his name. His 
career as bishop ranges from 709 to 740. 

These three crosses, being among the three most important 
both in size and in ornamentation of all the Northumbrian ones, 
clearly belong to the latter part of the seventh and the very 
beginning of the eighth century. This is also the view of the 
former Slade Professor, my friend Sir Martin Conway, who says 
of the two great Western crosses : " For me they belong to the 
late seventh or early eighth century and nowhere else — late 
Celtic for choice." ^ So far as we know, they are among the very 
earliest of these crosses, and it is no doubt a notable fact 
and one to be carefully remembered, that being very early 
examples they yet offer us specimens of the very highest and 
most tasteful decoration which occurs on this type of cross. 
There is no sign whatever of immaturity or of a prentice hand 
among them, and whoever made them and whencesoever they 
came the artificers were very skilled workmen as well as artists, 
and must somewhere have had some excellent models. 

The next question that arises is, who were these artists and 
whence did they come ? The question is a very difficult one to 
answer. We may, however, by a process of exclusion limit the 
problem considerably. 

It is perfectly plain that these crosses and the ornaments 
they bear were not developed out of anything previously existing 
in these islands. Nothing like them is to be found at an earlier 
date either in England, Ireland, or Scotland, and yet they 
appear here not in an immature and elementary form, but in 
full-blown beauty, the earliest ones being the most perfect, 
most beautiful, and most important from their size and dis- 
tinction. It is equally plain that we can find nothing like 
them in the West of Europe. They are non-existent in Germany, 
France, or south of the Pyrenees, notably in France, whence so 
much of our early artistic work, our buildings, church furniture, 
plate, etc., were derived. 

Italy at this time was a land of desolation and decrepitude. 
^ Burlington Magazine^ vol. xxiv. pp. 85 and 86. 




Portion of a Cross found at Jedhurgh. 

From Stuart's Monumental Stones of Scotland. To be compared with the 
Bewcastle Cross and the Fragments at Hexham. 



\\'ol. in.t facing- p. 312. 



APPENDIX IV 313 

Goths, Vandals, and the early Lombards had trampled upon it in 
all directions, and such times were not consistent with the rise or 
development of a kind of ornament both strong and artistic. 
On the other hand, the Lombards were still in their barbarous 
condition, only recently converted to orthodoxy, and had not yet 
developed their architectural skill of a later time. 

It is plain, in fact, that the only parts of Italy where the arts 
maintained a certain lethargic and crystallised form were those 
immediately influenced by Byzantium through its colony at 
Ravenna, or which had spread at second hand thence. Some 
people have suggested as possible that Ravenna may have been 
the source of the art of the great Northumbrian crosses. I 
cannot for a moment accept this. The art which most of us 
know well and which flourished at Ravenna was attractive 
and original in its aims and products, but it had, so far as 
I can see, no direct connection with that displayed on these 
crosses. The figures and the interlaced tracery of vines with 
small animals among the branches are diff"erently treated to 
anything known to me at Ravenna, nor can we well see what 
could induce any artists or patrons of art to come hither from 
Ravenna, whose Archbishop and whose people, although orthodox, 
were on bad terms with the ecclesiastical authorities at Rome, 
and were very seclusive. At this time, again, in Ravenna they 
were shut off from intercourse with the West by the unruly 
Lombards and many other difliculties, and we have no evidence 
that they were in communication with the West. 

We are driven, therefore, to seek for our explanation farther 
afield, however difficult the process may at first sight appear. 
There can be no doubt that when the Mohammedans made 
their terrible onslaught on the Empire in the time of Heraclius 
and his family the areas where the arts were most flourishing 
and perhaps most fresh and living were Syria, Asia Minor, 
and Egypt. In regard to the former districts our eyes have 
been immensely opened of late years, and we have been shown 
how there had been a renaissance there in the times succeeding 
the great Constantine, which had produced a very decided 
advance in the methods of building in which architectural and 
mechanical processes and developments had taken place, re- 
sembling in a measure the similar movement we call the Italian 
renaissance. 

This was accompanied by a similar growth in the style of 
ornament which we find so largely developed in the minor 



314 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

elements of the churches' furniture, such as the sarcophagi, etc. 
Like other similar movements, this was doubtless not a 
spontaneous growth, but the result of a graft and of fresh ideas, 
in this case from the very flourishing and artistically remarkable 
Sassanian Empire. The combination of this with the traditions 
of Old Rome produced especially in Asia Minor and Syria a 
new kind of artistic growth which has been much illustrated by 
the researches of Strzygofski and Miss Bell. 

A contemporary and similar development was meanwhile tak- 
ing place among the Christian Copts of Egypt, which has been a 
revelation to us all, and has been especially illustrated by my 
friend Mr. Somers Clarke and others. It is in these areas, and 
these only so far as my knowledge goes, that the kind of decor- 
ative art which occurs in the early Northern crosses is to be 
found, and especially is this so in the Coptic remains, which have 
been attracting more and more attention of late years and of 
which some attractive samples have found their way to this 
country recently. The first temptation among many people will 
be to treat this provenance for our seventh-century Northern 
art as in a measure a fantastic notion, but some consideration 
may perhaps modify this view, especially as by a process of 
exhaustion it seems impossible to solve the paradox in any other 
way. 

In the first place, then, we must remember that the seventh 
century was the great era of the primitive monks and anchorites, 
who were then seized with an indescribable fervour for the 
monastic life. The result was to break down all kinds of 
geographical boundaries and frontiers, and to create a cosmo- 
politanism among the recluses which was amazing. A feeling 
of brotherhood and kinship pervaded them all, whatever their 
complexion, their speech, or their blood. Especially cosmo- 
politan were the Irish Columban clergy ; some in search of 
solitude, others in search of learning, seem to have found their 
way into every corner of Central Europe — as far as Iceland 
and perhaps Norway in the North, and as far as the recesses of 
the Apennines in Italy and of the Alpine country, while France 
was dotted with their settlements. 

It must be remembered that to these primitive monks and 
hermits the Mecca and focus of their craft and profession was 
Egypt, in the sandy wastes of which there were vast numbers 
of them in large communities, who there developed not only 
their special forms of asceticism, but also their forms of learning, 



APPENDIX IV 315 

and who bestrewed the land with great monasteries and many 
churches of a most interesting type both in design and ornament. 

Again, it must be remembered that it was in the seventh 
century the Mohammedan Arabs overwhelmed the countries 
we are referring to and largely destroyed their religious life, 
and scattered their monks and clergy in various directions. 
The result was the flooding of the Italian peninsula and Sicily 
with Greek monks and priests ; Greek monasteries sprang up 
there, even in Rome, and Greek ecclesiastics made their way to 
the higher offices in the Church, being doubtless patronised and 
supported by the great Emperor and his officials. It is a most 
noteworthy fact that at this time quite a number of Greeks in 
succession became Popes, and so far as we can discover mtro- 
duced a good many changes into the cults and ritual of the 
Latin Church. 

It was not only Italy where this took place, but in far-off 
Britain, where Rome had its own specially cherished mission. 
We had a Greek in the Metropolitan see at Canterbury, and 
another Greek at the head of the senior English monastery, that 
of St. Augustine's at Canterbury, and we further know that here 
and in Ireland there was a special fervour for studying Greek at 
this time unmatched elsewhere in Europe, and virtually unknown 
in Gaul. There was also a constant moving to and fro of 
students and scholars in search of fresh methods of learning and 
teaching. Nuns rivalled monks in their pursuit of knowledge 
and their aptitude at composing classical verses. 

Meanwhile the fashion for travel was stimulated by the 
desire of visiting Rome, the Western capital of Christendom, 
and Jerusalem, the birthplace of the Faith. All this was very 
especially the case in these realms, and notably in Ireland. We 
cannot doubt that among these pilgrims and travellers there 
must have been some who brought back visions of the fine 
churches and fine services they had noticed, and brought back, 
too, patterns and samples of the artistic work they had seen. 

It is not so wonderful, therefore, that at this time the 
renascent style of ornament which had grown up in the rich 
and prosperous lands of the Seleucidae and the Ptolemies, 
and been especially cultivated by the provincial inhabitants 
of those Roman provinces, should have found their way to 
Britain. It is noteworthy that it came not to the South of 
England, where such remains are virtually not found, but to the 
North, where the ecclesiastical movement was so full of life, and 



3 1 6 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

where it was especially cherished by the clergy of the Irish 
mission, who founded the famous school of Neo-Celtic art at 
Lindisfarne. 

It is noteworthy, too, that some of the very finest and earliest 
of the crosses we are discussing have been found not in 
the eastern parts of the Northumbrian land but in the lands 
bordering the Solway Firth, where we have evidence that there 
was a port at which there was much commerce not only with 
Ireland but with the Continent, namely, Ravenglas. All this 
converges on the probability that the crosses we are discussing 
had their inspiration in the Coptic art of Egypt or the Neo- 
Roman art of Syria and the prosperous lands of Asia Minor. 

The view here expressed, that the art of the earliest Anglian 
crosses came from Egypt and Syria, was reached independently 
by myself, and it was only after the previous remarks were 
written that I was greatly pleased to find that I had the support 
of greater authorities than myself, and notably my distinguished 
friends, Dalton and Lethaby. Dalton unhesitatingly attributes 
the crosses to the seventh century. In regard to the sculptures 
on them, he says on page 103 of his Byzantine Art and 
ArchcEology: "Reasons are advanced elsewhere (p. 236) for the 
belief that this really remarkable sculpture, which decayed almost 
as suddenly as it arose, must have been inspired from foreign 
(East Christian) sources." 

Turning to the reference here made on page 236, Mr. Dalton, 
speaking of the sculpture on the Bewcastle and Ruthwell crosses, 
says : '' It appears very suddenly and decays with great rapidity ; 
its rise and fall are those of an exotic art which flourishes during 
the persistence of exceptional conditions but is unable to 
maintain itself when they are withdrawn. The half-figure of 
Christ at Rothbury, not a hundred years later than the Bewcastle 
cross, shows all the symptoms of decadence, the staring eyes, 
the elongated lips, the drapery channelled rather than modelled, 
are all evidence of a growing incapacity. . . . With the crosses of 
Aycliffe and Ilkley, and the fragment from Gainford, the decay 
is complete : the human figures have almost shrunk to con- 
ventional hieroglyphs without pretence to natural truth. It can 
hardly be doubted, therefore, that this meteoric appearance of 
a monumental sculpture in Northumbria must be ascribed to 
external influence. To the question from what quarter this 
influence proceeded there is only one probable answer : it must 
in the first instance have come from the east of the Mediter- 



APPENDIX IV 317 

ranean. Neither in Ireland, nor in the Prankish dominions, nor 
in Italy do we know any sculpture at all comparable with this, or 
any art in which the human figure is treated with greater ability." ^ 

Let me now turn to Professor Lethaby, who has written so 
ably on these crosses. He points out that a sculpture which 
has a striking resemblance to the figures on our crosses is 
illustrated by Mr. Dalton in his Figure 85. This is Coptic. 
Speaking of the braided patterns on the Bewcastle cross, he 
derives them from Coptic sources, and he quotes Dalton as 
attributing " the diagonal key pattern " or " skew fret " on these 
same crosses to Eastern sources, while he himself derives it 
from Coptic textiles or manuscripts such as the Book of 
Durrow and in the Lindisfarne gospels, "Unless," he adds, "as 
I believe is probable. Eastern artists themselves brought their 
traditions." He similarly attributes the foliage pattern on the 
Bewcastle cross where the scrolls interlace to Coptic prototypes,^ 
and he concludes : *' I am entirely satisfied that the Ruthwell 
cross is a seventh-century monument, and I believe that its art 
tyf>es were derived from Coptic sources." ^ 

Another piece of notable evidence in this behalf is to be 
found in the very singular fact that among the unusual in- 
cidents figured on the Ruthwell cross one represents the meeting 
of the two anchorites Paul and Anthony in the Egyptian 
desert.'* 

Another proof of the early date of these crosses is deducible 
from the forms of the letters in which the inscriptions which 
are not written in runes are set out. On this Mr. Lethaby has 
some very useful remarks. He says the pure alphabet in which 
the Latin inscriptions are written is in an Irish form of script. 
They resemble those on the early grave slabs found at Hartle- 
pool, and are of an entirely different character to the inscribed 
dedication-stone of the church at Jarrow, a work of the Roman 
school. The Ruthwell inscription is certainly in the Celtic tradi- 
tion.^ On the same subject, Mr. Lethaby writes elsewhere : — 

" At my suggestion. Miss D. Moxon, of the Royal College of 
Art, made some time ago a close study of the alphabet of 
the Latin inscription, and this she allows me to reproduce. . . . 

* Byzantine Art and Archaology, p. 236. 

^See Dalton, Figure 27 and Figures 22, 23, 24, and 25 for single scrolls. 
' Burlington Magazine, vol. xxi. p. 146. 

* See Lethaby, Arch. Journal ^ Ixx. 145 and 146. 
^ lb. 147. 



3 1 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

There can be no doubt that the result gives us a semi-Irish 
hand such as was in use in Northumbria about the year 700. 
The X, for instance, is Hke the famous great X of the Book of 
Kells. ... I would point out one rather remarkable coincidence 
regarding the contractions I H S . X P S. On the Ruthwell 
cross the Greek H is improperly represented by the 
letter h. Now on the Gospels from Bobbio in the National 
Library at Turin the letters are rendered in exactly the 
same way, I h S." ^ Again he says : " A curious form of & 
occurs on the Ruthwell cross, and a somewhat similar symbol 
for it is common in Saxon and Irish MSS., including 
the Book of Kells." ^ In a later paper Mr. Lethaby adds : 
" I should now like to make the correction that the sign 
for & is much more like that found in Irish MSS. than 
was shown. ... A similar symbol is found on the 
Welsh cross at Caldey Island, and on a Cornish cross at 
Lauherne." ^ 

Turning from the inscriptions in Romano-Irish letters to 
those written in runes, about which there has also been some 
mystification, the evidence seems to me to entirely confirm the 
other facts here adduced. In the first place, it is a strong 
argument in favour of the early date for the Ruthwell cross that 
so long an inscription should have been written at all in runes 
and not in Roman letters, which superseded them at an early 
date even on the crosses. The runes used in this country were 
of two series, an early series known as English runes and a later 
one which was especially developed in Scandinavia and was 
used in England by the Danes and Norwegians of a later date. 
They differ from each other in details rather than substantially. 
It has been argued that in the case of these crosses some of the 
runes point to a later date for the inscriptions than the seventh 
century. 

That the runes on the crosses are English runes and 
do not belong to the Scandinavian series is beyond doubt. 
Long ago Dr. Duncan in his memoir on the Ruthwell cross in 
the New Statistical Account of Scotland^ written in 1845, said: 
"The runes are not Danish, but Anglo-Saxon, a discovery which 
seems to have been made by Grimm, which establishes that the 
date must be sought for during the Heptarchy. . . . Repp has 

* Burlington Magazine^ vol. xxi. p. 145. 

^ lb, vol. xxiii. p. 48. 

^ Arch. Journal^ vol. Ixx. p. 147, note. 



APPENDIX IV 319 

discovered that the runic alphabet is widely different from that 
employed by the Danes." 

The only reasonable objections which have been made to 
the conclusions here urged were raised by Dr. Baldwin Brown, 
who otherwise agrees with the view that the crosses are of the 
earliest type. He says, speaking of the cross head at Ruthwell, 
that he has not been able to find any cross heads so like the 
Ruthwell example of earlier date than examples from Rothbury, 
Northumberland, and others built into the Norman walling of 
the chapter-house at Durham, and dated by their position 
between the years 1000 and 1083. In regard to this. Professor 
Lethaby says conclusively : "The cross head has been falsified 
in restoration ; the second curve in the lower arm had no 
existence before the cross was broken." ^ 

Dr. Brown also urges that two of the runes in the inscription 
are of a later date. In regard to this we must remember that 
the Ruthwell cross inscription is by far the longest one we know 
written in English runes. If we exclude it we have very few 
inscriptions, and these short and unimportant, belonging to the 
earlier time extant. It would under these circumstances be very 
rash to base a wide induction which would be at issue with 
all the other evidence we possess on negative testimony. As Mr. 
Lethaby says : " The inscriptions are so few that a complete 
alphabet cannot be made up from them. Now it happens that 
the need for the particular runic letters which are objected to 
does not, I believe, occur at all in the short series, so that it is 
impossible to say they would not have been used."^ 

To this I would add that the two characters in question, 
answering to G and K, are ^X^ and y+v , and neither of them 
occurs among the Scandinavian runes. Stephens in his vast 
corpus of runic inscriptions has analysed the usage of the 
runic characters very minutely, and tells us that among the 
old Northern runes, by which he means those older than the 
Viking times, there are only two forms of the rune for K, one 
/^Y\ o" the Ruthwell cross, and p4^ on the Bewcastle cross, 
showing that the former is a mere variant. This is still more 
clear from the fact that on the Ruthwell cross itself h. also occurs 
as a variant of the same letter. 

In regard to the other rune which stands for G, I can 
only find it twice among the hundred inscriptions described by 
^ Arch, Journal^ vol. Ixx. p. 155. 2 /^^ p^ 1^5^ 



3 20 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Stephens. On the table in vol. i. of his great work, p. 125, may 
be seen, however, quite a number of variants of this letter closely 
allied to it in form, showing that it is a mere accidental variety. 
It is clear, therefore, that any argument based on these two 
accidental runes must be a very fragile one, and hardly weighs in 
the balance at all compared with the mass of evidence on the 
other side. 

This concludes my analysis of the dates of the great crosses 
at Bewcastle and Rush worth and Abercorn; a large series of others 
may be approximately dated by them, and I claim to have shown 
that the criticisms of foreign critics on the dates and artistic ties 
of these domestic monuments of ours are based on very imperfect 
knowledge, and do not in any way affect the otherwise conclusive 
date assigned to them by a whole catena of expert English 
antiquaries. 



APPENDIX V 

THE CODEX AMIATINUS OF THE BIBLE: 
ITS HISTORY AND IMPORTANCE 

Bede's tract on the history of the abbots of Jarrow and 
Wearmouth is largely based on an earlier work on the life of 
Abbot Ceolfrid by a monk of one of those two monasteries whose 
name is not recorded. Bede both epitomises and enlarges this 
earlier narrative, and tells us inter alia that Ceolfrid ruled for 
seven years at Jarrow and twenty-eight years over the combined 
monasteries, hiter alia the anonymous author in speaking of 
the abbot says : 

" Bihliothecam qiiam de Roma vel ipse^ vel Benedidus adtulerat, 
nobi liter a7?ipliavit, ita ut i?iter alia tres Pandectes {i.e. whole 
^WA^s) facer et describi^ quorum duo per totitem sua monasteria {i.e. 
Jarrow and Wearmouth) /(^i'^^/Z /;? aecclesiis, ut cunctis qui aliquod 
capitulum de uirolibet testamento legere voluisse?it^ in promptu 
esset invenire quod cupere?it ; tertium autem Ronia7n profecturus 
donum beato Petro Apostolorum principi offer re decrevit.^^ ^ 

In his paraphrase of the work of the anonymous author, just 
quoted, Bede, referring to these codices, writes : " Bibliothecam 
utriusque moiiasterii quam Benedidus Abbas magna caepit 
instaniia, ipse non minori geminavit industria ; ita ut tres 
pandedes novae translationis, ad unum vetustae translationis quern 
de Roma adtuhrat ipse super adjungeret ; quorum unum senex 
RomafH rediens secum inter alia pro munere sumpsit^ duos utrique 
monaster io reliquit^ ^ 

This statement seems very plain, and yet it is full of 
ambiguity. 

About 716 Ceolfrid resigned his abbacy, being then an old 
man of seventy-four, and determined to go on a pilgrimage 
{apostoloru?n limiiia peregrinaturus adiret).'^ He took with him 
a letter of commendation to the Pope from his successor Abbot 
.Hwaetberht, with certain gifts. Before he reached Rome he 

^ Plummer's Bede, i. 395. ^ Plummer, i. 379. ^ lb. i. 395. 

VOL. III. — 21 



3 2 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

fell ill, and died on 25 th September 716. This was at Langres 
(Lingones), where he was buried.^ Of his companions some 
returned home and some went on to Rome taking with them 
the gifts he had sent {delatura viunera quae miserat).'^ Among 
them was the Pandectes interpretatione beati Hieronymi presbiteri 
ex Hebraeo et Greco fonte transfusus just cited. This pandect, 
as is well known, has survived the dangers of more than twelve 
hundred years, and is extant in a very perfect condition. It 
has been identified by an extremely interesting and ingenious 
inductive process with the most famous of all Latin Biblical 
MSS. — namely, the Codex Amiatinus. A short account of it 
will make my further argument clearer. It is now preserved 
in the Mediceo-Ambrosian Library at Florence, where many 
theological pilgrims have been to see and collate it. On the title- 
page of the Codex are some verses stating that it had been 
presented to the Monastery of Monte Amiata by a certain 
Petrus Lombardorum Abbas^ who lived at the end of the ninth 
or beginning of the tenth century. 

The second hexameter runs thus : 

" Petrus Longobardorum extremis de finibus abbas" 

The famous Italian scholar De Rossi showed in 1886 that 
the name and style of the Lombard abbot in the dedicatory 
verses were written over erasures, and that the name " Petrus " 
had been altered from ''^ Ceoljrid^'^ the word ^^ abbas" doing 
duty for both names, while the words ''^corpus Petri" in 
the first line had been changed to " Coe7iobium St. Sahatoris" 
This was a clear proof that the original dedication had 
been made by Abbot Ceolfrid. He further suggested that 
the word " Longobardorum " had been substituted for that of 
"Briton." Bishop Forest Browne pointed out the objections to 
this last suggestion, namely, that the line as corrected did not 
scan, and, secondly, that it was virtually impossible for a 
Northumbrian in the eighth century to speak of himself as a 
Briton. In his opinion the second word should be " Anglorum" a 
view afterwards shown to be correct. — London Guardian^ March 2, 
1887. 

Soon after. Dr. Hort, writing in the Academy of 26th February 
1887, was further able to show that in the anonymous Life of 
Ceolfrid already cited, the publication of which by Stevenson in 
1841 had apparently been overlooked abroad, there occur 

^ Plummer, i. 385 and 402. 

^ Anon. Life of Ceolfrid^ ib, 400 and 402. 











Lt KjpBimAc^ ex lain ax iirro 

. (|cjcxnc \paTc<.x:l,esi\e 
J C^ce>ie\r \J,T\ pidcs 

> ^- J'- 
C \ TRtXIllS C>CplNin- \BR\S 

< Oc cjori \|:i:a Ttis 

p\^ NORX OplT TO cnc I 

"• cDcxjue mip^sq bpTANs 

. TVN Tl INTd^q\Ut>l\ p\ I R IS. 
INCVdiS CnGOfioRCXll 

^cxr>pc:ii b\HciK Locua) ' 



Dedication of the Codex Amiatixls as 
now reads. 



IT 



[I'oi II f., facing- ^. 322. 



APPENDIX V 323 

certain verses in which Ceolfrid's name was enshrined. These, 
Dr. Hort showed, were the very verses in which Ceolfrid 
dedicated the pandect he took to Rome as a present to the 
Pope, and which also occur in the Codex Afniatinus. The verses 
as reported in the anonymous Life are : 

** Corpus ad exittiii merito venerabile Petri 
Dcdicat aecclesiae quern caput alta fides 
Ceolfridus Anglorurn extremis de finibus abbas 
Devoti affectus pigtiora mitto mei. 
Meque meosqtie optans tanti inter gaudia patris 
In caelis mettiorem semper habere locum. ^"^ 

Inasmuch as the circumstances, the date of the script, etc., 
concurred to support this view, it was at once and everywhere 
accepted. The whole story is told with admirable lucidity in 
Mr. H. J. White's Memoir on the MS. in the second volume of 
Studia Biblia. This discovery at once greatly enhanced the 
value of the Amiatinus Codex^ which was thus proved to be 
certainly not later than the year 716. This was not the end of 
the matter, however, as a more careful and critical examination 
of the MS. showed that it was not homogeneous, but that the 
first quaternion is markedly different from the rest, and the parch- 
ment on which it is written is not quite so tall as that of the 
other gatherings, and is darker and thicker. Further, this gather- 
ing is not signed, and the second quaternion, beginning the Bible 
text itself, is marked i. Lastly, the writing of the lists and 
prefatory matter in the first quaternion is in a different hand 
from that of the body of the book, all going to show that that 
section and the rest of the volume came from two different sources. 

Mr. White has given a syllabus of the contents of this 
quaternion which is instructive. He tells us fol. i is blank ; 
\b has the dedicatory verses already cited; 2 is blank; 2b 
and 3 contain a large bird's-eye view of the Tabernacle ; 3/^ is 
blank ; 4 contains a prologue to the contents of the MS. ; 4^ 
contains a list of the books in the Amiatine MS. arranged to 
suit two volumes, with certain hexameter lines below ; fol. 5 
has a picture of Ezra seated at his desk with a bookcase close 
by ; 5^ is blank ; 6 contains a list of the Bible books according 
to Jerome, with a sacred lamb, etc., above ; 7 has another and 
different list of the sacred books underneath the head of a 
monk ; 'jb is stained yellow, and has a number of circles drawn 
on it ; 8 contains the Bible books according to St. Augustine, 
and also a picture of a dove wiih spread wmgs surrounded by 



3 24 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

flames, with two fillets from which hang the six divisions of the 
sacred books ; Zb is blank. Bishop Browne treats this folio as an 
outside. He also observes that fol. 6 must at one time have 
been next to fol. 8, since part of the couplet at the top of the 
latter can be read on the face of fol. 6b, a considerable part of 
the couplet having been impressed in reverse upon it. This is 
due to the fact that this entry, unlike any other in the MS., is 
formed by a profusion of thick black pigment, which has been 
silvered, and has the air of an insertion. If the quaternion were 
arranged properly, from the nature of the case, the " temple " 
must have been the innermost sheet. The donation with the 
Augustinian division of Scripture has naturally been the inner- 
most. The Ezra portion with the Hieronymian division would 
then be 2 and 7 ; the prologue and the contents of the codex, 
the Hilarion division, and the contents of the Pentateuch, which 
are now separate pages, would be 3 and 6. — London Guardian, 
April 29, 1887, p. 651. 

Professor Corssen and Mr. White have both written about the 
contents of this quaternion and have greatly illustrated it, but the 
last word has still to be said. I would urge in regard to the first 
leaf with its dedicatory verses that it has nothing to do with 
any other part of the MS., but was entirely supplied by Ceolfrid 
himself, who wrote the verses. The 4th folio, again, which is 
stained on both sides with a fine purple while the writing is on 
a yellow ground (doubtless to simulate gold) is arranged in tables 
within a double arch of twisted-rope pattern, and contains 
the prologue and the list of books in the succeeding codex. 
This was once, no doubt, as Professor Corssen suggests, an 
integral part of the Amiatinus volume, forming probably its 
initial pages. There are some slight discrepancies between the 
prologue and the contents of the book, which is also the case 
with the temple of contents. On this Bishop Browne says : " It 
will be found on counting the books recited that they are thirty- 
six. Adding one each for 2 Samuel, 2 Kings, 2 Chronicles, and 
2 Esdras, we obtain seventy, the number of the prologue. On 
the other hand, the codex actually contains seventy-one, 
Jeremiah and Lamentations being represented in the contents as 
* Hosemias.' Thus the discrepancies may not be real." 

The rest of the folios in the first quaternion — namely, 
2j 3, 5? 6, 7, and 8 — had nothing whatever to do originally 
with the succeeding codex and have been transplanted from 
another MS. They were probably added to this one by Ceolfrid 



trt 1 1 1 

DYSiS 



3- 



9" 



(^^ 



c 
c 

J" 



i 

r 
1 

i 

i 
I 

i 
i 
i 



J" 



^ 






^ >J » > iP W> 






■ J I • I ; L xc 






Si 



LTJ^. 






Vi^z 



^LWRE 



LABRw, 




.■toLocAVj-a 



] MOSfS E^ A.\I^:>H 



ANAT<^1 



^ZJ' 



3' 




Plan of the Jewish Tabernacle from the 
Codex Amiatixus. 



[Vol. I II., facing p. 324. 



APPENDIX V 325 

to give his present to the Pope a grander and more sumptuous ap- 
pearance. The Codex is quite complete without these additions. 
It is plain, therefore, that the first quaternion of the Codex 
A?niatt?ius, with the exception of fol. 4, had nothing to do with 
the MS. as originally written, that fol. i was the composition of 
Ceolfrid himself, and that the other folios formed a transported 
boulder from some other MS. 

Let us now turn to the boulder in question, i.e. folios 2, 3, 
5, 6, 7, and 8 of quaternion i. Whence did it come? It had 
already been noticed by Dr. Corssen in 1883 that one of the 
pictures in the 2nd and 3rd folios of the Codex Amiatinus — 
namely, that of the Tabernacle — was also mentioned by Cassio- 
dorus as contained in a codex in his library which was called 
by him the " Codex Gra?idior.'' Cassiodorus thus speaks of it : 
" tabernaailum te77ipliimque Domini . . . quae depida subtiliter 
lineameyitis propriis i?i Pandecte Latino corporis grandioris.^^^ 
Bishop Browne says that in his comments on Psalm xiv. i 
Cassiodorus writes : " Qtias nos fecimus frugi, et in pandectes 
collocari." — Lo?idon Guardian, April 1887, p. 652. 

Cassiodorus elsewhere describes the contents of this Pandectes 
Gra7idior, and tells us that the Latin text in it was the Old 
Latin version. Now, as we have seen, Bede tells us that Ceolfrid, 
or Benedict Biscop, brought a pandect to Northumbria con- 
taining the Old Latin version. Dr. Hort very ingeniously 
carried this induction further by quoting two passages from 
Bede's minor works. One of these comes from his tract on the 
Tabernacle, ii. 12, and reads as follows : " Quo modo in pictura 
Cassiodori se?iatoris cujus ipse in expositione Psalmorum meminit 
expressum vidimus " ; and again, in his tract on Solomon's Temple, 
ch. xvi., he says: ^^ Has vero porticus Cassiodorus senator in 
pandectis ut ipse Psalniorum ex positione com??iemorat triplici 
or dine distincta " ; adding below : " Haec ut in pictura Cassiodori 
reperimus distincta^ 

As Dr. Hort says : " This is the language of a man who had 
actually seen with his own eyes the representation of the 
Tabernacle and the Temple which Cassiodorus had inserted in 
his pandect." 2 This is not all. In the preface to his Memoir de 
Institutio7ie Divi7tarum Litterarum^ Cassiodorus tells us how he 
had withdrawn from the world and devoted himself to study, 
and adds: ^'' Indubitanter ascendamus ad divi7iam Scripturam 
per expositiones probabiies Patrum. . . . Ista est enim fortasse 
1 Inst., ch. V. 2 Yi^^ White, op. cit. 300. 



3 26 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

scala Jacob per quam angeli ascendu7ti et descendu7it. . . . Quo 
circa si placet himc debemiis lectio?iis ordi?iem custodire ut priinum 
tirones Christi postquam psah?ios didicere?it aiictoritatem divifiam 
in codicibus emendatis j'ugi exercitatiofie meditentiir donee illis fiat 
Domino praestante notissifna : ne vitia librariorum impolitis 
mentibus inolescant, quia difficile potest erui quod memoriae 
sinibus radicatum constant infigi.''^ 

The work in which these commentaries of the Fathers were 
abstracted or copied he describes in the first nine chapters of the 
de Instituiione, each chapter being devoted to describing a 
single codex. The whole work consisted of nine codices or 
volumes. These codices were respectively headed : Caput I. 
Primus Scripturarum divinarmn codex est Octateuchus \ C. H. 
In Secundo Regum codice ; C. III. Ex omni igitur Frophetarufn 
codice tertio; C. IV. Sequitur Psalterium codex quartus ; C. V. 
Quintus codex est Salofno?iis ; C. VI. Sequitur Hagiographorum 
codex sextus ; C. VII. Septimus igitur codex . . . quatuor 
Evangelistarum superna luce resplendet \ C. VIII. Octavus codex 
Canonicas Epistolas continet Apostolorum ; C. IX. Igitur codex 
Actus Apostolorum ut Apocalypsin noscitur continere.^ 

On turning to the first quaternion of the Codex Amiatinus — 
which, as we have seen, was in the main transferred from the 
Codex Grandior of Cassiodorus — and especially to the picture 
there contained of Ezra in his cell, we shall find a representation 
of a bookcase containing nine large volumes, each one labelled. 
The labels in question, as Corssen was the first to point out, 
correspond with one exception to the titles here referred to. 
They are Oct. lib. Rest. lib. Psal. lib. Sal. Prof. Evangel IIII. 
Epist. op. XXI. Act. Ap. Apoca. The one mistake is due, 
no doubt, to the artist, who instead of Hagi has written 
Hest. 

There cannot be any reasonable doubt that the picture of 
the bookcase and its contents was either directly copied from 
the original MS. of Cassiodorus or formed part of that MS. 

It is prima facie nearly certain that the latter alternative is 
the right one, and that the MS. from which the greater part of 
the first quaternion of the Codex Amiati?ius was derived was 
the actual original Codex Grandior of Cassiodorus ; otherwise, 
Bede's language about his having himself seen that Codex is 
unintelligible. At the end of the seventh and the beginning of 
the eighth century the so-called Vulgate text of Jerome had 

^ White, op. cit. 2.()i. 



VJUOOOO OOo -J j3 



m 




m 



m 



O (, o ^ 



j-kwr 



Ezra composing his Edition of the Bible from the 
Codex Ami a tixus. 



[Fo/. II I ., facing p. 326. 



APPENDIX V 327 

supplanted its predecessor, generally known as the Vetus Laii?ia 
and sometimes as the Itala, which had become obsolete.^ It 
would therefore be of only remote interest to its Italian 
custodians, who had themselves become poor judges of such 
matters, for Italy was then terribly troubled by the Lombards 
and other invaders, and they would be willing to part with it 
to a rich Northern traveller anxiously in search for MSS. for 
his new monastery. The fact of Jerome's text having become 
so widely recognised would, we cannot doubt, make it very 
unlikely that the same Northern traveller would have a new 
copy made of the older version on this grand scale. Again, both 
writing and designs in the first quaternion are so Italian in 
style and so different to anything English written at this time, 
that it seems conclusive if it was a copy, and not an original, 
that it was copied in Italy. I think some of Mr. White's 
hesitation in the matter is a little strained, and I agree with the 
paragraph in which he argues that the first quaternion was 
bodily transferred from the actual Codex Grandior to its present 
place. " The Codex Grandior was certainly," he says, " in North 
Britain, for Bede saw it there." It may well have been the 
Pa?idectes vetustae translationis which Benedict Biscop or 
Ceolfrid brought from Rome, and it would be quite in keeping 
with the times that Ceolfrid, in presenting his magnificent new 
pandect to the Holy See, should have tacked to it the quaternion, 
which had hitherto stood at the beginning of Cassiodorus' Old 
Latin pandect, and which was so handsomely decorated. 

All this paragraph was in print when I met with Bishop 
Browne's letters in the Lo?idon Guardian. This makes our con- 
currence at this point most interesting. " It appears to be sup- 
posed," he says, " that the three pandects which Ceolfrid caused 
to be written were all alike, and that the Amiatinus is one of the 
three copies, pictures and all. An examination of the orna- 
mental part leads to a very different conclusion, namely, that at 
least the Ezra pictures and the Solomon's temple, which is in 
fact the Tabernacle in full detail, are not copies made in 
England but the original pictures of Cassiodorus." 

The question still remains as to the time when the Codex 

^ It seems incredible that the copy of the Vetus Latina which we know 
Benedict brought to Jarrow would be a new codex. That translation was 
then obsolete and of no special interest to anyone except an advanced scholar, 
and would be a very costly and difficult text to translate for merely archaeo- 
logical purposes. 



32 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

came to England. The Life of Ceolfrid says that it was he 
who brought it here from Rome. Now the only visit which we 
know Ceolfrid paid to Italy was in 678,^ when he accompanied 
his patron and friend, Benedict Biscop, thither. This we learn 
from Bede's Ecclesiastical History^ iv. 18, where he says : " Cu7?i 
enim idem Benedictus construxisset monasferium Britanniae in 
honorem beatissimi apostolorum priftcipis, juxta ostium fiuminis 
Uiri {i.e. Jarrow), venit Romam cum cooperatore ac socio 
ejusdein operis Ceolfrido^ qui post ipsum ejusdem Monasterii abbas 
fuit.^^^ On this visit (as on other visits to Italy) Benedict 
Biscop, as Bede tells us, brought home " innu^nerabilem librorum 
omnis generis copiam.''^ 

My conclusion, therefore, is, first, that Ceolfrid brought 
back to England the very MS. called Codex Grandior by 
Cassiodorus, and that it was from its text that Bede obtained 
so many of the passages which he quotes in different places from 
" the Old Latin," and, secondly, that it was this very MS. which 
was decapitated by Ceolfrid, who placed its earlier pages in front 
of the Codex he had had prepared for the Pope. 

Let us now detach the intrusive first quaternions from the Codex 
Amiatinus and turn to the text in its original form. According to 
the anonymous Lives of the Abbots of Monkwearmouth and of 
Bede, this Codex was one of three copies which Ceolfrid had had 
made. The opinion widely current is that these copies were written 
in Northumbria. To this I entirely demur. The notion that 
they were written in Northumbria at this time seems to me quite 
incredible. The two monasteries over which Ceolfrid presided 
were very young. The books in their libraries, the ornaments 
for the churches, everything required for the ritual and service 
of the Church (so far as we know from the Life of Benedict 
Biscop), had been brought from Italy or Gaul, and the possibility 
of such works as these three magnificent codices being turned 
out of the scriptoria of the two convents at this time seems quite 
incredible. Even Dr. Hort and Mr. White, who hold this view, 
postulate that Ceolfrid must have brought an Italian scribe with 
him ; but surely three enormous pandects like these, requiring 
parchments of very large size and quality, could never have been 
produced in Northumbria at this time by the hands of one 
scribe or of two scribes. They must have come from a practised 
and well-known school of writers and scribes, and such a school 
could only at this time have been found in South Italy. It must 
^ Plummer, Bede^ ii. 360. ^ lb. i. 241. 




Fi(}URE OF St. Matthew, clearly coi-ied from the 
Similar Figure ix the Codex Amiatixus on the 
PREVIOUS Page, forming the P^rontispiece to his 
Gospel in ihe Lindlsfarne MS. 



[Vol. III., facing- />. 328. 



APPENDIX V 329 

be remembered that it is not only the size and quality of the 
parchment and the beauty of the writing in this MS. which 
are so attractive, but the accuracy and excellence of the text. 

My readers will remember the plaintive language used by 
Bede about the very indifferent provision for manuscript writing 
that existed in the monasteries with which he had such close 
ties, and how he had himself to perform most of the drudgery of 
copying. 

Again, if it had been produced in Northumbria we should 
surely have found some traces of Northumbrian art in it such 
as we find in what I take to be its real Northumbrian daughter — 
namely, the Lindisfarne Gospels, a work of much more moderate 
size, but teeming with that local colour from which the Codex 
Amiatinus is quite free. The text, again, of the Lindisfarne 
Gospels is now generally accepted as having been derived from 
the Amiatine MS. On this point Bishop Browne says: "There 
are some remarkable agreements between the first quaternions of 
the Amiatinus and the Lindisfarne Gospels. The Lindisfarne 
S. Matthew is Ezra pure and simple in curiously exact detail, 
stool and all, but the stool is ornamented with little circles in 
place of the classical scroll on Ezra's stool. . . . The Canons in 
the two MSS. present a series of striking coincidences from the 
point of view of ornament and arrangement. As regards their 
text Amiatinus breaks down over VIIL and VII IL and does 
not find it out ; Lindisfarne also misread the Villi, and wrote 
something wrong in the plan of X., but found it out and altered 
it" {Londo?t Guardian, April 27, 1887). Now the Lindisfarne 
Gospels were written for St. Cuthberht, and belonged to him. 
St. Cuthberht died in the year 687, so that they must have been 
written before that date and after Ceolfrid's return from Italy in 
678. Is it credible that these two MSS. could both have been 
written in the same small scriptorium during these nine years, 
one purely Italian in script and decoration, and the other the 
finest specimen of Celtic art known ? I cannot believe it. 

Those who claim a Northumbrian origin for the Codex 
Amiatinus tell us, as I have said, that it was written by 
Italian scribes. This was first suggested by Dr. Hort 
in the Acadertiy of 26th February 1887 ; the view was 
supported by Sir E. Maunde Thompson.^ Mr. White says 
that as a Roman musician was brought over to teach the 
English monks to sing, so an Italian scribe may well have 
1 See Paloeography, pp. 194 and 245. 



3 30 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

come to instruct them in writing, and the Amiatinus Bible 
may be the work of a foreigner though written in England.^ 
This solution, even if it were consistent with the difficulties 
to be met, leaves an important matter unresolved. If the 
three pandects of the New Version were copied in England 
some time between 687 and 716, whence was the text 
derived from which they were copied? I have not seen this 
question put by any one. The solution of Mr. White and 
others that the three copies were made in Northumbria compels 
the further conclusion that the mother MS. from which they 
were taken was at the time in Northumbria. If so, it is not 
easy to see why Ceolfrid should have gone to the great expense 
of having three fresh copies made on this scale ; for his needs 
were completely satisfied when he had secured two additional 
copies, making three altogether — namely, one each for his two 
monasteries and one for the Pope. Nor have we any trace 
of or reference to any other copy but these three. There are 
other reasons which seem to me to make it difficult to believe 
that the three copies were made in Northumbria. The writing 
out of these three enormous pandects was so great a feat that 
if it had been accomplished by scribes in Northumbria it would 
in all probability have been recorded by Bede or in the 
anonymous Life of Ceolfrid, which merely say that Ceolfrid 
had the copies made, without saying where. Again, if Ceolfrid 
could command scribes in Northumbria capable of writing out 
these codices, he would assuredly, in preparing the copy for 
the Pope, have also prepared a suitable heading and not 
decapitated another fine MS. in order to procure one. It is, 
lastly, hard to imagine whence the quite unusually large sheets 
of parchment in such abundance could have been forthcoming 
in Britain at this time, or anywhere else north of the Alps at this 
time. I have therefore come to the conclusion that the three 
copies were not only made by Italians, but were made in Italy. 

The next question is, in which part of Italy were the copies 
made, and where was the mother MS. whence they were taken ? 

Upon this problem a good deal of light has recently accumu- 
lated, going to show that not only was the mother text in 
question a South Italian MS., but that it was one of the 
texts described by Cassiodorus as in his possession. Dom 
Chapman has pointed out that " the arrangement of the text of 
the Codex Amiatinus^ per cola et conwiata, after the example of 

1 Op, cit. 285. 



APPENDIX V 331 

St. Jerome himself, is not peculiar to this text, but its divisions 
seem to have been particularly well preserved in it. Now 
Cassiodorus had been careful as to this very point, as he tells 
us in his preface to the Institutio. Again, the word Pandectes 
as applied to the Codex Amiaiinus both by the anonymous 
author of the Abbots' Lives and by Bede, is precisely the word 
used by Cassiodorus for a complete Bible. Thirdly, the order 
of the groups of books in the Codex Amiatiniis^ and in that 
alone among Vulgate texts, is the same as the order which 
was followed by Cassiodorus (a fact important to note for other 
reasons). It is plain that the ordering of groups and books 
within the groups in the Codex A7?iiati7ius and by Cassiodorus 
is a peculiar and unique one, and that they agree in the 
peculiarity." As Dom Chapman again says : " The Amiatine list 
is a list of the books in St. Jerome's Version arranged in the 
same nine groups as those of the antiqua translation or Codex 
Grandior^ and of the nine volumes of Cassiodorus; but the 
interior order of the groups is that of St. Jerome. We know 
that in Cassiodorus' nine volumes this was the case, as in the 
volume containing Solomon's works ; while in that of the 
Epistles he certainly put those of St. Paul first and not last, 
as they were in the antiqua translatio. But the number of 
books is counted as seventy with that list, and not forty-nine with 
St. Jerome. It seems to be plain that this grouping in the text 
can only be due to one cause — namely, that it is derived from 
that of the nine volumes of Cassiodorus. In these the grouping 
was obviously due to the necessity of fitting the commentaries 
into volumes of more or less equal size. It would not have 
arisen independently in a codex which contained the Hiero- 
nymian Vulgate only, without the commentaries. The size, again, 
of the Codex Aniiatimis is the same as that which is other- 
wise known as the Codex Grandior of Cassiodorus." ^ Without 
committing myself to every statement in this account, it seems 
to me to make the conclusion incontestible that the mother 
MS. of the text of the Codex Amiatinus was in the library 
of Cassiodorus in the monastery of Scyllacium in the extreme 
south of Italy. As we have already seen, Ceolfrid's copy of 
the older version also came from the same great scriptorium, 
and was most probably the very copy of the Old Latin version 
described by Cassiodorus as the Codex Grandior. This increases 

^ See Chapman, A^^/^5- on the Early History of the Vulgate Gospels, 19 
and 20. 



3 32 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

the probability that the ultimate source of both texts was the 
same Cassiodorian collection. We can hardly doubt, there- 
fore, that when Benedict Biscop and Ceolfrid visited Italy — 
very largely, no doubt, in search of MSS. and other requisites 
for their services and for their library — they made their way 
to Scyllacium, whose secluded situation protected it from the 
ravage which was then overtaking the rest of Italy. It was 
doubtless from that great manufactory of MSS. that they 
secured the Codex Grandior which they took back with them, 
and it was there also that they commissioned the three copies 
of the new translation which are mentioned by the author of 
Ceolfrid's biography and by Bede. 

Having traced the later history of the codex presented by 
Ceolfrid to the Pope and known as the Aniiattnus, a word or 
two may be said about the other copies given by Ceolfrid to 
his two monasteries of Jarrow and Monkwearmouth. Until 
a short time ago these codices were deemed to be irretrievably 
lost. A leaf from one of them, however, has been recently 
recovered by Canon Greenwell, and is described by Mr. Turner 
in the Journal of Theological Studies, vol. x. 540-544. It was 
picked up in a bookseller's shop at Newcastle. 

It has been known for some time that in the library of 
Lord Middleton at Wollaton, near Nottingham, there are ten leaves 
of a Bible which have been supposed with great probability to 
have belonged to this or to another of Ceolfrid's codices. They 
are described in the Report of the Historical MSS. Conwiission 
for igii^ 196 and 611. They once formed the covers for 
chartularies of the Willoughby estates which were bound 
not earlier than the reign of Edward vi. They consist, like 
the Greenwell leaf, of parts of the Book of Kings, and agree 
with the Greenwell leaf in their details.^ The publication of 
these leaves, it is understood, has been undertaken by Mr. 
Turner. It is a matter of regret that their publication has 
been so long delayed, for the precious MS. is one of the first 
moment to every one interested in Bible studies. 

Some fragments of a codex also exist at Utrecht bound up 
with the famous Utrecht Psalter. They consist of parts of 
Matthew and John. Scrivener and Miller speak of them as 
written in an Anglian hand strongly resembling that of the 
Codex Amiatifius.'^ Mr. Kenyon says the fragments are written 

1 See D. S. Boutflower, The Life of Ceolfrid, 1 14-116. 

2 op. cit. ii. Zz. 



APPENDIX V 33 3 

in a hand closely resembling that of the A?matinus, and 
evidently produced i?t the same scriptorium?- This points to the 
Utrecht fragments having also come from one of the two sister 
MSS. given by Ceolfrid to his two abbeys. 

If, then, the Codex Amiatinus be traced to Italy and shown 
to be directly derived from the famous pandect in nine volumes 
prepared by Cassiodorus, it has a much higher title to our 
reverence and confidence. We can now confidently affirm of one 
of the volumes at Jarrow — namely, the Codex Graiidior — that 
it represented very faithfully a text of the latter part of the 
sixth century, and not later than 580 ; while the text of the 
three pandects of the New Version also dated from the same 
period and was prepared by one of the greatest scholars of the 
time, who was possessed of much means and a very ample 
library, and had devoted great pains to its preparation ; and 
it is plain that by an analysis of the Codex Amiatinus we shall 
ascertain what the Bible of Cassiodorus really was. It may 
be, indeed, that this particular copy presented to the Pope was 
in fact the Urtext or original mother MS. compiled by and 
representing the syncretic notions of Cassiodorus himself. 

Let us now shortly analyse the contents of the Codex 
Amiatinus^ or, as we may call it, the Bible of Cassiodorus, omitting 
the first eight leaves, which, as we have seen, were transferred 
from another text. 

On page 9, which has no title, we find St. Jerome's preface to 
the Pentateuch, addressed to Desiderius. Then come the words 
in larger letters which are gilt, Explic. Prolog. Incip. Capit, Lib, 
Genes. Then follows Genesis in 63 chapters. The chapters are 
generally divided into verses, which are shorter than those in the 
usual editions. It ends with the words Explic. Lib. Gen. 

On folio 50 we have Liber Exodi. L?tcipiu?it Capit, with 14 
chapters: it ends with the words, Explic. ''^ LLellesmof^ id est 
Exodus Feliciter. 

On folio 86 we have Lncip. Capit. Levitici^ with 16 chapters. 
At the end we read, Expliciunt Capitula. Lncipit liber Leviticus 
qui hebraice dicitur ^'' vaiecra^^ Lege feliciter) and then, Epl, 
Leviticus qui Hebraice dicitur '* Vaiecra. Lege"*^ felix. 

On fol. no we have L?icipiunt capitula libri JVumerorum, with 
'19 chapters. At the end, Explic. capit. Lncipit liber JVumerorum 
qui appellatur LLebraice Vaieddaber Gloria i?idividuae trinitati 
Amen. 

1 Op. cit. 198. 



334 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

On fol. 144 Deuteronomy commences without any title. Its 
chapters are 20, and it ends with the words in uncials, Expliciunt 
Cap it u la. Incipit liber Deuteronim hebraice dicitur " Helkad- 
dabarimJ'^ Deo laudes ; Lege feliciter Amen. Or a pro me^ with 
the letters arranged : 

P 

O R A 
O 
M 
E 

Fol. 174. The prologue to Joshua, after which come the 
chapters of that book, numbering 10. 

Fol. 194. The words Capitula Judicum\ then the chapters, 
21 in number. 

Fol. 215. The words Incipit Lib. Ruth^ with 4 chapters, 
numbered in the margin. 

Fol. 228. Jerome's prologue to "the Kings," headed 
Praefatio Regnorum. Incipit brevis, with 90 chapters in a con- 
tinuous numeration. Chapter xlvii. begins with a larger capital 
than the other chapters, while its first word is written in 
gold and with a gap as if beginning a new book. Then comes 
another enumeration of chapters, one in 30 and the other in 24. 

Fol. 275. Without any preface, there begin here the chapters of 
the 3rd and 4th Books of Kings, 84 in number. At the end of 
the 3rd book is the word Finis, which belongs properly to chapter 
52. Here again we have a larger initial and a space, while all 
the first verse is gilt. 

The former two books are entitled at the tops of the pages 
Samuhel, and the latter two Malachim, without any distinction 
into first and second. 

Fol. 329. The two books of Paralipomena, with the title and 
the preface of St. Jerome ; between the two is a space and a 
gilt capital. At the heads of the pages is the word Paralipo- 
menon, without any distinction into two books. 

Fol. 379. Without any title, comes the Book of Psalms, with 
Jerome's preface addressed to Sophronios. Then the words 
Psalmus David de Joseph dicit qui Corpus Christi sepelivit. 

Fol. 419. The Proverbs of Solomon, with Jerome's preface, 
in 30 chapters. 

Fol. 437. The Book of Ecclesiastes, with 12 chapters. 

Fol. 443. Liber Canticu??i Canticorutn, in 8 chapters. 

Fol. 447. Sapientia or Wisdom, in 13 chapters. 



APPENDIX V 3 35 

Fol. 460. Jerome's preface to Ecclesiasticus, then the 
chapters of the book, 26 in number. This book is larger in this 
text than in the Vulgate. At the end we have the words, Liber 
Ecclesiasticus Saiamonis. 

Fol. 476. Isaiah, preceded by Jerome's prologue and the list 
of chapters, 158 in number. 

Fol. 536. Jeremiah, with Jerome's preface and ending with 
the words, Explicit liber Hieremiae Prophetae. In the last chapter 
are contained the four Lamentations and the prayer of Jeremiah. 

Fol. 590. Ezekiel, with Jerome's prologue and the index of 
chapters, no in number. 

Fol. 633. Daniel bears the title, Incip. Lib. Danihelis Prop. ; 
then follows, Praefatio beati Hierorimi^ followed by 3 1 chapters. 
The book ends, et devorati sunt in monitnto coram es. A??ien. 
Exp I. Danihel Prophet a. 

Fol. 650. Then follow 12 Prophetae minores, preceded by 
Jerome's preface. Then the Elenchus of titles, with the number 
of chapters in each book. The order is Osea with 8 chapters, 
Joel with 5, Amos with 10, Abdea with i, Jonah with 2, Micea 
with 7, Naum with i, Abacuc with 3, Sofonia with i, Aggeo 
with I, Zaccaria with 15, and Malachia with 3. 

Fol. 682. Job with 36 chapters, ending Expliciunt Capitula 
Job I Lncipit ipse liber feliciter. 

Fol. 701. Tobias with prologue, without any division into 
chapters. 

Fol. 709. Judith, preceded by Jerome's prologue and with 
the enumeration of 16 chapters. 

Fol. 729. Esther, with its prologue and division into 16 
chapters. 

Fol. 730. The Book of Esdras, preceded by Jerome's preface 
and forming only one book but divided into two parts, the first 
of which begins, Ln anno primo Cyri^ etc. ; the second, after an 
interval of 10 lines, in the middle of which in larger letters is 
written Neemia^ the text commencing. Verba Nee77iiae. It ends 
with the words Expl. Lib. Ezrae sive Nee7niae. It contains no 
ancient enumeration of chapters. It will be noted as remarkable 
that although Cassiodorus in the Codex Amiatinus follows the 
old Latin Bible in his canon, he apparently fails to do so in 
ignoring the First Book of Esdras and perhaps the Fourth. 
This was doubtless due to the very ruthless language applied 
to these books by Jerome, which seems to have overpowered the 
judgment of the great scholar of Scyllacium. 



336 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Fol. 750. The two books of Maccabees, the first with 61 
and the second with 55 chapters, and ending with the words, 
Expliciunt Machabeorum libri duo, Deo gratias Amen, felicitis qui 
legis amen. 

It seems quite plain from this list of contents that the mother 
text from which the Codex Amiatinus and its two sisters were 
copied was a codex written under the superintendence and 
direction of Cassiodorus and was partially the result of his 
syncretic work, and that it does not represent Jerome's un- 
adulterated text at all. It is clear, in fact, that both in its list of 
contents and also in the actual books it varies from Jerome's own 
Bible. It contains several books treated by Jerome as un- 
canonical, e.g. Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobias, Judith, and two 
books of Maccabees. The most remarkable evidence that points 
to the text of the Codex Amiatinus as it stands being other than 
Jerome's text is to be found, however, in a comparison of its 
contents with those of Jerome's actual text as it existed in the 
library of Cassiodorus and as given in the 1 2th chapter of his 
work already cited. It seems impossible, therefore, to claim the 
Codex Amiatinus as a text of Jerome's version, much less as 
the best existing type of that version. It is no doubt largely 
based on Jerome's text, but it seems to me to be really a new 
edition by Cassiodorus. This conclusion is very important when 
we remember that the first Carlovingiau Bibles were so largely 
dependent on it. 

It is assuredly also a matter of high importance for the 
criticism of the Latin Bible to realise that we have in the Codex 
Amiatinus and in Bede's Biblical extracts samples of the Eclectic 
Bible text accepted in the sixth century a.d. as the best critical 
text available by the best Biblical scholar of that age, and it 
greatly enhances the value and importance of Bede's quotations 
from it. 

May I add one further fact which strengthens the view that 
in the Codex Amiatinus we may have the very copy of the New 
Bible compiled by Cassiodorus which formed his critical text, 
and not a mere copy of it made for Ceolfrid — namely, that at 
the end of the prologue to Leviticus we have a barbarous Greek 
inscription in the words : 

KYRU :SEP|SANAOS AI nOIH0EN. 

These words show that when he wrote them Serbandus or 
Servandus, who was no Englishman but the Italian scribe of the 



APPENDIX V 3 37 

MS., was living in a part of Italy where Greek was still under- 
stood, and this could only have been in the old land of Magna 
Graecia in the extreme south of Italy. Bishop Browne says of 
this entry " that it is by the same hand as the rest " : the separa- 
tion of AI from IIOIHSEN (originally, perhaps, Hoiei) should 
not be called a mistake, for we have here other examples of 
spacing out so as to make one word into two. 

Another thing occurs to me. Such enormous pandects as 
these must have taken a long time to write, and could not have 
been written during Ceolfrid's short stay in Italy. They must 
either have been sent after him to England, or else, which is more 
probable, there were copies of the very fine text of Cassiodorus, 
which were kept for sale at the great scriptorium at Scyllacium.^ 

I may further add that in the library at Durham, B, ii. 30, 
is a copy of the Commentary of Cassiodorus on the Psalms, 
traditionally said to have been written by Bede.^ In an early 
list of the Durham books it is referred to in the margin with the 
words "Manu Bedae." This may also have been brought from 
Scyllacium by Ceolfrid. 

^ Professor White, who has read this paper, assures me that he only finds 
one difficulty in accepting the view here maintained, namely, that it involves 
Ceolfrid sending back to the Pope as a present what he had himself bought 
in, and brought back from Rome. This does not seem to me so strange. 
As I have shown in my history of St. Gregory the Great, perhaps no part of 
the Mediterranean lands was at this time so poor in books as Rome and the 
Roman territory. The libraries there had apparently been utterly destroyed, 
and the great Pope, in writing to his correspondents, excuses himself for not 
being able to lend them books because they were so hard to obtain in Rome, 
and confesses that some very important ones could not be found there, 
notably the great work of Tertullian, and even such necessary books as 
authoritative copies of the Conciliar Canons. How likely would it be there- 
fore, that when the great library at Scyllacium was broken up and dispersed, 
some of its treasures having fallen into the hands of the book-loving monks 
of Northumbria, one of them, Ceolfrid, who had secured treasures from that 
source, should combine two of the great books to form a lordly volume to 
place at the feet of the Pontiff his master, as the most valued gift he could 
make him. 

^ Plummer, Bede, i. xx, note 3. 



VOL. III. — 22 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 

VOLUME I 

Ixiii . . . 23.* — In regard to Bede's view of Purgatory, he 
says : " Sunt qui de levioribus peccatis^ quibus obligati defunctt sunty 
post mortem possunt absolvi ; vel poems . . . castigati, vel suorum 
precibuSy eleemosynis^ missarum celebrationibus absoluti. " ^ Purga- 
tory with him is only for the cleansing of lesser sins (x. 349 and 
350; cf. vii. 355, V. 38i).2 

Ixix . . . 28. — There is no question about the kind of cult 
in which these relics had a part. They were not used merely to 
recall the memory of the saints to whom they had once belonged, 
but were themselves " adored or worshipped." Thus Bede, speak- 
ing of the departure of Ceolfrid for Italy, says : " adorat crucem." ^ 
In the Anonymous Life the words are : " adorat ad crucem.^ St. 
Ecgbert wished to go to Rome " ad videnda et adoranda beatorum 
apostoloru?n et 7nartyrum Christi li??iina cogitavit. " ^ Of Benedict 
Biscop, Bede said: ^^ beatorum apostolorum loca corporum cor- 
poraliter visere atque adorare curavit^ ^ And, again, of Ceolfrid : 
"j^ vidisse et adorasse recordans exultabat" Relics were deemed 
essential to the due consecration of a church. 

Ixxvi . . . 29. — On this subject Lingard writes : " During 
this period the power of canonising saints was exercised by the 
provincial bishops and national councils. The first instance of 
a solemn canonisation by the Pope occurs in the year 993, when 
John XV., after a diligent inquiry into the life and virtues of 
Ulric, Bishop of Augsburg, enrolled him among the saints. It 
was not till the beginning of the twelfth century that the 
privilege of canonisation was reserved to the Holy See by 
Alexander in. From that period to the accession of Clement 

* These numbers refer to pages and lines of each volume. 

^ Bede, 0pp. ^ ix. 96. 2 piummer's Bede, i. Ixvi, note 8. 

^ Bede, Hist. Abb., ed. Plummer, p. 382. ^ lb. 398. 

^ Bede, H.E., v. ch. 9. « Bede, Hist. Abb., p. 365. 

339 



340 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

XIII., in 1758, one hundred and fifteen persons had been 
solemnly canonised." ^ 

At first, the Church of Rome admitted none but martyrs 
into the catalogue of saints. From different calendars in 
Muratori,^ it appears that the names of confessors were after- 
wards introduced (but very sparingly), namely, those of St. 
Silvester in the fourth, St. Martin of Tours in the sixth, and St. 
Gregory in the seventh centuries. In the Collectarium we only 
find the additional name of St. Benedict on the 5th of the ides 
of July, " manifestly," says Lingard, " an interpolation after the 
reported transport of his relics to Fleury. Neither is there a 
single name of any British, Scottish, or Anglo-Saxon saint. 
Thus, neither Aidan nor Cuthberht, though their festivals were 
solemnly kept at Lindisfarne and Chester-le-Street, were in the 
Collectarium^ nor were St. Augustine and St. Boniface ; although 
a Gallic saint, St. Martin, occurs in it." Lingard thinks the book 
just quoted belonged to the Abbey of St. Martin at Tours.^ 

Ixxxiii . . . 8. — There still remain two works which tradition 
claims to have been in Bede's own handwriting. One of them 
is a Durham MS., B, ii. 30, and is a copy of the commentary 
of Cassiodorus on the Psalms, which has a marginal note in a 
fourteenth-century hand claiming it as his handiwork.* 

A second work is a fragment of St. Paul's epistles in the 
Cottonian Collection, Vitell. C, viii. fol. 83. Wanley in his 
Catalogue of Saxon MSS., 241, says he had seen a copy of St. 
Paul's epistles written in the same hand, and then in the library 
of Trinity College, Cambridge. He further says the Rushworth 
copy of the Gospels was also reputed to have belonged to him. 
Stevenson says of it : " All which we can assert is that the MS. 
is certainly of Bede's time, and that the language in which it is 
glossed is Northumbrian."^ 

Ixxxv . . . II. — Bede's greatest distinction was probably this 
mention of him by Dante in his immortal work, where he puts 
him next to Isidore in Paradise : 

" Vedz oltre flamme^giar Pardente spiro 
D' Isidore, di Bedar^ 



^ Lingard, Anglo-Saxon Church, ii. 89. 

2 de reb. Litur., ch. iv. 27-33. ^ Op. cit. ii. 361 and 362. 

^ See Pal. Soc. Irans., Plate 164. 

^ Chti'ch Hist, of England, i. part ii. xxi. 

^ Faraa., x. 130 and 131. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 341 

In his letter to the ItaHan Cardinals, Dante speaks of Bede 
as one of his subjects of study.^ It was no doubt from Bede he 
derived some of the eschatology which he seems to have taken 
over from Fursey, Dryhthelm, and others, as presented in Bede's 
History. Gebhardt, Archbishop of Salzburg, writing in 1087, 
says that Bede's homilies were in his time read annually in 
Church. 2 

Ixxxvii . . . 30. — According to William of Malmesbury, the 
following lines were inscribed on his tomb at Jarrow : 

^''Presbyter hie Beda requiescit came sepultus 
Dona, Christe, animam in coelis gaiidere per aevum 
Daqiie illi sophiae debriari fonie, cui ja?n 
Suspiravit ovans intento semper amore.^^ 

When Bede's remains were translated by Bishop Hugh Pudsey 
in 1 1 04, they were placed in a casket of gold and silver and 
deposited in the Galilee in the cathedral which had been just 
completed at Durham, and a new inscription was placed over 
them, namely : 

*' Continet haec iheca Bedae venerabilis ossa 
Sensuni factori Christus dedit, aesque dafor, 
Petrus opus fecit ; praesul dedit hoc Hugo donum^ 
Sic in utroque suum veneratus utrumque patronum.^^^ 

A second translation took place in 1370.* 

In November 1541, Pudsey's shrine, together with Bede's 
relics, were removed from Durham and destroyed. The stone 
on which it stood still remains,^ and I have given a representation 
of it. 

Ixxxviii . . . 33. — The number of Latin authors known 
to certain mediaeval writers must not be measured by their 
quotations. The fact is, most of their knowledge was second- 
hand. Wright says : " At Rome, the classical writers had long 
ceased to be popular; for the zeal which often led the 
Christians, in their estimation of the sentiment, into an in- 
judicious depreciation of the language when adorned only by 
its own beauties, had already condemned them to that neglect 
under which many of them were perishing. Those which are 
preserved we owe in a great measure to the grammarians who 

^ Plummer, Bede, i. xli, note 4. 2 y^_ \\^ xlviii 

^Stowe, Harl. MS., 367, fol. 75. ^ lb. fol. 76 

^ See Stevenson, Bede, xx. and xxi. 



342 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

flourished in the latter days of the Empire, such as Priscian and 
Donatus, who by their continual quotations gave some of them 
a certain value in the eyes of men who made those grammarians 
an important part of their studies. It is almost solely in 
grammatical treatises that we find these authors quoted during 
the age which produced the principal Latin writers among the 
Anglo-Saxons, although most of the Anglo-Latin poets were 
continually endeavouring to imitate them." ^ 

xc . . . 17. — One reason given by Bede for writing his 
commentaries w^as the great expense of the original works on 
which they were based : " tam copiosa ut vix, ?iisi a locupletioribus 
tot volumina acquiri. . . . valeant.^^^ He had himself suffered 
from the need of books. Thus, in speaking of the Catena of 
Paterius on the passages in St. Gregory's works from the Bible, 
he says : " quod opus si haherefn ad mamis^ facilius multo . . . 
studium meae voluntatis i77ipleren . . . veru7n . . . necdum illud 
merui videreJ^ ^ Hence his desire to popularise the knowledge 
which he had acquired ^^ut ad plurimos res ipsa pervetiiatT ^ 

Raine says of Bede's Biblical commentaries, that he could 
not help thinking they were intended to be the text-books of 
the Northumbrian province, and that they largely owe their 
existence to Acca, who seems to have been his patron. Thus 
it was to him that Bede dedicated a poem in hexameters on the 
Day of Judgment, also his Hexameron and Commentary on St. 
Mark's Gospel. Bede did not propose to write a similar one on 
St. Luke, since St. Ambrose had already done so ; upon which 
Acca urged him to do it, in a very pleasantly written letter, in 
which he quotes both sacred and profane writers. A touch of 
humour is apparent here and there. Thus in one place he says 
to his friend, ^'' Beatum Lucam lucule?tto sernione expone.^^ In his 
reply Bede assents to his request, and speaks of himself as being 
his own dictator, notary, and librarian.^ 

xc . . . 18. — Bede's expository work is mainly allegorical. 
This method was chiefly due to the influence of Origen, which 
greatly affected a large part of patristic and mediaeval exegesis. 
We see its beginning, however, in the Epistle to the Hebrews. 
Bede cites the latter as justifying his method : ^ " Vestigia ejus 



"^ Biog, Lit.y 41. ^ Opera, vii. 1-2. ^ lb. ix. 388. 

* Plummer, Bede, i. xxiii, note. 

^ Acca's letter is printed at length in Raine's Hexham, pp. 33 and 34, 
note. 

« 0pp., vii. 175. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 343 

sectantesJ^ " It rests on the belief that nothing in Scripture can 
be without significance. Thus hours and places, names and 
numbers are full of meaning. He uses the word sacrament to 
mean not the outward sign of spiritual grace, but the inner and 
spiritual meaning of an external fact, or narrative, or name. St. 
Paul in 2 Cor. x. 1 1 (Vulgate) is specially quoted. Christ's 
parables were meant to teach us to look below the surface of 
things. Moses must have wished to give more than historical 
information." I cannot resist quoting Mr. Plummer's illuminating 
note on various examples of Bede's interpretation : 

*' Here are some of these * leges allegoriae.^ A dove must 
always signify the Spirit because of Luke iii. 22 {0pp. ^ ix. 336; 
X. 178). Silver = the Word of God because of Ps. xi. 7 (viii. 
380, 381 ; xi. 281, and seq.). Wood = the Gospel, for the Cross 
was made of wood (viii. 295). Stone = the Law, because it was 
written on tables of stone (viii. 295; x. 254; xi. 341, 375); 
but it also meant hard hearts, because of Ezek. xxxvi. 26 
(x. 345). A millstone = the wicked, because of Ps. xi. 9, ^in 
circuitu iffipii a??ibuiant^ {x\\. 422), Thorns = sins; cf. Gen. iii. 
18 (x. 238). A reed = Scripture, as written with a reed pen 
(x. 239, 248). But it also = the carnal mind, because it is easily 
deflected (xi. 47). Left and right mean respectively present 
and eternal things, because of Prov. iii. 16, ^ Longitudo dierum 
in dexter a etus, et in sinistra illiiis divitiae et gloria^ (x. 279). 
The arm of God is the Son, because of John i. 3, ^ omnia per 
ipsum facta sunt^ (x. 296 ; xi. 140). The finger of God is the Spirit, 
Luke xi. 20, compared with Matt. xii. 28 (xi. 141). Most curious 
of all: ^sputum {i.e. the spittle) . . . Do7?iini saporem designat 
sapientiae, quae . . . loquitur: ^^ Ego ex ore Altissimi prodiui^^ ^ 
(Ecclus. xxiv. 5) (x. 112). Again: ^ Lutum de terra caro Christi 
est. Sputum de ore^ diuinitas ejus est^ quia " caput Christi Deus " ' 
(i Cor. xi. 3) (x. 381). Other instances are these: Skins = 
death (ix. 343; x. 9, 87, 349). Loins = succession, generation 
(ix. 344; xii. 426). Fish = faith (x. 135). Sea = present world 
(x. 67). Water = Spirit, but also = depth of intellect (xii. 441, 
442). Mountain = the Devil (x. 181). A good deal of Bede's 
symbolism is borrowed from the traditional natural history of 
his time, e.g. the dove (v. 170, 174, 175; ix. 228, 243, 244; 
cf. Ltft., App. Ff. II. iii. 390, 391) ; the stag (ix. 80, 238); the 
goat (ix. 238, 240, 348) ; the fox (ix. 248) ; the elephant (ix. 316) ; 
the eagle (xi. 61, 257); the cedar (ix. 230); the mulberry tree 
(xi. 242); precious stones (xii. 437-447). 



344 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

" But it is in dealing with numerals that this method reaches 
its most elaborate results ; and here, too, Bede was following 
Isidore, who wrote a special treatise on the numbers of Scripture 
{Did. of Christ. Biog., iii. 309). Arator also influenced him 
(Werner, p. 191; Sanday, u.s., pp. 35, 56). Thus: ^ = im- 
perfection (vii. 235, 243). 2 = the two Testaments (vii. 305); 
= Jews and Gentiles (vii. 308) ; = the love of God and the love of 
our own neighbour (viii. 279) ; = mutual love (vii. 240 ; viii. 301). 
But it also = division, discord, etc. (xi. ly'S). 3 = the Trinity 
(vii. 312, 330); = heart, soul, and strength (vii. 312; x. 363); 
= the theological virtues — faith, hope, charity (vii. 301, 314); 
= the three evangelical virtues — almsgiving, prayer, fasting 
(viii. 269); = Resurrection on the third day (viii. 422); =the 
married, continent, and virgins (xi. 189); =the three continents 
— Europe, Asia, Africa (v. 4 ; xii. 48). 4 = the Gospels (vii. 308, 
314; cf. Sanday, u.s., pp. 309 ff.) ; =the four quarters of the 
world (vii. 301, 308); =the four cardinal virtues — temperance, 
fortitude, justice, prudence (vii. 269, 295; x. 399); =the four 
elements (vii. 349) ; = the four seasons of the year, and the four 
humours or elements of the body (vii. 430-431 ; viii. 351, comp. x. 
363). 5 = the five books of Moses or the Law {0pp. ^ vii. 299; 
viii. 353); =the five senses (vii. 301, 315; x. 357); =the five 
ages of the world before Christ (viii. 353). 6 = perfection of work, 
because God made the world in six days (vii. 253; viii. 48; 
xii. 358). 7 = the Spirit and His sevenfold gifts (xii. 441, etc.); 
= the Sabbath and rest (vii. 314); = penitence, because of the 
seven penitential psalms (vii. 407), perfection or wholeness (vi. 
268; vii. 383; xi. 61; xii. 340); but seven may also be treated 
as 4 and 3 (viii. 351 ; x. 363; xii. 345). 8 = the Resurrection on 
the eighth day of the week, which is also the first (vii. 314; 
viii. 271). It may also mean the day of Judgment, because 
it follows the seven days of the world's ages (viii. 319)." 
9 is omitted by Mr. Plummer; I do not know why. "10 = the 
Decalogue (vii. 362, etc.); =the name of Jesus, of which the 
initial letter has this numerical value {ib.)] =the heavenly 
reward and rest, because of the denarius^ which the labourers 
in the Lord's vineyard received (vii. 313; viii. 9); but 10 = also 
5x2 (viii. 353). 1 1 = transgression, because it is one beyond 
the number of the Commandments (vii. 82 ; xii. 10, 417). 12 = 
wholeness (v. 180). It also = 3 x 4 with their various interpreta- 
tions (vii. 338-9; viii. 333, 421; ix. 334; x. 44; xi. 436). 
50= jubilee, rest, remission (v. 78; vii. 312 and 313; viii. 298). 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 345 

It also = the Pentecostal gift of the Spirit (vii. 316). The 
larger the figures the greater the number of combinations. 
For 15, see xi. 391 ; vii. no, 314. For 18, viii. 322 ; xi. 181-2. 
For 20, see vii. 362-3, comp. 423. For 24, see xii. 356-7. 
For 30, X. 356; xi. 67. For 40, vii. 108, 230; x. 13; xii. 136. 
The sum of the component parts of 40 yields 50, from which 
Bede deduces the lesson that the 40 days during which the 
risen Saviour goes in and out among His disciples on this 
earth lead to the jubilee of eternal rest (xii. 14). For 42, see x. 
364. For 60, ix. 260, 334. For 70, xii. 340. For 75, vii. 157. 
For 77, X. 363. For 80, ix. 334. For 84, x. 335. For 85, viii. 
159. For 100, vii. 310, 311 ; X. 62 ; xi. 67. For 120, viii. 286 ; 
xii. 10. For 144, see xii. 340, 367, 401, 437. For 300, x. 365. 
For 318, vii. 173. For 365, vii. 89. For 888, x. 321. For 
1000, viii. 113; ix. 383, For 1600, xii. 407."^ 

xcii . . . 40. — Bede secured additional materials after he 
wrote the preface to his prose life of Cuthberht, which he did 
not care to use at the time. In MS. Fairfax two additional 
paragraphs, numbered 31 and 32, are added.^ 

xciv . . . 32. — In Werner's Beda der Ehrwurdige und seine 
Zeit.^ pp. 121-49, the nature and importance of Bede's great 
reform in dating are fully discussed. The new method was 
not used in papal documents till the eleventh century. Bede's 
motive in discussing the subject at length was, no doubt, to settle 
the Paschal controversy. 

xcix . . . 29. — Having finished his History in 731, Bede sent 
a copy to King Ceolfrid for revision, and on its return he made 
some alterations and then issued it as we have it, adding, first, the 
prologue in the form of a letter to the King ; secondly, probably 
the passage about Charles Martel's great victory in the Pyrenees ; 
and, thirdly, the appendix containing notices about himself. This 
was apparently all written in 732. The mention of himself in 
the Historia Ecclesiastica^ in chapter 24, also points to the same 
conclusion ; 732 was his fifty-ninth year, so that he was born in 
674. This also agrees with Florence of Worcester. 

ci . . . 9. — The chronological epitome which forms chapter 24 
of the fifth book of the Historia Ecclesiastica is not alike in all the 
MSS. Certain entries apparently occur only in some of them. 
Among these are the notices under the years 538 and 540, both 
relating to solar eclipses, and 547, dealing with King Ida. In 
addition, we have three entries relating to Mercia dated in 675, 
^ Plummer, Bede^ i. lix, note. ^ Vide 0pp. ^ MS., p. 4. 



346 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

697, and 698, and one in 711 about the fight between Berhtfrid 
and the Picts. In all these cases the entries have nothing 
corresponding to them in the body of the Historia Ecclesiastica. 

They all occur in the earlier editions of the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle, and it is therefore plain either that the author of the 
latter used one of the copies in question ; or the entries in these 
copies were interpolations taken from the Chronicle \ or thirdly, 
that these copies and the Chronicle had a common source, both 
of which latter hypotheses are unlikely. 

cxi . . . 7. — A criticism of ^ddi's work in regard to its 
merits as ain authority, by Mr. R. W. Wells, may be found in 
the Eng. Hist. Review. It reached me after most of this work 
was written. It was pleasant to find that we had arrived at 
almost the same conclusions independently. It is a very good 
piece of work. 

cxii . . . 30. — The work was dedicated to Bishop Ecgberht 
of Lindisfarne, who ruled that see from 802-820. In chapter 
16 of the poem the author claims to have written another one 
on the holy men of England, one of whom was the lector Hyglac : 

* ' De quo jamdudum perstensis pauca relatu 
Anglorufn de gente pios dufn carine quosdani 
fam cleoini indoctus, vilisque per omnia scriptor.''^ 

cxiii . . . 23. — I here propose to give some short notices 
of some of the lives of the saints which I have found useful in 
the preceding work, and which I did not think sufficiently 
important to put in the Introduction. 

The Life of St. Oswald, composed by Reginald of Durham, 
although a twelfth-century document, was written by a capable 
and industrious person, who collected traditions and stories 
assiduously. It has been well edited as a third appendix to 
volume i. of the works of Symeon of Durham by Mr. T. Arnold in 
the Rolls Series. Reginald also composed a life of St. Aebba 
or Ebba, which amplifies Bede's notice of her. It is found in 
the Acta Sanctorum, 25th August. A similar life of St. Oswy, 
dating as it stands from the twelfth century, also contains some 
traditional matter of interest. This Life was published by the 
Surtees Society in its volume entitled Miscellanea Biographica. 

Jocelyn, the famous eleventh-century biographer of saints, 
produced more than one which I have found useful in the 
preceding pages, e.g. a life of St. Mildred and an account of the 
passion of the martyr princes Ethelred and Ethelberht, grandsons 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 347 

of Eadbald, King of Kent. These Lives by Jocelyn were freely 
used by Florence of Worcester and Symeon of Durham. 

The life of St. /Etheldrytha by Thomas of Ely, forming 
the first part of his compilation on the history of that monastery, 
contains a good deal of local matter of interest ; an excellent 
abridgment of it is contained in Anglia Sacra (Wharton). 

A life of St. Eata, one of the pupils of St. Aidan, who became 
prior of Hexham and afterwards of Lindisfarne, and was buried 
near the presbytery at Hexham, is attributed to Ailred of 
Rievaulx by Hardy, and is printed in the Aliscellanea Biographica 
of the Surtees Society. It is of slight value. 

A life of Erkenwald, Bishop of London, is printed by 
Dugdale in his History of St. FauPs^ pp. 293-94. It has been 
attributed to Jocelyn, but Hardy thinks it was composed by a 
canon of that cathedral, nephew of Bishop Gilbert, who also 
wrote an account of his miracles and translation about 1140.^ 

A life of St. Sexburga attributed to Jocelyn, and partly 
based on an Anglo-Saxon one of which a fragment remains 
(MS. Lambeth, 427), adds little or nothing to Bede's story. 
It is printed in Capgrave's Nova Legenda Aurea!^ 

Folcard, who wrote the life of St. John of Beverley, also 
wrote a biography of St. Botulf, which contains some notable 
fables. It is printed in the Acta Sanctorum^ 17th June, iii. 402. 

This life of St. Botulf shows from its prologue that it was 
written in the eleventh or twelfth century. 

St. Cuthburga, wife of Ealdfrid, King of Northumbria, and 
afterwards the foundress of the Abbey of Wimborne, is not 
named by Bede, but her story is told by Florence of Worcester 
and William of Malmesbury. An account of her in MS. 
Lansdowne, 436, fol. 38-41, is chiefly devoted to a dialogue 
between her and her husband, whom she addresses as " super 
modernos reges literaruin eruditus scientia " \ and to a sermon 
addressed to her by her nuns.^ 

A life of St. Ecgwin, Bishop of Worcester, another saint 
unmentioned by Bede, is preserved in the Cott. MS., Nero E, i., 
which is of the tenth or eleventh century, and is the chief 
authority for his doings. It was composed by Brithwald, a 
monk of Worcester. It was probably put together at the end 
of the tenth or beginning of the eleventh century, and claims 
to be founded on Ecgwin's own autobiography.* 

^ Cat. Brit. Hist., i. 293 and 294. ^ lb. i. 360. 

^ lb. i. 384. ^ 7(5. 415 ; also Anglia Sacra, i. 470. 



348 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

cxxvi . . . 24. — It is curious that the only other document 
said to have emanated from Adeodatus is also a letter addressed 
to the Bishops of Gaul, declaring that though the Holy See was 
not wont to exempt monasteries from episcopal control, yet as 
the Bishop of Tours had himself exempted the monastery 
of St. Martin, he would confirm the exemption of this house 
from the jurisdiction of the Ordinary. This document has been 
accepted by that very credulous and unsafe guide Pagi, but 
has been generally rejected by French scholars. 

cxl . . . 30. — By an inadvertence I overlooked mentioning 
in the Introduction a charter professing to be granted by 
Chlothaire (Leutherius), Bishop of the West Saxons, to Aldhelm 
the priest. As it is dated on August the 26th, 670, by the 
Incarnation, it is clearly marked out as spurious. It is written 
in very inflated Latin. The grantor styles \{\'a\'E>&\{ ^^ Leutherius 
pontificatus Saxoniei gubernacula regens,''^ and recites that he had 
been asked by the abbots presiding over the monasteries in his 
diocese {parochia) to make the gift for the purpose of enlarging 
the monastery. The place so granted was called " Maldumes- 
burg " {i.e. Malmesbury), where, it says, Aldhelm had spent his 
infancy and learnt his early lessons. It was professedly signed 
near the river Bladon, and is attested by Leutherius {sic), as 
Bishop, Cunuberhtus the Abbot, Haedde the Abbot, and others. 
Dr. William Wright in his Biog. Brit., i. 212-213, has dissected 
this charter and shown how impossible it is to trust it. It 
is rejected by Kemble, who numbers it xi. ; Birch numbers 

it 37. 

cxlv . . . 25. — A second deed which I overlooked is 
marked 45 by Kemble (who rejects it) and 100 by Birch, and 
consists of the confirmation of a grant by King Ini to Abbot 
Hean of lands at Bradanafel and Bestlesforda, at Stretlee and 
yEaromundeslee, with the consent of Archbishop Brihtwald {i.e. 
Beorhtwald) and Bishop Daniel. It is dated by the Incarnation 
in the year 687, which is of course impossible, and is witnessed 
by King Ini of Wessex, ^thelred, King of Mercia, by /Ethelfrith, 
and Bishop Daniel. Winberht signs it as the scribe of the 
document. 

4 . . . 16. — In the Vita S. Osivaldi it is suggested that 
Cadvan arranged a marriage for his son Caedwalla with Oswald's 
sister.^ 

^ Appendix to Sym. of Durham^ ed. Arnold, i. 345. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 349 

4 . . . 17. — Haethfeldt has been identified with Hatfield 
Chase, north-east of Doncaster. " Robert Talbot, the sixteenth- 
century annotator of MS. C of the Chrofiicle^^ says Plummer, 
" tells us ' it was in ye forest off Shyrwode,' i.e. Sherwood, which 
is now to the south of Doncaster, but may then have extended 
farther north. Nennius and the Ann. Ca?nb. both call this battle 
the battle of Meicen.''^ ^dwin, having died when fighting 
against the heathen, was deemed a martyr {martyrio coronatus).^ 
His day in the calendar is October 4th, a mistake, says Plummer, 
probably due to the omission of id (for " iduum "). 

5 . . . 26. — The same work says that Oswald's mother, 
Acha, was a Christian, which is very probable, since she was 
a sister of St. yf^dwin, and suggests that he was first taught 
Christianity by her, and only completed his education in 
Ireland, whither she went with her sons. There Oswald also 
learnt the Irish language, " linguam Scottorum perfecte didicit et 
fidei documenta quae prius a matre Christiana perceperat gentis 
alius credulae eruditione solidavit^ et lavaero sacri baptismatis 
purificatus.^'' ^ 

6 . . . 29. — Tighernach speaks of Eanfrid having fought a 
regular battle, and says that afterwards he was beheaded : " Cath 
la [^praelium per] Cathlo?i et Anfraith qui decollatus est." ^ 

19 . . . 4. — Not only were the principal ecclesiastics for 
the most part of good family, but in the Scotic monasteries 
the abbatial succession was generally confined to the clan of the 
founder.^ 

25 . . . 25. — Todd, in his Life of St. Patrick, tells us the 
Bishop of Aquino was under the Abbot of Monte Casino. A 
bishop also resided in a monastery at Sinai. ^ 

40 . . . 25. — Reginald of Durham in his Vit. Oswaldi calls 
special attention to this breach of Catholic usage.'' He spells 
the name of the princess Kyneburga.^ 

48 . . . 25. — ^Ifwine is styled rex by yEddi, and it is 
possible he reigned as sub-knig of Deira under his brother 
Ecgfrith. 

50 . . . 24. — In the Vit. Oswaldi Maserfield is put at 
Shrewsbury (Scropesbyri).^ 

^ Plummer, Bede^ ii. 115 and 116. ^ Vit. Oswaldi, S. of D., i. 341. 

^ lb. i. 341. ^ Plummer, Bede, ii. 121. 

^ See Stewart's Preface to the Book of Deor. 

« Bright, 157. 7 Op. cit. 342 and 343. 

« lb. 349. » lb. 353. 



3 so GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

54 . . . 7. — A Norman writer quoted by Camden, Britt. iii. 
234, says : 

" Quis fuit Alcides {Hercules)? quis Caesar Julius? aut guts 
Magnus Alexander? Alcide se super asse. 
Fertur ; Alexander mundum, sed Julius hostem, 
Se simul Osualdus et mundum vicit et hostem.''^ 

55 . . . II. — In Adamnan's Life of St. Columba Oswy is 
called " regnator Saxonicus." ^ 

55 . . . 16. — In the Life of St. Oswald 2i miracle is reported of 
the king as occurring before his death. We are told that he was 
attacked by a dire disease, apparently the plague, and when he 
was lying very ill three angels visited him as a deputation from 
the choir in heaven, who told him that Christ had heard his 
prayer and those of all the Anglian people, and had freed him 
from the death summons {de istius cladis peste absolutum liber- 
avit). Reginald says he had taken this account from a very old 
book in the Anglian tongue which he had translated into Latin. ^ 

55 . . . 18. — Reginald, in fact, calls him St. ^dwin. 

58 . . . 24. — By Alcred he means Alchfrid, son of Oswy, 
King of Northumbria. 

59 . . . 19. — The remains of St. Oswald were supposed to be 
specially potent in curing the disease which had nearly killed 
him when king. ^'' Nam frigescentes artus pauperu??i opibus et 
indumentis refovebat^ et dolorum uredinem ta7?i in pauperibus quam 
in divitiis affluentibus suam fore reputabat.^''^ In the Harleian 
MS. of the Life a Durham monk of the beginning of the 
sixteenth century adds the note, " Uredo est corruptio veniens a 
vento virente, qua segetes videntur adustae in agro^ * 

60 . . . I. — The appearance of the head, the hand, and arm 
of St. Oswald are described in great minuteness by Reginald in 
his Life of the saint above cited, and occupies four chapters, 
namely, 51, 52, 53, and 54.^ The details are worthy of a pro- 
fessed anatomist, and he deduces the nature of the death-blow 
from the condition of the bones of the neck : " quod ictus gladii 
ferientis non in obliquo^ spiculatore truculento feriente devia?ido, 

demerserit^ sed magis vibrafitis viribus linealiter i?t directo tramite 
secando permeaverit" ^ 

64 . . . 8.— Leland says " the Priory " of St. Oswald at 

^ Op. cit.y ed. Fowler, 11. ^ j/^V. Oswaldi^ 348 and 349. 

^ Vit. Oswaldi, 369. * lb. note. 

'^'^. 379-381. ^ lb. 381. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 351 

Gloucester stood north-north-west from Gloucester Abbey upon 
** Severne ripe," i.e. on the banks of the Severn.^ 

70 . . . 18. — Miss Arnold-Forster in her work on the dedica- 
tions of English churches adds considerably to my list of those 
connected with St. Oswald. She says that, including double 
dedications, they number seventy-two, and gives a list.^ 

74... 14. — Oidilwald is the Northumbrian form of the 
Wessex ^thelwald. 

79 . . . 2. — Oswin's thorpe was, according to Thoresby's Leeds^ 
108, the royal residence in Loidis. 

80 . . . I. — On this place see the note in vol. i. pp. 154-155. 
80 . . . 10. — A "comes^^ was one of the bodyguard or comitatus 

of the prince, and it was an especially heinous offence for such a 
one to be a traitor. 

85 . . . 21. — According to Miss Arnold-Forster, the only 
church now dedicated to St. Oswyn is that of Wylam. 

94 . . . 8. — St. Aidan's establishment at Lindisfarne was 
entirely monastic, and there were no secular clergy there. Thus, 
in referring to him, Bede in his Vit. Cuth.^ cap. 16, says : ** U^ide 
ab illo omnes loci ipsius Antistites usque hodie sic episcopale exercent 
officium^ ut regente monasterium Abbate^ quern ipsi eum consilio fra- 
trum elegerintj omnes presbyteri, diaconi, cantores, leciores, ceterique 
gradus ecclesiastici monachicam per omnia cum ipso Episcopo 
regulam servent." 

It is difficult to decide exactly between Lindisfarne and 
Fame Island in regard to which was entitled to the British name 
Medcaut, Irish Medgoet or Inis Melgoit, as Tighernach calls it. 
Nennius says distinctly, ^^ Sanctus Cudbertus episcopus obiit in 
insula Medcaut.^^^ Bede says he died in "insula Fame,"* but 
elsewhere the Irish writers seem to understand Lindisfarne by 
Medgoet. 

Miss Arnold-Forster reports the following churches in 
England as dedicated to St. Aidan : Bamburgh, Benwell, 
Blackhill, Boston, Gateshead, Hartlepool, Harrington, Leeds, 
Liverpool, Newbiggin, South Shields, Thorneyburn, and VValton- 
le-Dale.5 

Bishop Forbes in the Kalendars of Scottish Saints says of his 
memorials in Scotland : "The churches of Cambusnethan and of 
Menmuir were dedicated to the saint. Near to the latter 

^ Itin.^ ed. L. Smith, ii. 62. ^ Op, cit. iii. 433. 

3 M.H.B., 76. ^ H.E., iv. 29. 

^ Studies in Church Dedications, iii. 321. 



3 5 2 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

church is St. Iten's Well, celebrated for the cure of asthma and 
cutaneous diseases. In the immediate vicinity is Gome's Well, 
no doubt named after his successor, St. Colman. At Fearn is 
Aidan's Well." i 

94 . . . 28. — Prior Wessington says that King Edmund gave 
them to Glastonbury.2 

113 .. . 23. — When Fursey arrived in East Anglia, Algeis, 
with Corbican and his servant Rodalgus, went on to Corbei 
and thence to Laon, while Foillan, Ultan, Goban, Dicuil, Etto, 
and Madelgisilus remained behind with Fursey. 

In adding some additional notes on the famous "seer," I 
cannot avoid a quotation from my charming friend the late T. 
Hodgkin, recaUing Dante, another great seer : " Men in Florence 
said when they saw this poet pass, ' That man has been in hell.' " 

It is curious what a fascination the Irish hermits then exer- 
cised on the popular imagination on this side of the Irish 
Channel. Thus, Bede tells us he had seen some people who 
had been bitten by serpents and were cured by drinking water 
into which scrapings of the leaves of books that had been brought 
out of Ireland had been put.^ Green picturesquely describes 
the result of their handiwork as " creating a wild tangled growth 
of asceticism which dissociated piety from morality." * 

114. . . 18. — This castle is now known as Burgh Castle, 
where, as Miss Stokes says, Sigfred no doubt met the Bur- 
gundian Bishop Felix, from whom he doubtless learnt much 
about France and the Irish missions there. 

115 .. . 10. — In the Lives of the Irish Saints, edited by Lord 
Bute, ex codice Salmanticensi, we are told that St. Fursey while 
in Ireland ordained three brothers as priests, namely, Algeis, 
Etho, and Goban, who accompanied him to England and after- 
wards went to France, where they became the patron saints of 
the towns — St. Algise, St. Gobian, and Avesnes. 

My old friend Miss Margaret Stokes wrote an interesting 
account of the existing memorials of the saint in Ireland. 
Besides the foundations of the church at Inchiquin are the ruins 
of Fursey's monastery. It is now called Kill-arsagh, formerly 
Killfursa.^ Near it is a weir called Colla Fursa, or the Weir of 
Fursey. (Of this she gives a picture.) Near the church is a pillar 
stone with a rude cross and circle incised on it, which is said 

» Op. cit. 269. 2 M.H.B., 203. 

^ Op. cit. ; H.E., i. ch. i. ■* Making of England, 317. 

^ Miss Slokes, Three Months in the Forests of France, 136. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 353 

to be good for rheumatism. The " townland " to the north-east 
is still named after Fursey's father, Fintan, namely, Ard Fintan 
or Caher Fintan. The church stands in a large burial-ground on 
a slight eminence with the trees of Ower Park behind it to the 
north, and the long range of mountains rising over Lough Mask 
to the north-west. " There are some later inserted windows, but," 
says Miss Stokes, " we could find nothing to prove that the walls 
were not all original and of very great antiquity. The west 
doorway is a good example of the primitive Irish style, with 
horizontal lintel and inclined jambs. The lintel is of rough 
calcareous limestone and measures 3 feet in length and 2 in 
width. There are slit windows in the south wall, one over the 
other, both showing a very wide internal splay. At the east end 
there are four recesses at each side of the altar, and one in the 
north and another in the south wall. A round arched recess, 
now falling into ruin, beside the altar is another feature in the 
north wall. This was once probably filled by a tomb, which 
has now disappeared. 

" The interior of the church proper, not including the western 
chamber, is 55 feet in length and 20^ in width in the middle, 
but narrows gradually towards the west door ; there is, in fact, 
no regularity in the ground plan, nor a single right angle in the 
building. This is due to the irregularities of the ground. There 
is neither transept nor chancel, and only a western chamber or 
galilee. It is 19 feet wide and 9 feet long, and is enclosed 
by a door in a line with the west door of the church. It was, 
apparently, a two-storied chamber, thus accounting for two slit 
windows, one over the other, in the south wall. Such a chamber 
exists in the church dedicated to the four beautiful saints, 
Fursa, Brendan, Berchann, and Conall, situated at Aranmore, 
and we know St. Fursa visited the Aran Islands before founding 
the church of Killfursa. Both these churches are built with 
grouting and with undressed stone." Miss Stokes suggests that 
this singular western addition was allotted to penitents, and also 
used as a place in which to deposit bodies previous to their 
internment, while the upper room became a muniment room.^ 

Besides this large church, which was doubtless attached to 

Fursey's monastery, there is an earlier and smaller building at 

Cross, in Mayo, which was probably the saint's oratory when he 

was living a solitary life. It stands near the village of Cross, 

two miles from Cong. The greater part of the east wall and 

^ Miss Stokes, Three Months in the Forests of France ^ 141-142. 
VOL. III. — 23 



3 5 4 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

the window in the south wall remain, but three corbels formerly 
there have disappeared, while a carved figure mentioned by Sir 
Wm. Wilde is now in a stable wall of a deserted house close by.^ 

Near Dundalk there is a memento of the saint in a second 
church called Killfursa.^ 

Dr. Graves, the Bishop of Limerick, has called attention to 
what he considers the remains of a school frequented by students 
in a group of ancient cells in Corkaguiny, in Kerry, where he 
read on one of two sculptured stones the name of Finlog, 
probably the grandfather of St. Fursey, so called, and on the other 
the Anglo-Saxon name Eadfrith, both written in oghams.^ 

ii6 . . . I. — St. Fursey is said to have landed at Mayoc, 
at the mouth of the Somme, near Le Crotoy, and travelled 
through Picardy, where a plain formerly called Fors-hem pre- 
served his name. It is now called Frohens-le-Grand, and it has 
a chapel called La Chapelle de St. Fursey, and his holy well.'* 
After some adventures he reached Peronne, where he was 
hospitably received by Erchenwald, and eventually settled among 
the secluded meadows of Lagny on the Marne, near Chelles, 
where Queen Bathildis had built her famous nunnery and where 
Fursey himself built a monastery with three attached chapels, 
one of which was called after him.^ Bishop Eligius, who trans- 
lated his remains to a new shrine, was the famous goldsmith 
bishop generally known as St. Eloi, of whom I have said a good 
deal later on in the text. 

1 16 . . . 24 — The name is really " Le mont des Cignes," mean- 
ing Hill of the Swans. In the life of St. Cuanna (Colgan A. A. 
MSS., Feb. 4th) is a story in which we read that while that saint 
was once presiding over a conference of 1746 holy men in Fursey's 
old foundation at Lough Corrib, a bell was seen in the air moving 
like a bird, and suspended over their heads. To the surprised 
assembly Cuanna explained that the bell belonged to St. Fursey, 
who had sent it as a token that he longed to be with them.*' 

The Abbey of St. Fursey at Peronne, founded by the saint, 
kept up its ties for a long time with Ireland. In the Annals of 
the Four Masters, undev the year 774 we read: " Moinan, son 

* Miss Stokes, Three Months in the Forests of France , 145. 
""lb. 153- 

' Trans. Roy. Irish Acad.\ xxvii. 31, and iii. part ii. ; Miss Stokes, op. 
cit. 152. 

* Miss Stokes, op. cit. 104-105, 175, and 177. 

" lb. 102, note 109-110. « lb. 102, note. 



CORRPXTIONS AND NOTES 355 

of Connar, Abbot of Cathair Fursa in France, died." One of the 
gates of Pdronne is still called Porte de Bretagne ; the town 
also has its Faubourg Bretagne. It is noteworthy that in its 
church was buried, on the 7th of October 929, one of the most 
forlorn of rulers, namely, Charles, styled the Simple, King of 
France. This old church was entirely destroyed at the Reforma- 
tion, and the only things preserved were the relics of the saint, 
which remain there and are labelled " Sacrae Reliquiae Sanct, 
Fursaci Urbis Perone^isis Patron." ^ 

At Lagny there are still the remains of the abbey founded by 
the " Mayor of the Palace," Erchenwald, in honour of the saint, 
and the ruins of the church still preserve his name. It was long 
presided over by Irish abbots and became a nursery of saints. ^ 

"The memory of St. Fursey," says Miss Stokes, "is still 
honoured in the Irish Calendar of CEngus, the Martyrology of 
Donegal, the Martyrology of Tallaght, the Martyrology of Marianus 
O'Gorman, the Martyrology of Christ Church, Dublin, in the 
Annals of Ulster and the Chronica Scotorum, and in the Kalendars 
of Scottish Sai?its" ^ 

In the Martyrology of Holy Trinity, Dublin, it is said of St. 
Fursey that his office was celebrated with nine lessons, and he is 
inscribed in the Carlovingian litanies under seven different dates. 

The famous banner of Peronne, which was sadly damaged at 
the Revolution, is still preserved in the Hotel de Ville of the 
town. On it St. Fursey is represented in the clouds sustaining 
the citizens in the famous siege of 1536. The chasuble and 
stole of the saint were formerly preserved at Lagny. 

When he left Suffolk for France, Fursey, we are told, be- 
queathed his girdle to his monks, who are said to have folded 
some locks of his hair in it and then covered it with gold and 
precious stones and applied it for the cure of the sick.^ 

His attributes in art are a crown and sceptre ; at his feet an 
angel, two oxen crouching, and occasionally a springing fountain.^ 

In a work by Guilhermy on the inscriptions of France from 
the fifth to the eighteenth centuries there is a description of an 
inscription on the great bell at St. Peter's of Lagny, with which 
St. Fursey had to do. It reads : ^^J^ai etc benite et no7nmee Furcy" 
It is dated 1669; while among the relics recorded as being in 
the church in 1018 was a bone of St. Eloi, who was styled on its 
label, " Disciple de St. Furcy." The fountain in the middle of 

^ Miss Stokes, op. cit. 192. ^ lb. 202. ' lb. 259 and 260. 

* lb. 263. 5 lb. 104. « lb. 264. 



3 56 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

the town is also said to have been the original well of 
St. Fursey.i 

121 .. . 2. — It was reported that he was buried in the 
Priory, the ivy-covered remainder of the successor of which 
remains at Blyborough. His tomb is still pointed out on the 
north side of the neighbouring church at Broad.^ 

121 .. . 4. — I am not now so sure about this, which is 
the generally received opinion. Bede nowhere tells us who 
Heresuitha married. He merely says she was the mother of 
Aldwulf and does not say who was his father. Florence of 
Worcester is our earliest authority for making him the son of 
^thelhere, and he wrote in 11 16. It is more likely that he was 
the son of Anna (for ^Ethelhere was a pagan), and, further, that 
Heresuitha was, in fact, Anna's wife. 

121 .. . 7. — The ^(967-^ <?/"^/>^ says that Anna was first buried 
at Blideburge {i.e. Blythburgh, in Suffolk), and then removed to 
Bedrichsworda {i.e. Bury St. Edmunds), adding, ^^ ubi et Jurmanus 
filius, ad Bedrichsuordam translatus." ^ 

Plummer says Wihtred's accession must be put in October, 690. 

123 .. . I. — It has been suggested in the Acta Sanctorum^ 
Feb. 2, 180, that ^thelfleda was the natural daughter of Oswy 
and full sister of King Aldfred. 

128 .. . 27. — According to Nennius the treasure of Judeu 
was exacted by Penda from Oswy, who distributed it among the 
British princes, his allies. 

132 . . . I. — Dr. Bright says of Penda: "There is a sort of 
weird grandeur in the career of one who in his time slew five 
kings and might seem as irresistible as fate."* 

134 .. . 28. — It is well to remember that the first five 
bishops of Mercia were Celtic monks. 

137 . . . 26. — Miss Arnold-Forster enumerates sixty-six 
churches dedicated to St. Botulf, or St. Botolph as he is some- 
times called, of which four are in the city of London. It was 
reported of him ^ that when he asked the King to give him land 
he begged that it might be " waste " and not be taken from his 
royal demesne. He is named among the presbyter abbots in 
the Liber Vitae of Durham. 

^ Miss Stokes, op. cit. 203. 

^ See St. Edmund^ King and Martyr^ by the Rev. J. P. Mackinley, 
O.S.B., 16. 

3 M.H.B., 190, note k. ^ Op. cit. 145. 

•* See Mabillon, iii. 5, and William of Malmesbury, 133. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 357 

138 .. . 27. — Apropos of this, it must not be forgotten 
what a part the monks and hermits had in reclaiming the 
wilder districts of Northumbria, which civilisation and social 
life had as yet not visited at all. Green poetically describes the 
process in a single paragraph : *' It broke the dreary line of 
the northern coast with settlements which proved forerunners 
of some of our busiest ports. It broke the silence of waste 
and moor by houses like those of Ripon and Laestingham, 
and it set agricultural colonies in the depths of vast wood- 
lands, as at Evesham or Malmesbury, while by a chain of 
religious houses it made its way step by step into the heart 
of the fens."i 

138 .. . 6. — Green says the kings of Essex probably dis- 
carded their Christianity and their dependence on Kent at the 
same time.^ 

141 .. . 12. — Cedde and Ceadda have been often con- 
founded in practice. Against this Fuller quaintly protests in the 
phrase, " Though it be pleasant for brothers to live together in 
unity, yet it is not fit that by error they should be jumbled 
together in confusion." 

161 .. . 30. — Cudda occurs as the second name in the list 
of abbots in the Liber Vitae. 

163 .. . 10. — Green reminds us that Benedict was then 
twenty-five and Wilfrid seventeen. 

185 .. . 28. — Stevenson points out that a pressing reason 
for holding the Synod at this time, rather than a year later, was 
that the next year, 665, there would have been a whole week 
between the Roman and the Celtic Easter days. 

186 .. . 16. — The presence of Bishop Cedde at the Synod 
of Whitby does not contravene this statement, since he was 
probably there as Abbot of Laestingham in Yorkshire. 

187 . . . 26. — ^ddi, with his usual inaccuracy, calls Colman 
^^ Eboracae civitatis episcopus metr opo lit anus y Perhaps this was a 
suggestion of Wilfrid's. 

188 .. . 25. — It is strange that Agilberht, who had been a 
bishop in Wessex for some time, should not have been able to 
expound the orthodox view of Easter himself, for his name shows 
he belonged to a cognate race to the English. 

196 .. . 4. — It is curious that Bede's two chapters deal- 
ing with this most important Synod of Whitby are left out in 
the Anglo-Saxon version, nor are they mentioned in the 
^ Making of England, 347. 2 /^^ 299. 



3 5 8 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Capitula. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle also entirely ignores the 
synod. 

204 . . . 27. — Among the presbyters mentioned in the Z/^^r 
Vitae of Durham is a certain Tydi, by whom this Tuda is 
probably meant. Miss Arnold-Forster mentions a St. Tudy 
among the dedications of English churches. 

213 .. . 3. — This shows that the West Welsh of Cornwall 
and Devon were much more friendly to the English than the 
Welsh of Wales. 

222 . . . 24. — Alchfrid is named in the Liber Vitae im- 
mediately after his brother King Ecgfrid, and in it is followed 
by another brother ^Ifwine, who was killed in a battle in Mercia. 

225 .. . 18. — Bede was, like other historians, by no means 
free from mistakes. He was, in fact, human. 

306 . . . 18. — The actual day of Theodore's arrival was 
27th May, which in 669 was a Sunday.^ It was the anniversary 
of the day on which he had set out.^ 

323 .. . 9. — It has been generally supposed that Agilberht 
on leaving Wessex went direct to Northumbria. This appears 
unlikely. He would seem rather to have first gone abroad, and 
probably went to Rome. When he presently attended the Synod 
of Whitby he probably did so as a representative of the Pope, 
and it is very likely that he was attended by Agatho as his 
assessor. As I have argued, this Agatho seems according to all 
probability to have been the person of the same name who 
presently became Pope. After the Synod Agilberht returned to 
France and became Bishop of Paris, and was accused of being 
the partisan and abettor of the worst acts of Ebroin, the major- 
domo, yet, says Plummer, he ranks as a saint.^ 

329 . . , 20. — The Hecanas are a somewhat ambiguous 
people. Their territory was probably coincident with the 
county of Hereford. Florence of Worcester identifies them 
with the Magesaetas.'* Kemble treats the latter as a section of 
the Hecanas.^ 

334 . . . 2. — Hugo Candidus, the historian of the Abbey 
of Peterborough, says that Saxwulf, having founded several 
monasteries, left the parent house in the care of a monk called 
Cuthbald. Cuthbald had founded a monastery with hermits' 

^ Plummer, Bede^ ii. 205. " ^ Op. cit. ; H.E., iv. ch. i. 

8 Bede, ii. 203. -* M. H. B. , 62 1 . 

^ Hist, of the Saxons, i. 80, 150; Stubbs's Constitutional History of 
England, i. 198 ; Bright, 207. 



CORRECTIOxNS AND NOTES 359 

cells (cu7n hercmiticis celhilis) at a place called Ancarig, afterwards 
Thorney, in Cambridgeshire.^ 

337 . . . 17. — Plummer argues that Ecgfrid came to the 
throne in February 671, and not in 670, as has been thought.^ 

355 . . . 24. — It will be remembered that Theodore him- 
self did not adopt this argument, but bases his objection to 
St. Chad's previous consecration on some fault in the form of 
consecration. 

357 .. . 18. — Miss Arnold-Forster enumerates forty-five 
churches dedicated to him.^ She also mentions three parishes 
called after him, namely, St. Chad, Chadkirk, and Chadwell 
Heath. One of the townships in Rochdale parish in Lancashire 
is called Chadwick. 

361 .. . 22. — In enumerating the virtues of St. Chad, Bede 
mentions one which I have omitted by mistake, thinking that 
" castitas " and " conti?ientia " were a duplication of the same idea, 
but, as Mr. Plummer points out, ^^castitas^^ or ^Uastus^^ was used 
by Bede as meaning not chastity but purity from error, that is, 
orthodoxy.^ 

364 . . . 6. — Even ^ddi, who was an almost unscrupulous 
partisan of Wilfrid, speaks of St. Chad, whom he deems a usurper, 
as ^^ servum Dei religiosissimum et admirabile?n doctorem.^'' ^ 

365 . . . 23. — There has been much exaggeration about the 
schools supposed to have been introduced by Augustine and his 
monks. We have no right to suppose that they had any other 
ideals than those of their master, Gregory, and he, we know, 
despised secular learning and entirely disapproved of the clergy 
teaching it. A notable example of his views on this subject is 
embodied in his very querulous letter to the Bishop of Vienne.^ 
Perhaps a better proof of the same prejudice is to be found in 
the astounding fact, as I have pointed out in his Life, that with 
all his opportunities the great Pope should never have taken 
the trouble to learn Greek, in which the best thought of the Old 
World was enshrined, and in which nearly all the theology of the 
earlier centuries of the Church was written. 

We may be sure that his influence in these matters, at all 
events in Italy, was deplorable and widespread, and that his 
monks from St. Andrew's Monastery were deeply imbued with his 
retrograde views. We have no reason to believe that they were 

^ Op, cit. 292 and notes. ^ Op. cit. ii. 358. 

^ Op. cit. iii. 345. •* Bede, ii. 199, 

•^ Ch. 14. ^ See Hovvoith, Gregory the Great ^ 177. 



36o GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

in any sense learned men. All that the Pope demanded from 
his pupils and proteges was sufficient learning for them to be 
able to read the Scriptures, the service-books, and the lives of 
saints, and to explain the elementary dogmas of the Christian 
faith ; and, secondly, to be able to chant the psalter. We do 
not read anywhere of his patronage of libraries and schools, 
except choir schools. And we may be sure that his missionaries 
to England were in these matters even less enlightened than 
their master. Augustine's interrogatories to the Pope are a 
good proof of it. The only teaching traditionally associated 
with them and their scholars at Canterbury, Dunwich, and 
York was that which was preparatory to a clerical life, and the 
schools they alone founded, so far as the evidence goes, were 
seminary schools, and schools for teaching choir-boys and men. 
There is no evidence that at this time boys who were to have 
lay careers were ever taught in these schools. We have no 
reason to suppose that the Roman monks in England, until a later 
time, could communicate with their scholars without interpreters. 
They had no other language than Latin, and they prebably 
despised the vernacular. It was very different with the Irish 
missionaries, who presently lighted a great lamp in Northumbria, 
and who came from a country then all aflame with zeal for 
learning as well as religion. It would require a generation 
before English boys could, under these conditions, be adequately 
provided with teachers, and this perhaps accounts for no 
Englishman having become an Archbishop of Canterbury for a 
whole century. 

It was not Augustine, but Wilfrid, Benedict Biscop, and 
Ceolfrid who first introduced the theories and discipline of 
the Benedictine Order into England, who, first among the 
champions of the Roman See, introduced letters and culture, in 
a real sense, into England, and it was still later that Theodore 
and Hadrian introduced true learning. The inspiration and 
training of the two latter was not Italian, where the arts and 
humanities were well-nigh dead. One came from Asia Minor 
and the other from Africa, where the influence of Gregory had 
not operated to blight all yearning for knowledge and culture in 
favour of mere pietism. Their theories were the antipodes of 
those of the author of the Dialogues. They came well endowed 
with the finest instrument available for producing learned men, 
namely, the Greek language, which opened the gateway to the 
best thought mankind had hitherto garnered, and they founded 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 361 

a most notable school of learning in England which was for a 
while unmatched elsewhere. 

Their task was a hard one, for the work had virtually to be 
started from the beginning. In France and Spain the old 
Roman tradition, although sadly shattered, had gone on 
continuously, and the old Roman city schools had gone on 
without a real break. The one thing which had disappeared, as 
it had gone in Italy and also in Spain, was a knowledge of Greek, 
otherwise the evidence goes to show that the teaching there was at 
this time little changed from that of the later Imperial time. In 
England this was entirely different. There was possibly a certain 
trace of Roman tradition in the municipal and administrative 
methods employed here, but this did not extend to schools. 

383 . . . 29. — Florence says: " Wigornia during the time 
when the Britons and Romans reigned in Britain was and still is 
the famous metropolis of all Hwiccia and Magesetania. . . . 
It was now {i.e. when the Bishopric of Wigornia was founded) 
decked {decoratd) with high walls and fortifications {niuris et 
moe7iibus) and was much fairer and more sublime (clarior atque 
sublimior) than in his day." ^ 

VOLUME II 

26 . . . 26. — Somner identified Cloveshoe with Rochester.^ 
Although it was especially fixed as the meeting-place of synods, 
we do not find that Theodore's two synods met there, unless 
Herutford was deemed to be virtually the same place. 

29 . . . 19. — It is well to note the exact words used : 
^^ Nonum capitulum i?i C077i77iune tractatn77i est. Ut plures episcopi.^ 
cresceTite 7iu77iero fideliu77i augereTitur ; sed de hac re ad praesens 

Stlm77lUS."^ 

31 . . . 28. — Coinwalch's alleged brother, Edelwine, or 
Ethelwine, was venerated at Athelney. As Plummer says, he was 
probably a myth created by an attempt to explain that name as 
^(5elwine's, or Ethelwine's, island.* 

32 . . . 21. — The ATiTiales Li7idisfar7ie7tses et CaTttuarteTtses 
give the exact date of King Ecgberht's death, namely, "iv. 
Non Jul.," i.e. 4th July.^ 

33 . . . I. — The Bishop of Lichfield, called Wynfrid by 
Bede, is called Wulfred in one MS. of ^ddi.^ 

^ M.H.B., 622. 2/^216. 3 ^^^g^ iv. ch. 5. 

* William of Malmesbury, 190 ; Plummer, Bede, ii. 143. 
^ See Pertz, iv. 2. ^ Ch. 25. 



362 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

33 . . . 25. — Bede does not mention Wynfrid's journt^y 
abroad. There is some difficulty about his chronology.^ 

35 . . . 20. — His wife was Eormengilda, daughter of King 
Earconberht of Kent.^ 

36 . . . 21. — Montalembert compares St. Etheldrytha's conduct 
to that of St. Radegunda toward King Chlothaire, who found he 
had married a nun and not a queen : " Dicebat se habere jugalem 
monacham, non regi?tam.^^ 

37 . . . 13. — Wilfrid's conduct in this matter apparently had 
the countenance of Bede.^ It was entirely contrary to the teaching 
of St. Columba, who forbade a wife to go into a monastery, quoting 
Rom. vii. 2 and Matt. xix. 6.'^ St. Gregory was very emphatic on 
the subject. He declared that a dissolution of marriage, religionis 
causa, though allowed by the human law, was forbidden by the 
Divine, quoting the same passage from St. Matthew.^ 

38 . . . 22. — She was possibly the princess of the same name 
who had previously married Merwald, Prince of the Hwiccas. 

53 . . . 21. — Montalembert speaks of Bosa very unfairly as 
" This intruder among English monks." ^ Bede calls him " Deo 
dilectus et sancfissimusy '^ 

54 . . . 7. — It is most noteworthy in view of later controversies 
that Theodore consecrated three bishops alone — " inordinate solus 
ordinavity ^ 

58 . . . 12. — Deodato was Bishop of Toul from 679 to 680. 

58 . . . 20. — Paul the Deacon speaks of him as ^^ jiisticiae tenax 
mitis per omnia et suavis" ^ He had once been on the point of 
taking shelter in Britain. The wife of his son Cunincpert was an 
Englishwoman. Hodgkin (vi. 305, note) says : " Ecgberht, King 
of Kent from 664-673, had a sister Eormengild who married 
the King of Mercia. In the family of his uncle Eormenred, all 
the daughters' names began with ^thel. From one of these 
families might well spring Eormelind or Hermelinda," of whom 
Paul the Deacon says : " Cunincpert rex Hermelinda ex Saxonum 
Anglorum genere, duxit uxoram^ The use of the phrase Saxonum 
Anglorufn here is notable. Cunincpert was visited by Caedwalla 
the Wessex king on his journey to Rome.^^ 

70 . . . 17. — In reporting the doings of the Synod at Rome, 
Bede incidentally tells us what was the theory then prevalent as to 

^ See Plummer, Bede, ii. 216.' ^ Florence of Worcester, M.H.B., 635, etc. 

' iv. 19, *See Vit, Ad,, ii. \\. = Vide Ep. xl. 45 ; Bright, 287, note 2. 

^ iv. 31, note. ' v. 20. ^ ^Eddi, ch. 24. 

' Paul Diac, Lang., v. 33-37. ^" Hodgkin, vi. 15. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 363 

the position of the bishops at such synods or councils. He says 
that when Wilfrid had taken his seat among the other bishops 
he was called upon to declare his faith and that of the island or 
province whence he came. When he and his brethren had been 
found orthodox, the fact was recorded among the Acts of the 
Synod. The orthodoxy of each bishop was clearly judged there- 
fore by the opinion of the majority, and would be conclusive as 
to his right to vote or not. It was easy enough to secure 
unanimity in this fashion. 

90 . . . 14. — The bishop who waylaid Wilfrid in France 
was, according to Mabillon, Waimar, Duke of Champagne, who 
was made Bishop of Troyes by Ebroin to reward his services 
against St. Leger.^ 

109 .. . 22. — On the other hand, Bede in his Lives of the 
Abbots calls him " most venerable and pious." 

112 .. . 25. — Hodgkin apostrophises the Andredes-wood as 
" that dark impenetrable wood which yielded in later ages to 
the axes of the charcoal-burners of Essex and of Kent." 

113 .. . 27. — The name spelt ^thelwalch by Bede is spelt 
^thelwald elsewhere. 

121 .. . 7. — The Abingdon Chronicle says the black cross 
was found with other traces of British Christianity at Sheoves- 
ham, which it describes as ^^ civitas famosa . . . divities plena ^^ 
and which was surrounded by broad green meadows. Of this 
cross it says that no one could profane it by perjury without 
imperilling his life.^ 

133 .. . 4. — If we are to believe Wilfrid's panegyrist and 
biographer, ^Eddi, Caedwalla was actually invited to invade 
Sussex. His words: ^^ Na?n sanctus antistes Christi . . . saepe 
anxiatum exukfn adjuvavit . . . usquedum . . . regnum adeptus 
est . . . Regnante Caedwalla^ Occidentaliuni Saxonum regionis 
7nonarchiam tenens statim . . . Sanctum Wilfridum . . . ad se . . . 
accersivit . . . Venerabili patre veniente, rex Caedwalla . . . in 
omni regus suo excelsum co7isiliarium ??iox ilium composuit.^^ ^ 

141 . . . 15. — Stevenson says these white chrismal robes were 
worn until the first Sunday after Easter, which was thence known 
as ^^ Dominica albis^^ 

156 .. . 23. — After " sixteenth " add ** and seventeenth." Bede 
seems to imply that he himself wrote an epitome of the book.^ 

^ Montalembert, iv. 270, note. ^ Op. cit. ii. 269. 

^ Op. cit. ch. 42. ■* Stevenson, Bede^ 499. 

^ See V. ch. 17, adfinem. 



364 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

161 .. . 27. — As Montalembert says, there are no traces 
of the Roman or Byzantine law in Theodore's Penitential. It 
embodies the penal code of the Germans, founded on the principle 
that requires a punishment for every offence or a compensation 
for every punishment. ^ According to Godwin, de Prcesulibus^ 
p. 41, Theodore brought a copy of Homer with him, which he 
continually read, and which was much admired by his ecclesiastical 
descendants. 

t68 . . . 13. — When the tomb of Archbishop Theodore was 
opened in 1091 remains were found of all his episcopal ornaments 
and also of his pallium. On his head had been placed a monk's 
hood.2 

168 . . . 27. — It is also notable that the first seven Arch- 
bishops of Canterbury were all monks. 

197 . . . 34. — Montalembert reminds us that " Oswy took his 
daughter ^Ifleda from the caresses of her mother to entrust her, 
not, as might have been supposed, to his sister, the Abbess 
^bba of Coldingham, but to Hilda, a princess of a rival dynasty, 
who nearly ten years before had been initiated into monastic life 
by Abbot Aidan." ^ 

201 .. . 16. — Two miles nearer Oxford than the present 
Abingdon. 4 

249 . . . 9. — Among Wilfrid's opponents St. Hilda was 
prominent. Malmesbury says of them : " //// viri quo os sa?ictis- 
simos celebrat a?ttiquitas, Theodorus^ Berhtzvaldus, Joha?tnes^ Bosa 
necnon et Hilda abbatissa, digladiabili odio i77ipetierunt Wilfridum 
Deo ut ex aniedictis probatur, acceptissimum." ^ 

Cuthberht, a typical saint, as well as Abbot Benedict Biscop, 
rejected the claims of Wilfrid. In his account of the latter, Bede 
speaks in warm admiration of the kings who expelled him, and 
never disapproves of the so-called usurping bishops.^ 

251 .. . 6. — ^ddi's phrase in regard to this matter is plain. 
He tells us Wilfrid returned from exile ^Uumfiliosuo propria^ veniens 
de HrypisT ^ In another chapter (18) he speaks of another boy 
who was called Eadwald, who died of the plague at Ripon {in 
Dei servitio ad Hrypis, i.e. in Wilfrid's own monastery), as ''^filius 
episcopij^' or son of the Bishop, which is equally plain. 

^ Op. cit. V. 208. 

^ Jocelyn, Vit. ; vide Sinith's Bede^ 189 ; Lingard, ii. 49, note. 

3 Op. cit. iv. 120. ■* Bright, 298, note. 

' William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pont., iii. 107. 

" Plummer, ii. 316. ' Vide ch. 59. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 365 

258 . . . 13. — Stevenson suggests that Torthelm was prob- 
ably one of those who, as Bede testifies (iii. 8), had gone from 
Britain to Gaul to study because the facilities were greater there. 

258 . . . 15. — " ^rf/^z'/^^/^/j- " is the word used in the Anony- 
mous Hist, of the Abbots ; in Bede's work on the abbots they are 
called ^^ Cementarii'^ The word is translated "handicraftsmen 
in stone " in the Anglo-Saxon version. 

272 . . . 29. — The English glass-makers were not long in 
forgetting the lessons they had learnt, for in a letter of Cuthberht, 
Abbot of Wearmouth, written to LuUus, the Archbishop of 
Mainz, he asked him to send him some artificers who could make 
good glass vessels, for his people were ignorant of the art. 
*' Sialiquis homo in tua sit parr ochia^ qui vitreavasa benepossitfacere, 
mihi mittere digneris. Aut, si fortasse ultra fines est in potestate 
cujusdam alterius^ sine tua parrochia, rogo ut fraternitas tua illi 
suadeat^ ut ad nos usque perveniat, quia ejusdevi ig?iari et inopes 
sumus.'" ^ 

273 . . . 10. — It was on this occasion that he was accompanied 
to Italy by his friend Ceolfrid. There they were honourably 
received by Pope Agatho,^ who, as we have seen, had himself 
probably visited England. This could not have taken place 
before the summer of 678, since Agatho was not consecrated till 
June or July of that year, although Florence of Worcester gives 
the date as 676. They returned to England in 679 or 680. 

275 .. . 18. — Bede defended the use of pictures against the 
iconoclasts. Thus, in his homily on Solomon's Temple, he 
urges that if the serpent was raised up in the wilderness, why 
should not Christ on His cross be also raised up ? " Ad memoriam 
fidelibus depingendo reduci, vel alia ejus miracula . . . cum horuni 
aspectus saepe multuni compunctionis soleat praestare contuentibus, 
ut eis quoque^ qui litteras ignorant^ quasi vivam Dominicae historiae 
pafidere lectio?te7nJ^ His conclusion is " non . . . imagines rerutn 
. . ./aceresed, . . idolatriae gratia facere . . . esse prohibitum^ ^ 
And he speaks of the artificers among the people of God as 
skilled in all kinds of work in copper {aeris)^ iron, gold, and silver, 
and as having been engaged in ornamenting the tabernacle. 
Similarly we find Alcuin, in 790, asking a correspondent to send 
him ^^pigmenta multa de sulfure bene et coloribus ad picturas.^^ * 

277 .. . 16. — This name is derived from Gyruy, a marsh 

^ Diimmler, Epp. Merov. et Karoling. Aevt, 406. 

2 Bede, Hist. Abb., vi. ^ 0pp., viii. 336-37 ; Plummer, ii. 360. 

^ Mon, Ale, p. 170 ; Plummer, ib. 



366 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

(hence the Gyrvians in Cambridgeshire). Here, however, says 
Dr. Bright, it denoted the " slake " or smooth bay where the 
King's ships were wont to ride at anchor. " Wira . . . qui . . . 
naves serena invectas, aura placidi ostii excipit gremio.^''^ It was 
situated at the confluence of the rivers Don and Tyne, and was 
afterwards known as the Port of King Ecgfrid.^ 

277 .. . 17. — There is a contradiction here between the 
anonymous work on the Abbots and Bede's corresponding pro- 
duction, caused by some mistake. The former says there were 
twenty-two monks at Jarrow when it was founded, while the earlier 
work says there were only seventeen. The former also adds that 
Ecgfrid marked out the spot where the altar was to be placed.^ 

303 . . . 2. — Benedict Biscop also warned his monks against 
the practice, then becoming frequent, of appointing men as abbots 
on account of their high birth rather than their character. 

305 . . . I. — The translation of Eosterwyn and Sigfrid and 
the burial of Witmar took place in August 716. 

311 .. . 18. — Nechtan or Naiton was the son of Derili and 
brother of Brude, whom he succeeded in 706.^ In 724 he was 
tonsured, probably involuntarily, and in 726 was imprisoned by 
his rival Drust. In 728 he recovered a part of his kingdom. 
In 729 he was badly defeated by Angus, King of the Scots, of 
Fortrenn, and died in 732. These dates are from Tighernach.^ 

316 .. . 26. — The Britons of Wales did not conform in the 
matter of Easter till the middle of the eighth century, and the 
controversy lasted among them till the ninth century.^ 

319 . . . 23. — The words are "d?<? Saxonia" and the use of the 
name is singular, since Northumbria was so typically Anglian. 

321 . . . 27. — This is a mistake. Instead of "rather than" 
read "although." Alcuin has the same thought in addressing 
the monks at Wearmouth : " Patribus oboeditt vestris . . . 
adoUsceniulos bene docete^ ut habeatis qui super sepulcra vestra 
stare possint et intercedere pro animabus vestris!^ Mr. Plummer 
thus aptly quotes Tennyson's lines : — 

"I go lo plant it on his tomb, 
That if it can it there may bloom, 
Or dying, there at least may die." * 

^ Op. cit. 365 ; Malmesbury, Gesta Regum^ i. 3. 
^ Sytn. Durh., i. p. 51. ^ Plummer, ii. 361. 

* Tighernach, sub an. ^ See Plummer, ii. 331. 

^ lb. ii. 301. "^ Mon. Ale, p. 843. * Plummer, ii. 180.^ 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 367 

321. — Ceolfrid was seventy-four when he died, and must 
therefore have been thirty-six when he went to Rome. 

329 . . . II. — Bede, in his "Ages of the World," calls the 
Quinisext Council the "erratic synod which Justinian summoned 
at Constantinople " {erraticae suae synodo quam . . . fecerai)}- 

350 . . . 25. — Dr. Bright suggests that these letters of Sergius 
were forged in order to magnify the archbishopric in connection 
with Rome. 

360 . . . 10. — I find that I had been forestalled in this view by 
William of Malmesbury in his Gesta Regum. Montalembert also 
says Beorhtwald was descended from the dynasty which reigned 
in Mercia, and was the first of the reign of Odin who took his 
place among the successors of the apostles. ^ 

374 .. . 10. — The Anglo-Saxon version calls him Beard- 
sachna Abbot. 

377 . . . 29. — Offa, although not called King of Essex in 
the text of Bede, is so called in the Capitula. William of 
Malmesbury, who probably had no more knowledge than we 
have, says he reigned for a short time. If he did so it must 
have been a little before 709. On going to Rome he left his 
wife {reliquit uxorem).^ On his arriving there he was tonsured, 
and soon after died. At that time Constantine was Pope.* 
The fact is mentioned in the Liber Pontificalis under the heading 
of Pope Constantine, where we read: ^^ Hujus temporibus duo 
reges Saxonum ad orationem apostolorum cum aliis pluribus 
venientes sub velocitate suani vitam^ ut obtabant finierunt,^^ ^ The 
entry is copied by Paul the Deacon.^ 

379 ... 14 and 15. — Here, as on the dedication -stone of 
the monastery at Jarrow, the foundation of the abbey is attri- 
buted to Ceolfrid, ^^juvante Benedicto" Alcuin in one of his letters 
counsels the brethren in his monasteries to regularly read the 
rule of St. Benedict, as well as to have it expounded, pointing 
to the fact that all the monks did not know Latin. There seems 
to then have been an oratory in the dormitory at Jarrow,'^ and 
Plummer quotes a parallel case at St. Mary's Hospital, 
Chichester.^ 

381 .. . 3. — ^thelbald succeeded to the throne in 716, 
since Bede says that 731 was the fifteenth year of his 



1 Smith's Bede, 31. 


2 Op. cit. iv. 310. 


^ Bede, v. 19. 


''lb. 


^ Op. cit. (ed. Mommsen), 225. 


^ Hist. Lang. , vi. 28 


' Op. cit. 17. 


^ Op. cit. ii. 367. 



368 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

reign. ^ The A?iglo-Saxo7t Chronicle (sub an. 716) says he 
reigned twelve years. He was buried at Repton. 

386 . . . 21. — Since this part of the text was in print, I 
have come across a paper by Dean Spence of Gloucester, which 
is buried in a periodical, now no more, called Good Words.'^ In 
it he describes the rediscovery of Osric's coffin. It was found 
enclosed in a fine tomb which was placed on the right of the 
high altar. It has an elaborate canopy covering a royal effigy 
representing an old man with a flowing beard and having on his 
hand a model of the Abbey of Gloucester, and is inscribed with 
black characters partly effaced, but corresponding to the epitaph 
given by Leland, except that it is dated 681. The tomb was 
erected by the last Abbot of Gloucester called Maban, and is 
stamped with his arms. 

It was opened on the 7th of January 1892. On removing 
two panels from its south side a long leaden coffin was disclosed, 
the upper end of which had been crushed. Some bones and 
grey dust were seen, but these were not disturbed. This 
was a pity, I think, for it might have, and probably did, contain 
some objects of the highest interest to the archaeologist, and 
would have done no harm to the Royal dust. Art remains of 
that date are very rare, and this is the only very early Royal 
coffin which remains intact. 

408 . . . 17. — My learned friend, the late C. Elton, in 
English Origins^ 379, says: "Great numbers of Britons seem to 
have taken refuge in the wild fens." 

426 . . . 24. — If the plague which broke out at Barking, 
as described in the first Appendix, was the outbreak of 664, 
it will, as has been urged, put back the date of the build- 
ing of the nunnery to an earlier date than has been 
supposed. 

444 . . . 9. — The fixing of the date of its foundation depends 
upon the events in the life of Boniface. He was killed in 755 
when he was about seventy-five years old. This puts his birth 
about the year 680. 

455 . . . 21. — His biographer, Faricius, tells us that Aldhelm 
could write and speak the Greek language like a native of 
Greece, and this we should expect from a scholar and a disciple 
of two such men as Theodore and Hadrian. His Latin style is 
overloaded with Greek words and idioms. Dr. Bright quotes 
doxa^ Sophia^ kata among these, and he adds a curious statement, 
1 Op. cit. V. 24. 2 i8g2, pp. 388-395. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 369 

namely, that a similar Gr?ecising affectation characterises the 
language of many of the Anglo-Saxon charters, e.g. kyrius, archon^ 
taumafe, agie^ catascopiis, etc.^ 

Faricius says again that he excelled all Latin scholars 
since the days of Virgil (!!!). It would seem, in fact, that 
his overloaded and turgid style rather attracted the scholars of 
the twelfth century, for William of Malmesbury speaks of it as 
combining the excellencies of English, Greek, and Latin. He 
speaks of its pompositas, by which, as Mr. Wildman says, he 
does not mean its pomposity, but its dignified and stately 
character, a description approved by him. " Difficult," he says, 
"as it sometimes is to construe, it moves with a magnificent 
swing, like the march of a battalion of the Guards." ^ 

Faricius further tells us, and it is curious if true, that he 
knew Hebrew and read the prophets, the psalms of David, the 
works of Solomon, and the law of Moses in that tongue. 

King Alfred speaks in high terms of his poems in the 
vernacular, which he puts at the head of all English poetry. 
Alas ! these have apparently all perished. He wrote a treatise 
on metrical rules for Latin poetry, and was also a proficient 
musician. 

In regard to the subjects of which he showed some know- 
ledge, we may mention rhetoric, of which he, however, had only 
studied the tropes. 

There is no proof that he had studied dialectics, although 
he names it among the seven Arts. In his letter to Hseddi, 
Aldhelm speaks of his studies in law and in calculation. By 
law, according to M. Roger, he means the divine law. He 
quotes a passage, from his work in praise of Virgins, where he 
speaks of the Arcana legum as equivalent to the laws of Moses, 
thus following the example of Isidore. On the other hand, as 
Lingard says, Bede, a generation later, in his Chronicle, speaks 
of the Code of Justinian as well known to his countrymen, ^ 
and M. Roger reminds us that probably in England as in Gaul 
(and he may have added Spain) the clergy took a prominent 
share in legislation and administration, and some knowledge 
of Roman law would therefore be considered as part of the 
equipment of a learned man.* 

By arithmetic and astronomy (which he distinguishes from 

^ Op. cit. 296, note. 2 Qp^ ^^^^ ^^^ 

5 Smith's Bede, p. 28. 

* Roger, L enseignement des Lettres Classigues, p. 293. 
VOL. III. — 24 



370 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

astrology), Aldhelm doubtless meant the astronoj?iiae et arith- 
meiicae ecclesiasticae disciplina which Hadrian, according to Bede, 
had taught.^ 

In dealing with his Latin style, we must distinguish the poet 
and the prose writer. First, in regard to his prose. His claim 
to have been the first of Englishmen to practise the art of 
Latin composition in prose and verse was not unreasonable, 
and he might have been, and probably was (like most poets are 
prone to be), a little self-conscious. One of his own lines which 
he is fond of quoting, is repeated in five of his compositions. In 
it he apostrophises St. Peter as " Claviger aetherius qui portani 
pandit in aethra" i.e. " Key-bearer of heaven who opens the way 
to the skies." ^ 

458 .. . 13. — iEthelwald gives a glowing description of 
Aldhelm, beginning : 

" Vale vale, fidissime 
Phile Christo carissime 
Quern in cordis cubiculo 
Cingo amoris vinculo.''^ 

It describes Aldhelm as of virile shape and sage in deed and 
word, of noble race and dignified stature, agile, with white or 
bright hair {caput candescens crinibus), keen eyes, red cheeks, 
excellent bearing, wonderful hands, graceful and strong legs 
{tibiae cursu teretes), and he ends by wishing him a happy life 
under God's protection here, and everlasting joy in the next 
world.^ 

462 .. . 20. — Bugga's church is said to have been at 
Withington in Gloucestershire, near Malmesbury. 

464 . . . 5. — In this poem, de Laudibus Virginis^ he thus 
describes an organ : 

^ We must always remember, however, that his various studies, and 
notably those among the classical authors, were not inspired by any love of the 
matter of their contents. It was in order to enable him better to study the 
Bible that he took this pains. In writing to his pupil ^thelwald, he pressed 
on him that the only use of secular learning was to illuminate that which was 
divine. Of science or true learning he had very little. We must not wonder, 
says Dr. Bright, at his believing that St. Clement of Rome wrote the Itiner- 
avium Petri, that Pope Silvester bound a pestilent serpent, or that Constan- 
tine was cured of leprosy by being baptized (Bright, 294). 

^ It occurs in his poem on the altars of the Virgin and the Apostles, in 
that written in honour of St. Peter and St. Paul, in his letter to Acircius, and 
he offers it as a specimen in his poem on Virginity addressed to the Nuns 
of Barking (see Browne, op. cit. 333 and 334). 

"Giles, Aid. 0pp., 113. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 371 

^^ Si vero quisquam cliordarxwi rcspnit odas, 

Et canhi gracili reftigit conientus adesse 
Maxima ?nillenis auscultans organa Jlabris 
Mtclceat aziditum ventosis follibus iste, 
Quamlibet auratis fulgescant cetera capsis." 

He was himself a skilful lute player, and he seems to be 
sarcastic about those who are not content with the "graceful 
musick of stringed instruments," but prefer to "soothe their 
ears with the blasts of the great organs with their gusty bellows 
and thousand pipes glittering in their gilded cases." ^ 

467 .. . passim. — It is easy to criticise all this, but we forget in 
doing so that what we call style or taste (and simplicity and natural- 
ness are two prominent elements in it) is the growth of culture, 
and is not a spontaneous gift. When Hindoos and Japanese 
first come face to face with Western thought and the contents of 
Western knowledge, and they attempt to write English, it is just 
as pedantic and artificial and involved. The prose of Henry the 
Eighth's time, and perhaps still more that of the late seventeenth 
century, is much of it loaded with the same dead weight of false 
ornament, and we must remember what it must have been for an 
Anglo-Saxon from the wilds of Wessex to come in contact with 
all the available contents of Latin and Greek and Hebrew learn- 
ing, and then to set to work, in what to him was a foreign tongue, 
to try and pour out the golden grain again for his spiritual and 
secular children. He naturally used up a large number of allu- 
sions which were new to his readers, and sounded very learned. 
His correspondents wrote more or less in the same style. The 
play upon words in measured lines was an amusement in earlier 
times than Aldhelm's, and Mr. Wildman quotes two notable 
lines from Sidonius Apollinaris. One is very ingenious j it reads 
exactly alike backwards and forwards : 

" Roma tibi sztbiio motibus ibit amor.'''' 

A second one is not so good, because it contains a false quantity 
and a hiatus, and has no satisfactory meaning : 

" Sole medere pede ede perede melos." 

Although Aldhelm was the first Englishman to introduce this 
inflated and artificial style in Latin, it is pretty clear he did not 
invent it. Haddan long ago pointed out that even he does not 
^ Aldhelm's Works, by Giles, 107, 108. 



372 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

use it, at least to the same extent, in all his writings, and chiefly 
reserves it for " Irish friends or pupils from Ireland," such as 
Eahfrid. Quite lately M. Roger has shown that it came in fact 
from Irish and Welsh models, like the Hisperica Famina, or 
British ones, as was also the case with the Lorica of Bede. 

Thus he says : " .... En lisant I'epitre ^ Eahfrid, on se 
demande d'abord si ce n'est pas une plaisanterie, quelque chose 
comme le chapitre oil Rabelais raille les latiniseurs de son temps. 
Peut-etre Aldhelm a-t-il voulu, ^crivant k un homme qui etudiait 
en Irlande, montrer qu'on pouvait posseder un beau style sans 
avoir entrepris ce voyage. . . . Peut-etre aussi I'ecole litteraire 
qui avait produit les Hisperica Famina avait-elle des admirateurs 
qu'Aldhelm eut le desir de satisfaire. Toujours est-il que cette 
lettre differe sensiblement du reste de son oeuvre. Les lettres 
k Geronte, k Haeddi, k un clerc de Wilfrid sont tout k fait intel- 
hgibles. Aldhelm lui-meme nous a confie qu'il avait deux styles : 
quand il etait press^ il ^crivait vite, sans ecarter du sujet {cursim 
pedeUmptim^^ dans le cas contraire il se laissait entrainer par la 
douceur du bavardage [garrulo verbositas strepitu)^ ^ 

Aldhelm created a certain number of new words, but not 
many. M. Roger has collected a group of them.^ His style 
abounds in Hellenisms and in unaltered Greek words, sometimes 
written in Greek letters, as in the phrase, " ad doxam onomatis 
{ — fos) Kyrie^ 

The wealth of his vocabulary and the number of his synonyms 
are amazing. Turning to his poetry, it is remarkable, as M. Roger 
has pointed out, that the defects so patent in Aldhelm's prose 
style should be much less obvious in his poetry. He explains this 
very neatly in the following sentences : " II semblerait que les 
libertes du langage po^tique et la faculte d'employer des images 
offraient, h, la subtilite d'Aldhelm, une matiere plus riche encore 
que la prose. Pourtant, ses vers sont la partie de son oeuvre la plus 
intelligible. C'est qu'ici, il a ^td mieux guide dans le choix de 
ses modeles, et surtout qu'il a et^ contraint k plus de retenue par 
son inexperience." 3 In his treatise on the art of poetry he 
quotes freely from ancient models as examples, while in his own 
practice he relies more on the Christian poets. He was especially 
troubled by the difficulties of " quantity " in versification, and by 
Latin syntax as compared with his own. Latin to him was a new 
tongue, so that he was not like the Franks and Visigoths, with 
whom Latin was passing into a jargon, and among whom the writers 
' Op. cit. 295. 2 /^^ 296, note. ^ lb. 297. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 373 

had to unlearn a barbarous decaying language if they were to acquit 
themselves well in writing Latin. As M. Roger says, the monks 
of Malmesbury and Jarrow had as their mother tongue a parody 
of the language which they had to learn. He was, however, 
troubled by the fact that the sense of quantity was not known in 
his own speech, for its poetry was one of rhythm, which had im*- 
posed itself upon the Latin hymns in the Church, and which 
would have been anathema to the poets of the Golden Age, and 
he also introduced it in a different way, namely, by a recurrence 
of accent at certain intervals in the lines. It was the restraint 
imposed by these difficulties that probably caused Aldhelm to 
write a much better and simpler style in verse than in prose. In 
writing to H^ddi he speaks of the difficulty of writing poetry. 
A large part of his own prose vocabulary to which older poets had 
not assigned quantity was banished from his verse. In addition 
to which it was not possible to force a good many abstract terms, 
Hellenisms, and compound words into hexameters. 

473 . . . 20. — These verses on St. Peter and St. Paul are 
twenty-one in number. They comprise nine also contained in 
the much larger poem on Bugga's basilica, which Mr. Wildman 
therefore deems to be earlier. In the latter poem King Caed- 
walla is mentioned as recently dead, so that it was written 
probably about 690. It must have been composed before that 
year, so also for the same reason must ^thelwald's letter and 
Aldhelm's answer. See also his letter to Osgith. 

474 . . . 9. — Cellan calls him Archimandrite (abbot), and he 
had ceased to be Abbot and become Bishop in 705. 

477 .. . 9. — In his letter to Eahfrid^ Aldhelm quotes some 
lines from his own tract on Virginity. He also speaks in it of 
Theodore as still living, though he is also referred to as '"'■ beatae 
memoriae^^^ and as Theodore died in 690, it proves that all the 
treatise on Virginity was finished before 690, and possibly some 
time before. 

494 . . . 25. — His health was doubtless injured by his austeri- 
ties, and, as in other cases, he was prone to exaggerations. 
Thus William of Malmesbury tells us that in order to check the 
temptations of the flesh he used to submerge himself in a well 
near the monastery both winter and summer, while he sang the 
Hours. The well was afterwards called after him, as another 
well was called after Bishop Daniel. 2 Malmesbury also puts it 
to his credit that in order to preserve his chastity he did not 
^ Ante, ii. 465, 466. 2 Qesta Pont., 357. 



374 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

seclude himself as others did from the society of women, but 
he took other precautions, showing what straits the unnatural 
celibate life imposes on saints by enhancing libidinous thoughts. 
{Immo vero vel assidens vel cubit ans aliquam detinebat ; quoad carnis 
tepescente lubrico^ quieto et iinmoto discederet animo, Derideri se 
videbat Diabolus, cernens adherentem foe7ninam virujnque^ alias 
avocato animo, insistentem cantando Psalterio. Valefaciebat ille 
mulieri salvo pudore, illasa castitate. Residebat carnis incom- 
modum ; dolebat ?tequam spiritus de se agitati ludibriuiJi}) 

When writing the life of Aldhelm in an earlier page^ I 
postponed an appreciation of his mental gifts to a later 
opportunity, and feel constrained, therefore, to devote a few 
paragraphs to them here. 

When we measure his literary position we must remember 
that he was the very first Saxon, as far as we know, who was 
a scholar and literary man in our sense of the word. He 
was the beginner and fountain source of the long stream 
of scholars who have since so abundantly flourished in these 
realms : this he claims for himself. " No one," he says, " sprung 
from our stock, and born of German blood, has before our 
mediocre work done this kind of thing " {quanto constat neminem 
nostrae stirpis prosapia genitum, et Germanicae gentis cunabulis 
confotuniy in huJus?fiodi negotio ante ?tostra?n 7nediocritatem 
tantopere desudasse).^ This not only in Latin prose compositions 
but in verse also. And thus he applies to himself Virgil's own 

lines : 

^^ Prifnus ego in patriam jnecum {modo vita super sit). 
Aonio rediens deducam vertice Musas 
Primus Iduitiaeas referam tibi, Mantua patmas.'* ^ 

This must be remembered when we criticise his prose style, 
which is full of the most pompous, elaborate, and loaded 
rhetoric. His sentences seem " frozen with pedantic formal- 
ism," says one critic. He literally chokes the narrative with his 
images and metaphors, and delights in " literary sleight of hand, 
in acrostics, in enigmas, in alliterations, in a play upon words, and 
a childish and grotesque redundance of expression." Lingard, 
another critic, says of him and his scholars : " They looked upon 
simplicity as a fault. Their object was to surprise and dazzle. 
They transferred to their Latin prose all the gorgeous apparatus 
of their national poetry, bewildered themselves and their readers 

^ Gesta Pont., 358. 2 Ante, ii. 486. 

^ Epist. ad Acircium, ed. Giles, 327. '^ Jb, 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 375 

amidst a profusion of extravagant metaphors, and, as if the 
language of Rome was too poor to depict their conceptions, 
bespangled every sentence with Greek words in a Latin dress." ^ 
" His language," says Haddan, " for enigmatic erudition and 
artificial rhetoric, rivals Armado and Holophernes, or Euphues." ^ 
Of this school of writers in England Aldhelm was the leader, the 
past master. 

" Never content with illustrating his sentiment by an adapted 
simile, he is perpetually abandoning his subject to pursue his 
imagery. He illustrates his illustrations till he has forgotten both 
their meaning and applicability. Hence his style is an endless 
tissue of figures which he never leaves till he has converted every 
metaphor into a simile and every simile into a wearisome 
episode. . . . His imagery was valued for its minuteness, 
although usually unnecessary to its subject, . . . and yet as these 
long details contained considerable information for an unculti- 
vated mind, and sometimes presented pictures which in a poem 
might not have been uninteresting, it was read with curiosity 
and praised with enthusiasm. Sharon Turner argues (I think 
justly) that the violence and exuberance of his metaphors and 
images was largely derived from similar features in Northern 
poetry to which they were natural."^ 

Involved, pompous, and parenthetical as his prose style is, 
it is yet remarkable what a rich vocabulary and what dexterous 
employment of idioms it also implies. 

Among his own works Aldhelm probably valued most 
what had cost him the most labour, namely, his work on the 
metrical art and on versification. When he was at school at 
Canterbury he tells us how he studied this art, which was 
apparently a prominent feature of the school curriculum, as it 
has been until lately in our grammar schools. He tells us how 
elaborately the art of versification was, in fact, taught : ^' Foetica 
septenae divisionis disciplina^ hoc est, acephalas, procilas cum 
caeteris qualiter varietur, qui versus fnonostemi, qui pentastemi, 
qui decastemi certa pedum mensura tertninentur ; et qua ratione 
catalectici et brachyacatalectici seu ipse ipercatalecti versus sagace 
argumentatione colligantur." 

How this was taught without special handbooks and other 
apparatus is hard to imagine. It would seem that Aldhelm was 
determined that the ingenuous youth of England should travel an 

'^Anglo-Saxon Church, ii. 152. ^Remains, 267, 

'^History of the Anglo-Saxons, iii. 403, 404. 



376 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

easier road than he had had to travel himself, and he made up 
his mind to write a manual or guide-book for the purpose. He 
does so on a very elaborate scale, elaborating minute details 
of grammar, prosody, and metrical rules, and quoting Virgil 
very frequently, Ovid twenty-six times, and Lucan often, Persius 
and Terence, Horace and Juvenal as his models. 

In dealing with the life of Aldhelm in the text I postponed to 
a later page the consideration of his treatment of Latin poetry, in 
which he was a remarkable innovator. This subject he discusses 
in his well-known treatise addressed to his friend, King Alchfred 
of Northumbria, whom he styles Acircius, and which he otherwise 
calls ''''Liber de Septe?iario et de metris aenigmatibus ac pedum 
regulis." In the first section of the book, which is very irrelevant 
to his main subject, allusion is made to the sevenfold gifts of the 
Spirit and to the Seven Sacraments. Aldhelm then plunges into 
a discussion on the importance of the number seven. He goes 
through the records of the Old and New Testaments to prove his 
case, and in some cases reaches ingenious if not profitable results. 
Thus he points out that there are seven petitions in the Lord's 
Prayer, and eleven times seven generations in the pedigree of 
Jesus as given by St. Luke. 

A large part of the work is devoted to an elaborate account 
of the various kinds of metrical poetry, — that is, the poetry of metre, 
such as hexameters, iambics, trochaics, etc., — with a dissection of 
the laws of metre and their application. This analysis he pursues 
at great length with considerable skill and minuteness, following 
the method and the results of the older Latin grammarians, and 
giving numerous illustrative examples, some of which are telling. 
Thus in bidding his pupil distinguish between carex (a sedge or rush) 
and carica (a dried fig), he mentions the confusion caused by a 
writer who told how a hermit in the East sustained his exhausted 
limbs by eating five rushes a day, as though he were a fasting ox or 
stag, while all the time he really meant that the poor man lived 
on five figs. He points out that in the word conju7ix the 
letter n only occurs in the nominative and vocative singular, 
and bids him distinguish between sedeo with short e and sede 
with a long one, and liquor and nitor in one verse having a long 
vowel and in another a short one ; but he sometimes makes 
mistakes. 

Occasionally he is much puzzled how to get Latin names into 
his lines without metrical breaches ; thus he converts the name 
of the nun Eustochia into Eustochium, using the former in his 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 377 

prose and the latter in his verse. The name Chionia, says Bishop 
Browne, seems to have been too much for him. He evades the 
difficulty by saying of her and her sisters Irene and Agape, 
" Quaru7n per prosam descripsi nomi?ia dudu7ny The sister 
of Rufina is not directly mentioned by him in his verse. 
He evades his difficulty here by referring to her as aetate 
secu7ida} 

Having described in narrative form the varieties of metre and 
various critical matters referring to it, he adopts a form of 
dialogue in which a disciple puts questions and the master 
replies — thus : 

D. What is an acephalan ? 

M. A verse without a head, where the first syllable is short, 
contrary to the nature of the verse. 

D. Give me an authoritative example. 

M, In the second verse of the ^neid Virgil has placed an 
acephalan, thus ^^ Italiam fato profugus" and sanctions a barbarism 
by using a tribrach for a dactyl. And so on. 

In another part of his work Aldhelm discusses phonology in 
an elementary way, and distinguishes what he calls the articulate 
speech of man from the inarticulate in animals. Again asked by 
his pupil how he would describe the speech of animals, he says : 
Bees, ambizant or bombtzant ; birds, minuriunt or uerTiant or 
uernicafit ', asses, o?icant or rudiunt; horses, hinniunt \ a jug 
when water is poured from it, bibilit\ hens, cacillant\ cocks, 
cantant or cucurriunt ; wolves, ululant \ sheep, balant \ par- 
tridges, cacabant; young pigs, grunniunt\ old pigs, grundiunt ', 
chickens and hoys, pip a?it ; men, loquuntur\ yoktls, jubilant ',^ 
etc. etc. 

Ordinary poetry, however, which followed classical models, 
did not suffice to meet the tastes of the times. It was too long 
and tedious, perhaps, and was supplemented by what became 
a favourite amusement, namely, the making of enigmas and 
riddles, the meaning and answers to which were more or less 
deftly concealed and had to be guessed. The great model for 
these was a collection which sometimes passed under the name 
of Lactantius and was known as Symposii aeTtigmata, either the 
work of a certain Symposius, or more probably, as Wright 
says, symposiaea aenigmata, " nuts to crack over our wine." 
The riddles in this collection assigned to Lactantius are 105 

^ See Bishop Browne, St. Aldhelm, 320. 
2 lb. 307. 



378 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

in number and all arranged in triplets. The following is an 

example : 

A Ship 

* * Longa feror velox formosae filia silvae. 
Innumera pariter comitum stipante caterva ; 
Curro vias 7nultas vestigia nulla relinqtiens.'" 

Aldhelm was not content to rigidly follow Lactantius as a 
model in limiting his enigmas to triplets, but inaugurated a new 
departure, consisting of enigmas with a larger number of lines. 
Of these he sends a hundred specimens to his patron, giving 
a Greek name to each class, namely : 



19 of 4 lines , aenigi 

15 of 5 lines . 

13 of 6 lines . 

19 of 7 lines . 

10 of 8 lines . 

1 1 of 9 lines . 
4 of 10 lines . 
4 of 1 1 lines . 
I of 12 lines . 
I of 13 lines . 
I of 15 lines . 



mata tetrasticha. 

pentasticha. 

hexasticha. 

heptasticha. 

ostosticha. 

enneasticha. 

decasticha. 

hendecasticha. 

dodecastichon. 

traicaidecastichon. 

pentecaidecastichon (the example really 
contains 16). 
I of 16 lines . ,, heccaidecastichon. 

I of 83 or 88 lines (the MSS vary) . aenigmata polystichon} 

I will give an example of one of these enigmas in Latin and 
a translation of a few more. 

''^ Quainvis acre cavo salpinctis classic a clangant ; 
Et citharae crepitenl, strepituque tiibae inodulentur : 
Centenos tamen eructant mea viscera cantus : 
Aleque slrepente stupent mox nnisica corda fibra^'icm.^' 

The answer to this is an organ. 

" Once was I water, full of scaly fish. 
My nature changed, by changed decree of fate. 
I suffered torments, torrid by the flames, 
My face now shines like whitest ash or snow." 

The answer is salt. 

** Forth from the fruitful turf I spring unsown, 
My head gleams yellow with its shining flower. 
At eve I shut, at sunrise ope again. 
Hence the wise Greeks have given my name to me." 

A wallflower {Heliotropion). 

^ Aldhelmi 0pp. ^ ed. Giles, 249-73. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 379 

*' My coat is black and made of wrinkled bark, 
And yet within I have a marrow white ; 
At royal dinners, in the soup and stews 
And other meats I play a proper part, 
But still no virtue would you find in me 
Were not my inside pounded very fine." 
Pepper. 

*' Twin sisters we, that share a common lot. 
And by our labour furnish food for all. 
Equal our toil, unequal is our task, 
One sister runs, the other never moves ; 
And yet we feel no envy, each for each. 
Both chew our food, but it we never swallow. 
We break it up and give it freely back." 

A pair of millstones. 

One more will suffice : 

** Lo many a draught of Bacchus to make men drunk I save, 
Squeezed by the wine-dresser's hands from the yellowing bunch 
Which hung from the leafy green of the fruits of the vine, 
Filling with nectar of grape the innkeeper's booths. 
I swell to tlie fullest extent with the juice of the vine, 
And yet never feel in myself any evil effect ; 

No, not though the nectar that fills me be drawn from a hundred casks, 
The child of the soil am I, grown up in the loftiest groves, 
My substance is cloven and riven with wedges by rustic hands 
When oaks and when pines in the glades by the axe are o'erthrown." ^ 

Answer, a wooden wine-cup. 

Turning from his enigmas, I will now give a fair specimen 
of Aldhelm's skill in narrative poetry. Here is a description of a 
storm by him : 

^^ Mox igitur coelujn nimbosa turbine iotum, 
Et convexa poll nigrescunt aether e furvo, 
Mtirttiura vasta sonant flammis co?7unista coruscis 
Et tremiiit tellus magna tremebunda fragore 
Humida rorifiuis hujuectant vellera guttis 
Irrigat et terram tenebrosis imbribus aer 
Complentur valles, et larga fluent a redundant. " ^ 

If there is not much poetic fervour in these lines there is certainly 
music and grace and restraint, and a nice choice of phrases, which 
one would hardly have expected from a Wessex monk in the 
year 700 a.d. 

* Bishop Browne, op. cit. 311-312. 
^ De Laud. Virg,^ ed. Giles, p. 191. 



380 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

These were not the only forms of poetry in which he indulged. 
There had long existed a class of poets who had emancipated 
themselves from their strict metrical rules and " substituted the 
harmonies of emphasis or accent and of rhythm for that of 
metre. It might happen that both would coincide, but this was 
a matter of chance. The new style, or taste as we may call it, 
was dependent on the melody of the ear as governed by the 
artificial distribution of accent, and not to the measure of the 
syllable as to whether it was long or short, and this presently led to 
the corruption in the quantities of even well-known Latin words." 

Bede defines rhythm as " verborum modulata compositio, non 
metrica ratione sed numero syllabarum ad judicium auriu7n ex- 
aminata, ut sunt carmina vulgarium poetaru?n." ^ " Thus in a line 
of eight syllables, by placing the accent or ictus on every second 
syllable, was formed an imitation of iambic tetrameter verse, and 
by placing it on the first and every second syllable afterwards in 
succession, an imitation of the trochaic. . . . This form of versi- 
fication was much admired by the Anglo-Saxons. Not only was 
the melody more striking, and the composition more easy, but 
it was consecrated in their eyes by the example of the celebrated 
St. Ambrose, and by the introduction of hymns composed in 
that form into their choral service. ... In all their imitations, 
however, they are careful to add an ornament which is found 
only by accident in the original models, the ornament of final 
rhymes to the lines of each couplet." ^ These imitations of 
iambic and trochaic metres were very general among the Anglo- 
Saxon poets. 

Aldhelm was not content with the standard poetry of classical 
times, nor yet with the variations from it here described, but 
diverged into other forms consisting partially of his own creation 
and partially a transference of forms already existing in the 
vernacular poetry in which he was such an adept. In some of 
his efforts the difificulty of the metre was increased by the intro- 
duction of middle as well as final rhymes in each line, as in this 
riddle : 

'*Lkbes" 

^^ Horrida, curva^ rapax, patuHs fabricata vietallis 
Pendeo : nee caelum (angeits, teri-amve proftindam ; 
Ignibus ardescens, 7iec non et giirgite fervens^ 
Sic gerninas vario patior diicrimine pugnas 
Du7n lymphae latices tolero, Jiammasque feroces.^* 



^ De arte Metrica, c. 24, p. 77. ^ Lingard, i. 161 and 162. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 381 

Acrostics, again, were another form which this verse-making 
took. There were both single and double ; the latter being 
formed by the combination of the initial and final letters of the 
lines into a sentence to be read sometimes in a descending, 
sometimes in an ascending direction. The following beginning 
of an acrostic by Aldhelm is on his own name : 

^* Arbiter, aethereo Jupiter, qui regmine sceptrA 
Lucejiuuinque uimul coeli regale tribunaL 
Disponis, modcrans ceteruis legibus illuD 
Horrida nam mulctans torsisti jnembra BehemotH 
Ex aha quondam meret dum luridus arcE 
Limpida dictanii metrorum carmina praesuT. 
Munera nunc largire : rudis quo pandere reruM 
Versibus aenigmata queam clandestina fat U 
Sic Deus indigtiis tua gratis dona rtpentiS. " ^ 

This is a conclusive proof of the way in which his name was 
spelt. 

The acrostic continues with a good many lines, the whole 
making the sentence " Aldhelmus cecinit millenis versibus odas,^^ 
which probably preserves for us the number of lines of which the 
aenigmata originally consisted, and which seem to show that the 
collection of these riddles is now incomplete. Wright says that 
in one MS. he had seen they contain 764 lines, while the printed 
text contains 755 lines. 

In the double acrostic preceding the treatise on Virginity the 
key-line reads : 

^^ Metrica tirones nunc pro mant cartnina castos.^^ 

The letters of this verse form the initials and concluding 
letters of the several lines, and had to be read downwards at the 
beginning and upwards at the end. The whole ended with a 
puzzle consisting of the key-line reversed thus : 

*^ Sotsac animract Namorp Cnunsenorita cirte.^^ 

Aldhelm and his scholars elaborated a still further device, 
which the same writer says is peculiar to them, namely, the 
frequent introduction of alliteration, in which there was a repeti- 
tion of the same letter in the same line or in both lines of the 
couplet, without attention to the accent. This is found in 
several short poems by Aldhelm and his scholars. A notable 

^ Giles, op. cit. 248. 



382 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

example is the following by Ethelwald describing his master's 

appearance, which runs as follows : 

** Summo satore sobolis 
Satus fuisti nobis 
Generosa progenitus 
Gemtrice expeditus, 
Statura spectabilis, 
Statu et forma agilis 
Caput candescens crinibus 
Cingunt capilli nitidis 
Lucent sub fronts luniina 
Lati ceu per cuhnina 
Coeli candescunt calida 
Clari fulgoris sidera."^ 

As specimens of Aldhelm's own handiwork in this method 
may be quoted the line, 

^^ Pallida, purpureo^ pingis qui flore vireta^' ;^ 
and again, 

'* Et potiora cupit guatn pulset pectine ckordas 
Queis psalmista pius psallebat cantibus olim.^^^ 

This form of poetry is very interesting to us since, as Lingard 
says, it was of English invention, or rather^ probably, it was adapted 
to Latin from the old English poems in which alliteration was a 
marked feature. That it was peculiarly English appears from 
Ethelwald's letter to Boniface, enclosing the poem last quoted, 
in which, having no name for it, he describes it as without metre 
and consisting of eight syllables in the line, with a repetition of 
the same letter adapted to the course of each line in the 
couplet, ^^ non pedum mensura, elucubratum sed octonis syllabis in 
uno quolibet versu compositis, una eademque litera comparibus 
linecarum transmiiibus aptata."'^ 

His works prove the extent of his reading, although, as 
Manitius has said of them, he did not apparently have much 
access to the Latin writers of the Golden Age. He has a 
single reference to Pliny the younger, three to Cicero — two to 
his second oration against Verres and the other to that against 
Piso ; one passage comes from Pliny the elder, and there is a 
reference to the Jugurtha of Sallust, probably taken from 
Priscian or some other Latin writer. He quotes frequently from 
Solinus, to whom Isidore of Seville was also much indebted. 

Kjilcs, op. cit. p. 113. "^ lb. p. 136. 

2 Wright, 44. ^ Ep. Bonify ep. Ixv. Lingard, ii. 164-165. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 383 

Among Christian writers he quotes Orosius, but not accurately; 
the Chronicle of Eusebius in the edition of Jerome ; the 
Dialogues of St. Gregory ; St. Augustine, of whose Co?ifessions 
he makes a special mention, while he also quotes from his 
"Free Will," "The Master," and "The Mystic"; Sulpitius 
Severus, Juvencus, Sidonius Apollinaris, Sedulius very often, 
Arator and Cornippus and Venantius Fortunatus each a page of 
citations, of whom he uses the Life of St. Martin, St. Cyprian, 
St. Cassian, etc. etc. ; while he constantly quotes the Latin Bible.^ 
Plummer has shown that, like Bede, Aldhelm quotes the Bible 
both in Jerome's version and the Old Latin. 

In addition to these, he knew certain works of the gram- 
marians, such as Donatus and his commentators Sergius and 
Pompeius, Diomedes, Phocas, Audax, Isidore of Seville, and 
probably also Virgil the grammarian, 2 the Encyclopaedia of 
Suetonius known as the Praia, and Manitius thinks he also had 
access to the work on the Cries of Animals. 

As Bright says, he was, we cannot doubt, the most popular 
of monks or priests. His scholars loved him passionately as 
their most attached teacher of pure learning. " Mi a7?iantissime 
purae i?istitutio?iis praeceptor^'' says his scholar Ethelwald in one 
of his letters to him, and he goes on to relate how he had 
tenderly watched over them from their early infancy and still 
continued to watch over them and advise them. He was 
certainly austere. He denounced the habit of gadding about on 
horseback {equitandi vagatione culpabili), and also drinking bouts 
and protracted feastings (conviviis usu frequentiore ac prolixiore 
inho7ieste superfluis). He advised them to read the Scriptures 
rather than immoral heathen poetry. (Alas ! that he had not 
been so exacting here.) He bade them also avoid sensuality, 
to be simple in dress and habits, and to keep in view that the 
end of all secular knowledge was to better study and know 
sacred things.^ 

His popularity as a literary man may be gathered from a 
letter of St. Boniface, who was continually sending to England for 
books, and on one occasion prays one of his friends to send him 
some of those of Aldhelm "to console him amidst his labours 
with the memorials of that holy bishop." ^ 

I am not quite so certain about the continuity suggested by 

^Manitius, Sitzungberichte Vienna Acad,, cxii. 535, etc. 
^ Roger, Enseignenient des Lettres C/assr'ques, 291, 292. 
3 Bright, 445, 446. 4 Wright, 35. 



384 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Dr. Bright, and fancy there was a considerable gap between the 
old British monastery at Glastonbury associated with the name 
of King Arthur and the one of later times. Great efforts were 
made afterwards to bridge over this gap, and we have a charter 
extant which is dated in 670, and professes to be a conveyance 
of the land at Ferramere to the Abbot of Glastonbury, but two 
kings' names are confused in the document — in one place he is 
called Cead walla and in another Cenualla. 

512 .. . 22. — William of Malmesbury says picturesquely of 
him: ^^ cofiscendit . . . tremulum regni culmen Ceolwulfiy^ 

VOLUME III 

6 . . . 3. — A few features of the monastic life in our English 
monasteries at this time have escaped mention in the preceding 
pages. Thus we are told that, while the monks at the earlier 
date enjoyed a siesta after their noontide meals, St. Dunstan 
only allowed himself the luxury in summer.^ They always slept 
in their habits and their shoes. There was a separate building 
for the novices, one reason being that if they wished to return 
to their secular life they could reveal no secrets. There was 
also a separate infirmary to which the sick and dying were 
removed. Thus we read of one monk, "/« cella languidorum 
deportatur^^ Another separate building was the guest-house 
or hospice, presided over by a prepositus or prior hospitiuniy 
answering to the fir thigis or man of hospitality in the Irish 
monasteries. This was the post held by Cuthberht before he 
became abbot.* 

9 . . . 5. — There is a church dedicated to Eata at Altingham 
or Atcham on the Severn, the birthplace of Ordericus Vitalis, 
which perhaps took its name from the Saint. 

18 . . . 24. — It was later that the Lindisfarne brotherhood 
incorporated the Benedictine Rule with their own. ''^ Nobis 
regularem vitam pritnum componens constituit quam usque hodie 
cum regula Benedicti observamus^^ 

47 . . . 18. — The feast-day of St. Cuthberht was held at 
Lindisfarne and was attended in later times by a great crowd of 
lay-people and clerics, and not only filled the church but all the 
approaches and the churchyard ; and after the service they sat 

^ Gesta Regum, i. 58. ^ See Stubbs's Dunstan^ p, 52. 

' Stubbs's Dunstan^ p. 147. ^ See Plummer, i. xxvi-xxix. 

° " Vil. St. Cuthberhti," Bede op. min., p. 271. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 385 

together at the tables for their food, regardless of their station 
or rank. Reginald tells a pitiful story of the stress to which 
the dapifer Gospatric was put to feed them, and how by a miracle 
St. Cuthberht came to the rescue and supplied the necessary 
bread, which consisted of those oaten spread-out cakes which 
we know in Lancashire and Yorkshire. " Erant tamen,''^ says 
Reginald, ^^ qnidam paniim perte?iiies, et in sui latitudine profusi^ 
et quasi de avenae speciei similitiidi?te cooperti" ^ 

Reginald also tells an interesting story about Norham 
Church, in which was preserved a cross made of the wood of a 
table upon which St. Cuthberht had been in the habit of eating 
his meals, and upon which the whole neighbourhood were 
accustomed to swear when an oath was required ; and he 
mentions a man who was charged with a crime and had pro- 
fessed his innocence before a proper tribunal, and his readiness 
to wage battle in proof of his assertion. In this trial he was, 
in fact, transfixed by a lance. As a preliminary step he went 
to swear on the cross at his parish church of Norham.^ 

72 . . . 15. — This platform inside the coffin was put there 
to prevent the damp from injuring the remains, and its surface 
was impregnated with wax. The process is thus described by 
Reginald : " Tabulam ligneam componunt, . . . quani de mane 
usque ad vesperam secus torridos ignes calefactam, liquentibus ceris 
iiificiunt^ et quantum possibile erai, earn tali liquoris dulcedine 
infuderuntr ^ 

118 .. . 3. — At Durham there still remain two other books 
which seem to be of a date coeval with Cuthberht (A, ii. 16 
and A, n. 17), the former containing the four Gospels, and 
the latter John, Luke, and Mark. MS. A, ii. 22 contains at the 
beginning and end portions of a still older copy of the Gospels. 

The most ancient MS. in the Library, however, is A, iv. 19, 
a Latin Ritual with an interlinear Anglian version added at a 
later time, which Wanley ascertained to be in the same hand- 
writing as that in the Lindisfarne Gospels, namely, Aldred the 
priest. It was known as the Prayer-book of Alfred the 
Great, doubtless, as Raine says, from a mistake between 
the names Alfred and Aldred. This book contains additions in 
another hand, and is described in Rud's Cat. of the Durham 

186 .. . 18. — In Murray's Guide to Kent it is said that 

^ Op. cit, ch. xxii. ^ Reginald, ch. Ivii. ^ Op. cit. ch. xl, 

* See Raine, St. Cuthberht^ 34 and 35, note. 
VOL. III. — 25 



386 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

fragments of St, Eanswitha's monastery still remain in the 
vicarage garden at Folkestone. Miss Arnold-Forster says the 
town seal still bears a figure of the Saint carrying two fish in a 
half loop. She adds that a second dedication to the Saint occurs 
in the dedication of a little church at Brenzett, between Rye 
and Romney.^ 

195 .. . 36. — In MS. D of the Historia Ecclesiastica of 
Bede, in a fifteenth-century hand, Heiu is written above Bega as 
if they were synonyms. Leland and others also identify them. 
In the margin we read : " Sta. Bega anglice Seynt Bee qui locus 
jam est cella monasterie Stae. Marie Ebor^ The twelfth-century 
Life of the saint is MS. Cott. Faust. B, iv. Its author confesses 
he had no reliable materials for the Life save the notice of the 
miracles performed by her remains. 

212 .. . 20. — According to Rudborne there was also 
buried at Repton, Kynehardus, the brother of Sigeberht, King 
of the West Saxons.^ 

The first Mercian King recorded to have been buried at 
Repton was ^thelbald, who, according to " The Continuation of 
Bede," our best authority, died in 757. The Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle and, following it, Florence put it in 750, and the latter 
says he died at Secceswald (Seckington, in Warwickshire) and was 
buried at Repton. Repton was captured by the Danes in 874, 
when we can hardly doubt that as usual they utterly ruined the 
church and its contents. The former was rebuilt in the reign of 
Eadgar. A discussion has arisen in regard to its crypt, as to 
whether it does not belong wholly or in part to the earher 
building. 

I think the views of Mr. Irving and Dr. Cox in regard to it 
will prevail. Dr. Cox holds {Notes on the Churches of Derby- 
shire) that the vault had not been originally groined and vaulted, 
and that the outer walls with their nearly obliterated chapels or 
recesses and their remarkable cornice belong to the old lower 
chancel or crypt of the celebrated Repton monastery, destroyed 
by the Danes in 874, while the groin and its sustaining pillars 
belong to Eadgar's time, when the church was re-dedicated to 
St. Wistan, who lived in the second half of the eighth century. 
Cnut transferred his relics from Repton to Evesham.^ Others 
have argued that the crypt belongs entirely to Eadgar's reign. 

I have contented myself with giving a ground plan of the 
crypt and a view of the columns. 

' Op. cit. ii. 357. "^ Aiiglia Sacra^ i. 196. * Hardy, Cat., i. 473. 



nepson 




— -W-— •'•-"■J 




l-l M l-l l-l FT 



Plan of the Cryi-t at Repton. 

[/W. in., facing p. 386 




Interior of thk East End of thi-: Church at CouiiRiixH-:. 



[Fo/. ///.,/ac/ni;/>. 386. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 387 

There is another church which several good judges have 
considered to be at least in part of an early Saxon date, namely, 
that of Saint Andrew at Corbridge. It is first definitely men- 
tioned by Simeon of Durham under the year 786.^ Mr. Hodges, 
in his paper on "The Pre-Conquest Churches of Northumbria,"^ 
has discussed its date with considerable skill. The original church 
consisted of a nave with a porticus or chapel porch at the west 
end, over which latter was in later times built the modern tower. 
Mr. Hodges thinks it was a foundation of St. Wilfrid's, and 
that a portion of the walls of his church still remain. 

213 . . . 31. — Thomas of Ely says of St. Huna : ^'' qui de 
or dine Monachorum et Presbiter S. ^theldredae fuisse perhibetur^ 
He performed the funeral service over his mistress and after- 
wards retired to a little island in the marshes called Huneya 
after him. There he lived the life of an anchorite, and miracles 
were performed at his grave.^ His stone coffin was afterwards 
broken open, and his remains were abstracted and taken to Ely. 

213 .. . 34. — In the Historia Eliensis Ely is described as 
seven miles long from " Cotingelade " to " Litleporte " or to 
Abbotesdelf, then called Biscopesdelf, and in breadth four miles 
from Cherchewere to the lake of Straham {ad mare de Straham) \ 
with the adjacent islands {cum insulis per girum) beside {Dudin- 
tone), which was outside the island, in which were villulae and 
woods with their appendent islanders, together with some rich 
pasture lands. 

Attached to the island was also Chateriz, where there was an 
abbey of nuns, the district (pagus) of Witleseya, i.e. Whittle- 
sea, and the monks' abbey of Thorneia, i.e. Thorney. The 
island formed two Hundreds in the county of Cambridge. 
Its bounds were from the middle of the bridge of Detro as far as 
Upwere, and from Biscopesdelf as far as the river by Burch {i.e. 
Peterborough) which is called Nen, in the province of the Gyrvii.* 
214 .. . 16. — At Cratendune, when Thomas of Ely wrote,^ 
was an old site (probably Roman) where iron utensils and royal 
money had been found. At Ely ^theldrytha built a house 
and then a town. There St. Augustine was reputed to have 
built a church dedicated to the Virgin Mary, with the help 
of ^thelberht. It was said to have been destroyed under 
Penda. The story is doubtless a fable. 

^ Gesia Regum. 

^ Reliquary y 893. ^ Anglia Sacra, i. 600. 

* See Wharton, Anglia Sacra, i. xli. ^ See Wharton, xli. and xlii. 



388 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

218 .. . 37. — Stukeley says that the Rev. J. Bentham, the 
historian of Ely, copied the inscription at Haddenham when a 
lad at Cambridge. It then formed the foot of a cross, and 
ended with the word Amen.^ 

219 .. . 17. — The name of the isle of Sheppey, or Sheep's 
Island, was a translation of its former name Malata, from the 
British molht^ a sheep, whence the French niouton. 

220 . . . 25. — Weedon is described as St. Werburgh's 
palace, which she converted into a nunnery. It is now called 
Weedon-on-the-Street, or Wedon Bee. Her steward, having been 
cruel to her servant named Ailwoth, was punished. He after- 
wards became a hermit, and was murdered and buried at Stowe, 
near Buccabrok. 

230 . . . 20. — Lullus sent to Abbess Cyneburga a present of 
pepper and cinnamon. He also sent to Eadburga, Abbess of 
Thanet, ^'' Storacis^J) et cinnamorni partem aliquam."^ Theophy- 
lactus, Archdeacon of Rome, sent to Boniface some cinnamon, 
^^ costum" (? a kind of pepper), and incense as a present to 
Archbishop Boniface. 

Since the first Appendix to this volume was written, the 
important work of Miss Arnold-Forster on the dedications of 
English churches has fallen into my hands. In it she has 
discussed the lives of the English noble lady saints in an 
interesting and detailed account. I propose to set out here 
such facts about them as I had overlooked. 

Speaking of St. Hilda, she points out that the church at 
Whitby was not dedicated to her until the twelfth century, when 
the great Benedictine monastery whose ruins we all know so 
well was founded, and when it was dedicated to St. Peter and 
St. Hilda. She adds that the ring of Hilda churches round 
Whitby, most of them dating from the Norman period, were 
probably possessions of the Benedictine House. Among them 
was an old chapel with a monastic cemetery which once stood at 
Middlesbrough, but has entirely disappeared. Near Whitby is 
the village of Hinderwell, once called Hilderwell, after the Saint. 
Irekirk, in Cumberland, where an early forest hermitage once 
existed, is said to be a corruption of Hildkirk. Another church 
at Lucker, in Northumberland, bears the Saint's name. In York- 
shire are nine ancient dedications to her besides the Abbey of 

^ Liber EliensiSy i. 8, note. 
^ Mon. Mag.y no. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 389 

Whitby ; while at South Shields and Hartlepool are two other 
dedications.^ 

Of St. ^bbe, Miss Arnold -Forster says, inter alia, 
that her fondness for building on headlands, or *' nabs " as they 
are called in the North country dialect, has been noted in a local 
rhyme showing the different situations favoured by the different 
Northern saints, thus : — 

"St. Abb, St. Helen, and St. Bey (Bee), 
They a' built kirks whilk be near to the sea : 
St. Abb's upon the nabs, 
St. Helen's on the lea, 
St. Bey's upon the Dunbar sands 
Stands nearest to the sea." 

St. Abbe's oldest foundation was doubtless the church at 
Ebchester, on the Derwent, at the boundary line between 
Northumberland and Durham, named after her and built in 
the Roman Castrum in which she planted it. At Ferry Hill, 
south of Durham, was a ruined chapel belonging to the monks 
of Durham, doubtless built after the translation of the Saint and 
dedicated to her and St. Nicholas. At Beadness, on the 
Northumberland coast, not far from Bamburgh, is a headland 
called Ebb's Nook, where was a cell of the Coldingham 
Monastery. In far-off Oxford is a church dedicated to St. ^bbe 
which is mentioned as early as 1005. Anthony a Wood notes 
its dedication feast as being on 15th October. Another distant 
memorial of her is a now-desecrated church at Shelswell, 
Buckinghamshire, also dedicated to her.^ 

The next Abbess to be recalled is St. Milburga.^ Like St. 
Werburga, she was credited with protecting the crops against 
depredation by wild geese, etc. Hence a mediaeval rhyme 
quoted by Mr. E. P. Brock in the British Arch. Journal^ 
vol. xli., says : — 

*' If old dame Mil will our fields look over, 
Safe will be corn and grass and clover ; 
But if the old dame is gone fast to sleep, 
Woe to our corn, grass, clover, and sheep." 

A goose was the distinctive emblem of St. Milburga. 

Besides those I have mentioned earlier,"* Miss Arnold-Forster 
speaks of a church dedicated to her across the Welsh border at 

^ Op. cit. ii. 396-401. ^ lb. 291-295. 

' Vide ante, iii. 210-212. "* Ante, p. 211. 



390 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Llairvello, in Brecknockshire. A colony of Cluniac monks went 
from Wenlock to Paisley and built a church in the latter place to 
her memory.^ 

Miss Arnold-Forster, in describing the various churches 
dedicated to St. Audrey, especially recalls the magnificent 
series of carvings in the capitals of the pillars supporting 
the great lantern at Ely, representing scenes in the life of its 
patron saint, who is also represented in a stained-glass window 
in the same place, which, like the carvings just mentioned, 
date from the twelfth century. She mentions twelve dedica- 
tions altogether as recording the Saint, i.e. the parish of West 
Quantoxhead, in Somersetshire, otherwise known as St. Audries ; 
Hyssington, in Shropshire ; and Horley, in Oxfordshire ; while the 
rest are either in East Anglia or have a special tie with Ely. 
Formerly there were churches commemorating her at Thetford 
in Norfolk, and Histon in Cambridgeshire ; a church at Norwich, 
another at Mundham, in Norfolk ; Bishops Hatfield, in Hertford- 
shire, connected with Ely since King Eadgar's time ; Totteridge, 
in the same county ; West Halton, in Lincolnshire, on the 
Humber near Wintringham, identified by Bentham in his Ely 
with the Alftham of the legend. In the old chapel dedicated to 
the Saint in Ely Place, Holborn (a relic of the London palace of 
the Bishops of Ely, and now a Roman Catholic church), is still 
exhibited a reliquary professing to contain a portion of the 
incorruptible hand of the Saint, reported to have been found 
a century ago in an old farmhouse belonging to the Duke of 
Norfolk.2 

I forgot to mention (which was a real oversight) that St. 
Audrey, whose life was hardly exemplary, is commemorated in 
the English Calendar in the Prayer Book on the 17th October, 
being the only English female saint so honoured. 

Of St. Sexburga's church at Sheppey, Miss Arnold-Forster 
says it was specially known as *' the Minster," and more particularly 
as Minster in Sheppey, to distinguish it from St. Mildred's 
Minster in Thanet. In Henry the Second's reign it was re- 
dedicated to SS. Mary and Sexburga. 

In regard to St. Werburga's churches, Miss Arnold-Forster 
identifies Trickingham with the modern Trentham. She adds 
to the dedications mentioned by me, Spondon in Derbyshire, 
where the church is dedicated to her jointly with the Virgin. 
Warburton in Cheshire, it is suggested, is a corruption of 
* Miss Arnold-Forster, op. cit. ii. 379-381. ' lb. 363-369. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 391 

Werburgh's Town. In King John's time a monastery existed 
there dedicated to God and SS. Mary and Werburgh. The name 
of St. Werburga is of course most closely connected with Chester, 
where William of Malmesbury says she and her mother Ermenilda 
were both held in high honour. Her original monastery there was 
destroyed by the Danes and apparently rebuilt by Eadgar. This 
later foundation was dedicated to SS. Werburgh and Oswald. 
In the time of William Rufus, regular Benedictine Canons were 
substituted for some very irregular ones who were there before.^ 
It was then apparently that the double dedication came to an 
end and each of the Saints had a separate church. St. Oswald's 
is still one of the parish churches of the city, while the Abbey 
Church continued to be dedicated to St. Werburga till Henry 
the Eighth in 1520 rededicated it to Christ and the Blessed 
Virgin Mary.'-^ 

Miss Arnold- Forster says of St. Mildred, that a raised green 
path in a wooded lane near Minster is still called St. Mildred's 
Lynd. Churches dedicated to her once existed at Oxford and 
Ipswich, at Whippingham in the Isle of Wight, and in the City 
of London, where two churches were known as St. Mildred, 
Bread Street, and St. Mildred, Poultry. Her churches in Kent 
are at Canterbury, Tenterden, Nurstead, and Preston.^ 

In regard to yEthelburga, the Abbess of Barking in Essex, 
and the doubts of Bishop Stubbs about her having been the same 
person as the saint to whom St. ^thelburga's Church in 
Bishopsgate is dedicated, Miss Arnold-Forster points out the fact 
of the proximity of this church to All Hallows, Barking, a well- 
known City possession of the great monastic house down in 
Essex. Its situation in " Bishopsgate," the very gate of the 
City supposed to have been erected by Bishop Eorconwald, and 
to have taken its name from him, strengthen the case in favour 
of the Abbess of Barking.^ 

Miss Arnold-Forster devotes some pages to what I deem the 
hopeless task of trying to resuscitate the personality of St. Osyth, 
whom I left out of my memoir on the high-born Saxon ladies who 
became nuns. I did so because I could make neither head nor 
tail of the strange mass of contradictions involved in her whole 
story, and which have not been removed by her champion's 
chivalrous pleading. The case against her by Bishop Stubbs 
seems to me overwhelming. She is first named in Malmesbury's 

* Malmesbury, ii. 13. 2 gee Arnold-Forster, op. cit. ii. 377. 

^ lb. p. 362. * Op. cit. ii. 384. 



392 GOLDEN DAYS OF EARLY ENGLISH CHURCH 

Gesta Pofttificum, which was completed in 1125, who mentions 
Cic (now Chick) as the resting-place of " the blessed Osytha, a 
virgin famous for miracles." Her wonderful " Life" occurred in 
a lost work by John of Tinemouth called Sanctiiogium, written 
about 1366, whence Capgrave copied it. It was taken by John 
of Tinemouth from an anonymous life written later than 
Maurice, Bishop of London, who was mentioned in it and who 
flourished 1086-1108. We therefore know of no authority 
at all for her existence before the twelfth century. Its contents 
are literally impossible to reconcile with the facts of Anglo-Saxon 
history, except by forsaking the methods of historical criticism. 
They are admirably analysed by Stubbs, who says of them, inter 
alia: "The Vita is burdened with prodigies. . . . The story 
labours under incurable anachronisms defying all Suysken's art.^ 
. . . The saint is just a name imposed on the place to create 
a fictitious sanctity for Bishop Richards' foundation. He ruled 
from 1 108 to 1 1 28." 

By inadvertence I have overlooked a story told by Bede in 
the fourteenth chapter of the fifth book of his Historia Ecclesi- 
astica, which deserves to be reported since it presents a phase of 
the incredible bigotry which then and still dominates some of 
the teachers of men. Bede says he knew "a brother" whom he 
wished he had not known, and who was a smith (fabrile arte 
singularis). He did not care to mention his name, but he lived 
in a noble monastery, where he passed his days ignobly. Although 
he had often been reproved and admonished by the elders and 
brothers of the place, he took no heed of them, and they put up 
with him patiently, for he was an excellent carpenter. He was 
an habitual drunkard and dissolute in other ways, and instead of 
going to church to sing and pray and hear the Word of Life with 
the brethren, used to spend his time day and night in the work- 
shop. Presently he fell sick, and being at his latter end, summoned 
the brethren, and reported to them with much lamentation, and 
like one damned, that he had seen hell open and Satan at the 
bottom of the pit, with Caiaphas and others who had slain our 
Lord, and had been condemned to avenging flames. "There," 
as he said, " I saw a place of eternal perdition prepared for me." 
Thereupon the brethren again pressed him to repent while he 
was in the flesh. He replied that he had no time now to change 

^ i.e. the art of its very ingenious editor in the Acta Satictoriini for October, 
vol. iii. p. 936. 



CORRECTIONS AND NOTES 393 

his life, for he had seen his judgment accomplished. He there- 
upon died without the saving viaticum {si7ie viatico salutis)^ 
was buried in the remotest part of the cemetery, and no one 
dared to say masses, or sing psalms, or even to pray for him. 
This unhappy wretch, says Bede, saw his own person among the 
fiends, so that despairing of salvation he might die the more 
miserably, and so that many among the living might be saved by 
contemplating his fate. "This happened lately," he adds, 'Mn 
the province of the Bernicians, and being reported far and wide, 
induced many to abandon their sins, which we hope may also be 
the result of our narrative." 

It is clear that the tendency to deal harshly with the im- 
penitent was growing. Prayers for them, according to Ramsay, 
were allowed in the early Church, but were forbidden in Theo- 
dore's time. 



INDEX 



Aachen, ii. 261, 262. 

Abba's hill, ii. 120. 

Abbendun, see Abingdon. 

Abbesses, lay, i. Ii. 

Abbon, St., ii. 264. 

Abbot, head of Lindisfarne, i. 25 : of 
several monasteries, i. xlii. 

Abbots, iii. 253, 254, 261 : appointed 
by Wilfrid, ii. 233, 250 : attendance 
at synods, iii. 250 : elected by 
monks, i. cxliii, cxliv : Irish, hered- 
itary caste, i. xxviii, 18, 19 : of 
high birth, ii. 303 ; iii. 366 : re- 
lated to founders, iii. 349 : rival, of 
Lindisfarne, iii. 137. 

Abd Almalik, Khalif, ii. 326, 339. 

Abdications, ii. 374, 377, 421, 422, 
426, 429, 432. 

Abercorn (/Ebbercurnig), ii. 103, 
104, 106, III ; iii. 199, 311, 320. 

Abernethy, ii. 40. 

Abingdon, i. cxi, cxliv-cxlvi ; ii. 
1 19-123, 428, 432, 442, 451, 501 ; 
ill. 364. 

Abingdon Abbey Annals^ i. cxv. 

Abortion, iii. 248. 

Abraham, Abbot, i. 172. 

Abson, ii. 499. 

Abstinence, ii. 408. 

Abu Sarh, Governor of Egypt, i. 

Abundantius, Bishop of Palermo, ii. 

Abyssinians, ii. 82. 

Acca{Acta, Ecce),Bishop of Hexham, 
i. xc, xciii, xcviii, ex, cxl, cliii, 
clxxxvi, 65, 368 ; ii. 117, 203, 215, 
234, 240, 402, 511, 515 ; iii. 10, 
38, 140-148, 312, 342: crosses, ii. 
Ill ; iii. 144-147. 

Acha, i. 75 ; iii. 204, 349. 

Acircius, see Aldfrid, King. 

Ackworth, iii. 59. 

Acrostic, iii. 233. 

Acta, see Acca. 

Acta Sanctorum, i. clxxvi. 



Actors, ii. 336. 

Adalbert, St., i. 74. 

Adalgisl, major-domo, i. 300, 301, 

Adam of Stamford, iii. 78. 

Adamnan, i. xcvi, ex; ii. 107, 490; 

iii. 137, 490 : his friendship with 

Aldfrid, ii. 154-156, 368, 310 : Life 

of St. Columba, i. clxxvi. 
Adamnan, monk of Coldingham, i. 

Ixii ; iii. 206. 
Adana, iii. 308. 
Adbaruae, see Barrow. 
Adbert, i. cliii. 
Adda, i. 123 ; iii. 201. 
Addi, of North Burton, iii. 157. 
Addingham, i. 133. 
Addula, iii. 201. 
Adela, Abbess, i. cxiv. 
Adelard, sub-regulus, i. cxliii, cliv. 
Adeodatus, Bishop of Leucorum, ii, 

Adeodatus, Pope, i. cxxvi, clxxxi ; 

ii. 64 ; iii. 348. 
Adestancastre, Adescancastre, see 

Exeter. 
Ad Murum, see Walbottle. 
Adolana, iii. 201. 
Adon, i. 297. 
Adrian, see Hadrian. 
Adtwifyrdi, ii. 105. 
Adulf, Bishop of Utrecht, i. 137. 
Adulf, King of East Anglia, see 

Aldwulf. 
Adultery, iii. 247, 248, 257, 261. 
^anfleda. Queen, i. 378 ; iii. 193. 
i^bba (^bbe, Eabbe, Ebba), St., i. 

cxxxv-cxxxvii, 67 ; ii. 37, 99, 100, 

126; iii. 12, 14, 70, 86, 204-207, 

346, 364, 389. 
^Ebbercurnig, see Abercorn. 
M.zz\, Bishop of Dunwich, i. clxxxiv, 

310; ii. 419, 
Adbert, i. cliii. 
iEdbryht, see Eadberht. 
.^ddi (Heddi, Stephen), i. cviii, ex, 

166, 217, 350, 353, 359, 370, 375, 
395 



396 



INDEX 



378, 379, 380, 383 ; iii. 143 : as an 

authority, iii. 346. 
^delhun, ii. 133. 
yEdgils, iii. 207. 
iEdh Finn, Prince of Connaught, i. 

lOI. 

vEdhan, Bishop of Magheo, i. 198. 

iEdwin (Edwine), King of Northum- 
bria and Saint, i. xxvii, cvi, cxxv, 
clxxxiii, 3-6, 9, II, 34, 41, 47-49, 
54, 55, 74-76, 131, 133, 157, 226, 
240; ii. 382, 418, 500 ; iii. 3, 185- 

188, 193, 200, 201, 204, 205, 303, 

349, 350- 
Edwine, Bishop of Mayo, i. 198. 
^d-, see also ^th-, Ed-, and Ead-. 
^ga, major-domo, i. 294, 300, 301. 
^gelric, see ^thelric. 
i^gfrid, King of the Humbroneutii, i. 

clxvi. 
^Ifdrytha, ii. 494. 
-Piffled, Queen, iii. 98. 
yElfguin, see yElfwine. 
^Ifleda (Rifled, Elfled), Abbess of 

Whitby, i. cxiv ; ii. 107, 108, 157, 

219, 223, 225, 226, 506 ; iii. 87, 

189, 193, 197-203, 265, 364. 
Alfred, i. clxii. 

yElfric, father of Osric, i. 5. 

^Ifric, Archbishop of York, iii. 163. 

^Ifric, poet, i. cxiii, 101-107, no, 

112, 242, 243 ; iii. 130. 
^Ifrid Westou (Westoue, Westowe), 

i. 85 ; iii. 9, 65, 70. 
^Ifsige, Abbot, iii. 209. 
^Ifthritha (^.Ifthrytha, Elfrida, 

Elfthritha), Abbess of Repton, ii. 

408 ; iii. 212. 
i^lfwine (^Ifguin, Ailuine), son of 

Oswy, i. 226, 227, 377 ; ii. 42, 49, 

50, 55; iii. 349, 358. 
^Ifwinsford, ii, 41. 
yElfwold, King of East Angles, i. 

cxi. 
^lla, i. 75, 79. 
Aelm, i. 332. 

yElred of Rievaulx, see Ailred. 
-^Istan, Abbot, iii. 228. 
-^ona, i. 217, 383. 
^onfleda, Queen, see Eanfleda. 
^sc, river, see Exe. 
i^scesdune, see Ashdown. 
^sculf, Bishop of Dunwich, ii. 419. 
^scwine, King of Wessex, i. clxxxiii ; 

ii- 32, 35, 50, 118, 119. 
^stune, i. 332. 
Aet-Austin, i. clvi. 
Aet Bearwe, see Barrow. 
Aet Hoe, i. cxxxix ; see also Cliffe. 



y^thelbald. King of Mercia, i. cxl, 

cliii, clvii, clxiv, clxxiv, clxxxiii, 

clxxxiv ; ii. 380, 381, 407, 413- 

416, 504 ; iii. 367, 386. 
i^thelbald, see Eadbald, King of 

Kent. 
yEthelberga, see ^Ethelburga. 
/Ethelberht, King of Kent, i. 40, 

239-242, 244, 306 ; iii. 185, 387. 
iEthelberht ii.. King of Kent, i. 

cxxxix ; ii. 358, 
Ethelberht, son of Eormenred, i. 

244, 245, 247 ; iii. 346. 
/Ethelberht, son of Oshere, i. clx, 

clxiv. 
Ethelberht, see also Albert. 
Ethelburga, wife of King Edwin, 

and nun, i. 296 ; iii. 185. 
Ethelburga (Hedilburga), St., Abbess 

of Barking, i. cvii, clxviii ; ii. 34, 

42, 477; iii. 54, 231, 232, 391. 
Ethelburga, Abbess of Brie, i. 121 ; 

iii. 224. 
Ethelburga (Eadburga, CEdilburga), 

Abbess of Hackness, ii. 220 ; iii. 

201-203, 212. 
Ethelburga, Abbess, daughter of 

Elfred, i. clxii. 
Ethelburga (Sexburga), wife of Ini, 

i. cliv, civ; ii. 427, 431, 432. 
Ethelburga(Edilburga,iEthelburga), 

wife of Wihtred, i. cxxxvii, clxix ; 

ii. 358. 

Etheldreda (Audrey, Edilthryda, 
Etheldrytha, Edilthrytha, Ethel- 
thryth), Saint and Queen, i. clxx, 
cxxxix, 121, 358, 367; ii. 36-39, 
128, 186, 418; iii. 64, 206, 212- 
222, 225, 347, 362, 387, 390: 
virginity of, ii. 36-38. 

Etheldreda, St. (sister of Germinus), 

i. 137. 
Etheldrytha, Queen (mythical), i. cl. 
Etheldrytha, wife of Athelstane, ii. 

449. 
Etheldrytha, see also Etheldreda. 
Ethelfleda, Lady of the Mercians, i. 

64. 
Ethelfleda, St., iii. 88. 
Ethelfleda, wife of Penda, see Alch- 

fleda. 
Ethelfrid (Ethelfrith, Ethelfrid), 

King of Bernicia, i. xxvii, 5 ; ii. 

37, 509 ; iii. 187, 204, 205, 348. 
Ethelgytha, Abbess, iii. 207. 
Ethelheard, Archbishop, i. clxvi. 
Ethelheard (/Edilheard, /Edilard), 

King, i. cliv, civ, clx, clxiii, clxiv ; 

ii. 501. 



INDEX 



397 



^thelhere (Edric, ^therric), King of 
East Anglia, i. clxxxiii, I2i, 122, 
125, 126, 128, 137, 138; ii. 417, 
418 ; iii. 188, 356. 

yEthelhilda (/Edilhild), Abbess, i. 70 ; 
ii, 382, 401. 

/^thelhun, ii. 401, 403, 404. 

/Ethelmund (/Ethelmod), son of 
Oshere, i. clxiv-clxvi. 

yEthelmund, King of South Saxons, i. 

137- 

/Ethelred (Ethelred), Abbot of Bard- 
ney, i. clxxv. 

Ethelred (.'Edilred, Ethelred), King 
of Mercia, i. Iviii, cxxvii, cxxix, 
cxxxii, cxxxv, cxxxvi, cxii, clvi, 
clviii-clxii, clxiv-clxvi, clxviii, 
clxix,clxxii-clxxv, clxxxiii, clxxxvi, 
62-64, 227, 331 ; ii. 32, 41, 42, 
47-49, 74, 90, loi, 102, 125-127, 
157, 158, 161, 174, 184, 186, 202, 
205, 210, 217, 218, 357, 360, 362, 
373-375, 380-382, 384, 385, 387, 
389, 390, 392, 393, 398, 424, 425 ; 

iii. 200, 209, 220, 348, 367. 
Ethelred II., King of England, ii. 

396. 
Ethelred (son of Eormenred), i. 244, 

245, 247 ; iii. 346. 
yEthelric (/Egelric, Ailric), i. clxiii, 

clxiv. 
yEtheluch, i. clxiv. 
^thelwalch (/Ethelwald), King of 

South Saxons, i. cxlvii, 327, 335 ; 

ii. 113, 117, .133, 148; iii. 363. 
^thelwald. King of East Anglia, i. 

clxxxiii, 122, 137, 152; ii. 417. 
/Ethelwald, see also yEthelwalch, 

^thelwold. 
yEthelweard, sub-regulus, i. clx, clxii- 

clxiv. 
^thelwine. Bishop of Lindsay, i. 

clxxxvi, 70; ii. 382, 401, 403. 
^thelwine, see also Edilwine. 
i^thelwold, iii. 202. 
^Ethelwold (/Ethelwald), pupil of 

Aldhelm, i. cxiv ; ii. 452, 458-460 ; 

iii. 370, 373, 383. 
i^thelwold, St., Bishop of Win- 
chester, i. cxxxii, cxxxiii, 46, 137 ; 

iii. 70, 104, 105, 219, 220. 
.(^thelwold, see also /Ethel walch, 

/Ethelwald, Oidilwald. 
^thelwulf (Ethelwulf), King of 

Wessex, i. cxlix, 245 ; ii. 438, 496, 

497. 
-Ethelwulf, poet, ii. 505 ; iii. 113, 
131, 133, 135: " De Abbatibus," 
L cxii ; iii. 346. 



/Etherric, see /Ethelhere. 

/Ethuin, monk, iii. 135. 

/Etla, Bishop of Dorchester, ii. 440, 

441 ; iii. 193. 
/Et-Stanforda, i. 183, 
/Etswinapathe, ii. 197. 
iEtte, Abbess, i. cxxxix. 
Affinity, iii. 258, 259. 
Africa, i. xviii, 230, 232, 234 ; ii. 339 ; 

iii. 360. 
Agapa; forbidden, ii. 337. 
Agapetse, iii. 182. 
Agatho, Pope, i. cxxvi, cxxix, cxxxii, 

cxxxiii, clxxiii, clxxxi, 186, 188 ; 

ii. 67-73, 76, 1^, 82, Zi, Zy, 89, 

158, 198, 200, 205, 206, 208-210, 

252, 343, 344 ; iii- I94, 358, 365. 

Agde, Council of, iii. 183. 

Agen, i. 295. 

Agesmund, i. cxxxvii. 

Agilberht (Agilbert, Albert), Bishop 
of Dorchester, later of Paris, i. 
clxxxiv, 184, 186, 188, 195, 210, 
249, 306, 321-326, 366; ii. 10, 67, 
440; iii. 194, 357, 358. 

Agilulf, King of the Lombards, ii. 
267. 

Agincourt won by saint's prayers, 
iii. 166. 

Agledulfus, see Aldwulf. 

Agricola, Bishop of Chalons, ii. 258. 

Aidan, King of Scots, iii. 205. 

Aidan, St., Bishop of Lindisfarne, 
i. xli, ciii, clxxxv, 16-34, 54, 98, 
99, 158, 199, 206, 213 ; ii. 53, 160, 
171, 172, 512; iii. 4, 5, 57, 106, 
186, 189, 192, 196, 197, 304, 311, 
340, 347,. 351, 364: parentage, i. 
18, 19 : Bishop of Lindisfarne, i. 19, 
20 : founds a school, i. 30 : ordina- 
tion, i. 31, 32 : knew little English, 
i. 32 : character, i. 19, 33, 34, 95-97 : 
buries St. Oswald's head, i. 58 : 
miracles, i. 76-78, 126 : gives a 
horse to a beggar, i. 81, 82 : death, 
i. 94: relics, i. 94, 95, 99, 198; 
iii' 57> 352 : dedications, i. 98 ; 

."^- 35I-. 
Aidan, priest, iii. 70. 
Aidan, worthies of the name, i. 19. 
Aileran the Wise, i. 322. 
Ailmer, Abbot, i. cxxxvii. 
Ailnoth (Ailwoth), iii. 222, 388. 
Ailred (/Elred) of Rievaulx, iii. 36, 

65 : Life of Si. ALtheldrythay iii. 

.347. 
Ailric, see /Ethelric. 
Ailuine, see yElfwine. 
Ailward, Bishop, ii. 395. 



398 



INDEX 



\ 



Ailwoth, see Ailnoth. 

Aix, ii. 9. 

Alban, St., i. cxxxii. 

Alberht (Alberct), Abbot, ii. 243, 

320. 
Alberht, Bishop of Dunwich, i. 

clxxxiv ; ii. 419, 420. 
Albert (^thelberht, Ethelberht), 
Archbishop of York, i. xci ; ii. 
366. 
Albert, see also Agilberht, Aldberht. 
Albinus, Abbot, i. xcvi, ciii-cv, 370- 

372; ii. 161. 
Alcester, ii. 394. 
Alcfrid, see Alchfrid. 
Alchfleda (^thelfleda), wife of Penda, 

i. 123, 227 ; iii. 356. 
Alchfrid (Alcfrid, Alcred, Alchfrith), 
King of Deira, i. clxxxiii, 58, 122, 
123, 127, 134, 168, 183-186, 207, 
208, 210, 221-223, 336-338, 340, 
347, 348, 367; ii. 41, 86, 387, 
509 ; iii. 6, 8, 209, 350, 358. 
Alchmund, ii. 240. 
Alcluith, i. Ixxxvi, 129. 
Alcred, King, see Alchfrid. 
Alcuin, St., i. xxxii, xxxix, Ixxxix, 

xcvii, xcviii, cxiii, 198 ; iii. 20. 
Aldberht (Aldbert), Abbot of Glaston- 
bury, i. cliii ; ii. 501. 
Aldberht, see also Albert. 
Aldbryht the exile, ii. 431. 
Aldfrid (Acirius, Aldfrith, Ealdfrid), 
Kingof Northumbria, i. Ii, xci, cvii, 
ex, cxxix, clxxxiii; ii. 104, 149-157, 
180, 197, 205, 210, 218-222, 226, 
227, 439, 485, 502, 504, 507, 509, 
512; iii. 122, 129, 131, 154, 198, 
199, 201, 235, 347, 356, 376 : acces- 
sion, ii. 149: poetry, ii. 150, 151 : 
exile, ii. 149-155 : friendship with 
Adamnan, ii. 154-156: illness and 
death, ii. 219, 220. 
Aldgida (Aldgitha), nun, ii. 477 ; iii. 

232. 
Aldgisl, King of Friesland, ii. 56. 
Aldgitha, see Aldgida. 
Aldhame, i. Ixxii ; iii. 119. 
Aldhelm, St., i. xxxii, xxxiii, xxxv, 
xxxviii, xliii, Ixxxviii, xci, cxi, cxiii, 
cxiv, cxxviii, cxl-cxliv, cxlviii, clii, 
cliii, clxvii, clxviii, clxxvi, clxxxv ; 
ii. 125, 153, 154, 161, 215, 364, 
365. 367, 394, 406, 442, 444, 445, 
447, 451-500; iii- 39, 122, 184, 
233, 234, 348, 383 •• '-IS Abbot of 
Malmesbury, ii. 461-465 : auster- 
ities, iii. 373, 374 : authorities for 
life, ii. 452 : as Bishop of Sher- 



borne, ii. 490-495 : canonisation, 
ii. 498 : churches, ii. 465, 493 : 
crosses, ii. 496 : De Laudibus 
Virginitatis., ii. 477-484 ; iii. 
373 : death, ii. 495, 496 : dedica- 
tions, ii. 499 : holy wells, ii. 
499 : knowledge and learning, ii. 
455 ; iii. 368-370 : letters to yEthel- 
wold and Winfrid, ii. 459-461 : 
from Cellan, ii. 467, 468, 474, 475 : 
to Eahfrid, ii. 465-467 : to Ger- 
untius, ii. 487-490 : to Hasdde, ii. 
475-477 : to Osgitha, ii. 484, 485 : 
Liber de Septuario, ii. 485, 486 : 
mental gifts, iii. 374 : miracles, ii. 
468, 469, 493, 495, 498-500 : as 
musician, ii. 456; iii. 370, 371: 
parentage, ii. 453 : personal de- 
scription, iii. 370 : poetry, ii. 455, 
456, 462-464, 472-474 : pupil of 
Maidulf, and at Canterbury, ii. 
454, 457 : pupils, ii. 457 : priest, 
ii. 461 : relics, ii. 496-499 : style, 
ii. 466, 467; iii. 371-379: visit to 
Rome, ii. 468-471. 
Aldhun (Aldune), Abbot, iii. 235, 

236, 383- 
Aldhun, Bishop of Durham, iii. 64. 
Aldingburne, i. cxlviii. 
Aldingham, iii. 58. 
Aldred, iii. no, 118, 191, 385. 
Aldred, Archbishop, see Ealdred. 
Alduini, Abbot of Bardney, see Eald- 

wine. Bishop. 
Aldulf, see Aldwulf. 
Aldune, see Aldhun. 
Aldwin, Bishop, see Ealdwine. 
Aldwin, Prior of Winchcombe, ii. 

278, 280. 
Aldwulf (Aldulf, Eadulf, Ealdwulf, 

HaldwulQ, King of East Anglia, 

i. clxvi, clxxxiii, 122, 125 ; ii. 74, 

362, 418, 419 ; iii. 188, 202, 203, 

212, 214, 356. 
Aldwulf, Bishop of Rochester, i. cv, 

clxi, clxxxv ; ii. 364. 
Alexander, King of Scotland, iii. 76. 
Alexander iii.. Pope, iii. 339. 
Alexandria, i. 231, 280; ii. 80, 330, 

334- 
Alfham (Alftham), iii. 213, 390. 
Alfred the Great, i. ci, cii, 80 ; ii. 

112, 432, 439, 496; iii. 57, 58, 

271, 369, 385- 
Alfred, see Alured. 
Alfrith the master, see Aluhfrith. 
Alftham, see Alfham. 
Alfwin, brother of Ecgfrid, ii. 127. 
Alfwin, priest, ii. 278. 



INDEX 



399 



Alfwold, Bishop of Sherborne, iii. 

Alfwold, King of East Anglia, i. 

clxxxiii, clxxxiv ; ii. 419. 
Alfwold, son of yluhelhere, i. 122. 
Algeis, iii. 352. 
Algitha, ii. 396, 

Allegory in Bede's work, iii. 342, 343. 
Allermoor, ii. 442. 
Almaric, ii. 389. 
Almond, ii. 109. 
Alms, iii. 252. 

Alms given by Oswald, i. 33, 34. 
Aln, river, ii. 105, 513. 
Alne, ii. 391. 
Alnmouth, ii. 222, 503. 
Alnwick, ii. 513. 
Alphege, St., iii. 54. 
Alps, i. 298. 
Alresford, i. clxvii. 
Alric, Bishop, i. clx. 
Alric, son of Wihtred, i. cxxxix ; ii. 

358- 
Alstan, priest, iii. 21 1. 

Altar, iii. 132. 

Altar, portable, Cuthberht's, iii. 100, 

lOI. 

Altar, western position, i. 374. 

Altermiinster, i. 71. 

Altham, see Alfham. 

Altsig, Abbot, i. xcix. 

Aluhfrith (Alfrith) the master, ii. 218, 

232. 
Alured (Alfred), iii. 147, 207. 
Alweo, ii. 380. 
Alwin, see Ealdwine. 
Amand, St., i. 297. 
Ambreslege, i. clxii. 
Ambrose, St., i. 6^ , 277, 377; ii. 

347; 

America, South, i. Ixxiii. 

Ammonites at Whitby, iii. 197. 

Amounderness, i. 378. 

Amru, governor of Egypt, i. 231. 

Amulets, iii. 10. 

Anastasius il., Emperor, i. clxxxii. 

Anastasius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, 

ii. 81, 330. 
Anatolius, i. 19, 192 ; ii. 488. 
Ancaret's Isle, i. 333. 
Ancarig, see Thorney. 
Anchorites, i. 24, 255, 258, 333, 407- 

412; iii. 20-31, 49-51, 129, 130. 
Andelys, iii. 183. 
Andhun, ii. 133. 
Andreas, son of Trollus, i. 235. 
Andred forest, ii. 133. 
Andredesey, ii, 443. 
Andredeswuude, ii, II2 ; iii. 363. 



Andrew, Bishop of Crete, ii. 342. 
Andrew, Bishop of Ostia, ii. 84. 
Andrew, monk, declines bishopric, 

^- 253- 

Andronius, St., iii. 29. 

Angenlabesham, i. clxviii. 

Anglesea, i. 15, 

Anglians settle Cumbria, i. 132, 133. 

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, i. cxvii ; iii. 
346. 

Anglo-Saxon language becomes ob- 
solete, iii. 305. 

Angus, King of Scots, iii. 366. 

Animals tamed by saints, ii. 413 ; 
iii. 22-29, 186, 205, 206. 

Animals, use or rejection of, iii. 256, 

257- 
Anna (Onna), King of East Anglia, i. 
cv, clxxxii, clxxxiii, 46, 1 14, 120- 
122, 131, 138, 152, 245, 320; ii. 36, 
417 ; iii. 188, 206, 222, 224, 225, 

356. 

Annemund, Archbishop of Lyons, i. 
163, 165, 167, 303. 

Annesi, i. 256. 

"Anno Domini" method of dating, 
i. xxxiv, xciv, cxxii, cxxxiv, 
cxxxviii, cxli, cxlii, cxliv, cxlviii, 
cl-clvi, clviii, clxiii-clxv, clxvii, 
clxviii, clxxi, clxxii, clxxiv. 

Anthony of Padua, St., iii. 28, 29. 

Antibes, i. 169. 

Antioch, ii. 68, 79-8i, 330, 334, 348, 
349- 

Antipopes, i. 237. 

Antony, Triumvir, i. 58. 

Apostasy of English kings, i. xxv, 
6, 7. 9, 95, 138,224,241; ii. 422; 
iii- 357- 

Appleby, Thomas de, Bishop of Car- 
lisle, iii. 41. 

Apsimar, see Tiberius III. 

Apulia, iii. 167. 

Aquileia, i. 238 ; ii. 349. 

Aquino, iii. 349. 

Aquitaine, i. 294, 295, 300, 301. 

Arabs, i. 229 ; ii. 326; iii. 315. 

Aran Islands, iii. 353. 

Aranmore, iii. 353. 

Arbogast, Bishop of Strassburg, ii. 
58. 

Arcencale, i. clxx. 

Archarius, Prior, i. 87. 

Archbishop, a metropolitan, ii. 9. 

Archbishop, not a metropolitan, ii. 5» 

Archbishop, first, of all England, ii. 

^59- 
Archimandrite (Abbot), i. cxliv ; ii. 

474, 494 ; iii- 373- 



400 



INDEX 



Architecture, i. xxix, clxxvi, 200- 

203 ; ii. 258-262 ; see also 

Churches. 
Architectus, ii. 258 ; iii. 365. 
Arcuulf, Bishop, i. xcvi, ex; ii. 156. 
Ardennes, i. 297. 
Arianism and Arians, i. xix, xx, 259- 

263 ; ii. 2, 3, 16. 
Arithmetic, iii. 369. 
Aries, i. 365 ; ii. 8, 9, 69, 361 ; iii. 

176. 
Armado, iii. 375' 
Armagh, ii. 151. 
Armenia, i. 229, 232 ; ii. 326, 327, 

338. 
Armenians, ii. 82, 333. 
Arno, Archbishop of Salzburg, i. 

xcix. 
Arnold-Forster, Studies in Church 

Dedications, i. clxxvi ; iii. 388- 

392. 
Arnulf, i. 300. 

Art, ecclesiastical, ii. 262-272. 
Artemius, ii. 342. 
Arthur, King, iii. 384. 
Arts in England, i. xxxvi ; see also 

Architecture, Churches, Music, 

Painting. 
Aruald, ii. 136. 

Aruini, son of Eadwulf, ii. 503. 
Arundel, X,ord, i. 338. 
Ascairico, ii. 268. 
Asceticism, i. xxii, liv, Ix-lxii, 255, 

257, 284, 285 ; iii. 49, 50, 129, 

152, 153;. 
Aserdyke, ii. 410. 
Ash tree, miraculous, iii. 213. 
Ashdown (/Escedune), i. 327. 
Ashlafardhal, iii. 269. 
Ashlof, iii. 269. 
Asia, ii. 327. 
Asia Minor, i. 232, 261 ; ii. 339; iii. 

313, 314, 360. 
Aslackton, iii. 17 1. 
Assandune, iii. 58. 
Asterius, Archbishop of Milan, i. 35- 

37. 

Astrology, u. 445, 476 ; m. 370. 
Astronomy, ecclesiastical, iii. 369. 
Atcham, see Attingham. 
Athanasius, i. 261, 264 ; ii. 347. 
Athelney, iii. 58, 361. 
Athelstane, King, i. xcii, cxli ; ii. 

449, 497 ; iii. 63, 163-165, 221. 
Athelstane, King (mythical), i. cl. 
Athens, i. 233, 254, 255, 287.- 
Attingham (Atcham), iii. 384, 
Auberlus, Bishop of Cambray, i. 

116. 



Audcenus, see Ouen. 

Audrey, St. , see ^.theldreda. 

Augustine, St., Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, i. xxiv, xxxviii, xl, xlvii, 
cxxii, I, 24, 31, 37, 152, 156, 
239, 252-254, 265, 289, 306 ; ii. 
10, II, 167, 169-173, 175, 293 ; 
iii. 214, 226, 303, 340, 359, 360, 

387. 
Augustine, St., Bishop of Hippo, 

i. Ixiii, Ixxx, 182, 305, 339, 347 ; 

iii. 176. 
Augustinian mission, i. xxiii-xxv. 
Aulus Plautius, i. 41. 
Aurelian, Rule of, i. 175, 176. 
Aurelius Victor, i. 7. 
Austerfeld Synod, i. ex ; ii. 196- 

202, 207, 225. 
Austrasia, i. 294, 297, 300, 301 ; ii. 

57- . . . 

Austrasia, Kings of, i. clxxxi, 

clxxxii. 

Austria, ii. 63. 

Autharius, ii. 268. 

Auxerre, ii. 9. 

Avalon, see Glastonbury. 

Avars, i. 298, 299 ; ii. 59-62. 

Aventine, i. 237. 

Avesnes, iii. 352. 

Avon, river (England), i. cxlii, civil ; 

ii. 392, 393» 395> 456. 
Avon, river (Linlithgow), ii. 506. 
Axon, E., i. clxxx. 
Aycliffe, iii. 142, 316. 
Ayrshire, i. 36 ; iii. 37. 

Baccanhelde, i. cxxxviii-cxl ; ii. 363 ; 
see also Bapchild. 

Bacula, Abbot, ii. 235. 

Badoriceheat's, i. clxxii. 

Baducing, Biscop, see Benedict 
Biscop. 

Baduwin, see Baeduuine. 

Badwin, Presbyter and Abbot, ii. 
218. 

Bccda, j-^ijBede. 

Bteduuine (Baduwin, Badwini, Bead- 
win, Bedwin), Bishop of Elmham, 
i. civ, clxxxiv, 310 ; ii. 419. 

Bsegia, i. clvii. 

Baetica, ii. 4. 

Bagley Wood, ii. 120. 

Baker, monastic, ii. 257. 

Baldechildis, Saint and Queen, see 
Bathildis. 

Baldhelm, priest, iii. 13. 

Baldred (Balred, Balthere, Baiter), 
St., i. Ixxii, Ixxiii ; iii. 16, 70, iiS, 
"9, 131- 



INDEX 



401 



Baldred, sub-regulus, i. cxlii, cxliii, 

cli, cliii, cliv, clxv. 
Baldwin li., Emperor, ii. 274. 
Baldwin, goldsmith, i. 87, 88. 
Balkans, revolt of Slavs, i. 232. 
Ballantrae, iii. 36. 
Balred, see Baldred. 
Baiter, see Baldred. 
Balthard, Abbot of Hersfeld, iii. 19 1, 

192. 
Balthere, see Baldred. 
Baluster shafts in early churches, ii. 

297, 298. 
Bamberg, i. 71, 72. 
Bamborough, i. 9, 22, 23, 34, 58, 61, 

62, 98, 126, 130; ii. 98, 108, 221, 

226 ; iii. 21, 43, 351 : saved by 

prayer, i. 78. 
Bamburgh, see Bamborough. 
Bangor, monks murdered, i. 48. 
Bangor (Ulster), i. 321. 
Banna, see Penda. 
Banners : St. Cuthberht's, iii. 79-82, 

88; St. John of Beverley, iii. 164, 

166, 168 ; St. Wilfrid, iii. 166, 168. 
Bapchild, i. cxl ; ii. 363 ; see also 

Baccanhelde. 
Baptism, ii. 139, 335 ; iii. 160, 241, 

244, 245, 251, 252, 256, 261. 
Bardanes Philippicus, ii. 341, 342. 
Bardney (Bardeney), i. clxxv, 35, 

62-64, 70; ii. 217, 374, 382, 401, 

411 ; iii. 184. 
Barking, i. cvii, clxxii ; ii. 42, 421, 

439; iii. 184, 185, 211, 229-234, 

368, 370. 
Barrow (Adbaruse, Aet Bearwe, 

Barwe, Bearwe), Lincolnshire, i. 

356; ii. 33, 411. 
Bartholomew, St., i. Ix. 
Barton on Humber, i. 356. 
Barton, Richmondshire, iii. 59, 61. 
Barwe, see Barrow. 
Basil, Bishop of Gortyna, ii. 78, 330. 
Basil, St., i. xxii, xxix, 253-286 ; ii. 

163, 165, 174, 175, 179; iii. 175, 

183 : Rule of, i. 267-286. 
Basil, see also Bosel. 
Basques, i. 295, 297. 
Bass, mass priest, i. 317. 
Bath, i. clxiv, clxv ; ii. 388. 
Bathildis (Baldechildis, Bathild), 

Queen and Saint, i. 116, 166, 167, 

302, 303 ; ii. 266 ; iii. 223, 354. 
Baths for nuns, iii. 179. 
Battersea, i. clxxii. 
Battle, i. cxxvii, cxxxiii ; iii. 210. 
Bavaria, i. 298, 299. 
Bayeux, i. 321. 

VOL. III. — 26 



Bayworth, ii. 120. 

Beadncss, iii. 389. 

Beads, St. Cuthberht's, iii. 23. 

Beadufrid, Abbot, i. cxlix ; ii. 448. 

Beadwin, see Bacduuine. 

Beanus, Bishop, i. 109, 116. 

Beardsachna, Abbot, iii. 367. 

Bearwe, see Barrow. 

Beavers in river Hull, iii. 155. 

Bebba, i. 61. 

Beccel, ii. 413. 

Beckbury, iii. 211. 

Becket, Thomas, ii. 198, 206, 251. 

Beda, son of Bubba, i. 160. 

Bedanhefade, ii. 35. 

Beddanburgh, ii. 98. 

Beddanham, i. clxviii, clxxii. 

Bede and anno domini, i. xciv, cxxii, 
cxxxiv ; iii. 345: Codex Amiatinus^ 
iii. 321, 326, 327, 328: and the 
plague, i. Ixxiv; ii. 307, 308; iii. 9: 
and Wearmouth, ii. 279 : as histori- 
an, i. xxxii, 319 : autograph Cassio- 
dorus, iii. 337, 340 : charged with 
heresy, i. Ixxxix ; ii. 229 : death, 
ii. 508, 516 : defends pictures, iii. 
365 : Ecclesiastical History^ i. x, 
xcix-cxi ; ii. 513, 514; iii. 345: 
epitaph at Jarrow, iii. 341 : friend- 
ship with Acca, iii. 142-144 : with 
Albinus, ii. 370, 371 : withEadfrid, 
iii. 119, 120: with Herebald, i. 
84 : with Husetberht, iii. 150 : his 
chair, ii. 292, 293 : influence on 
Milton, iii. 272 : invitation by 
Sergius, i. cxxix : learns singing, 
ii. 274 : Lives of Cuthberht, i. xci- 
xciii ; iii. 63, 345 : manuscripts, i. 
73 ; iii. 329 : mistakes, i. 225 ; 
iii. 358 : named by Dante, i. Ixxxv ; 
iii. 340, 341 : on the monastic life, 
i. xliii-lv : poem on ^theldrytha, 
iii. 217, 218 : pupil of St. John of 
Beverley, iii. 152 : reason for writ- 
ing commentaries, iii. 342 : relics, 
iii. 70, 107: "saint," iii. 90: 
''Venerable," i. Ixxxv: on asceti- 
cism, i. Ixii : views on Easter, i. 
95> 97j 158, 200 : views on hell 
and purgatory, iii. 130, 339: works, 
i. xxxiii-xxxvi, Ixxxiii-cxi, clxxv ; 
iii. 342. 

Bedeuwinde, see Bedwyn. 

Bedlington, iii. 59. 

Beds of nuns, iii. 181. 

Bed win, see Bseduuine. 

Bedwyn (Bedeuwinde), Wilts, ii. 119, 
121. 

Bee, see Bega. 



402 



INDEX 



Beer in monasteries, i. 29 ; ii. 512. 

Bees, iii. 256. 

Bega (Bee, Beghu, Begu, Bugga), 
Saint and nun, iii. 195, 196, 386, 
389, see also Heiu. 

Behrfrid, i. cl. 

Beith, i. 36. 

Bekerey, ii. 442. 

Belgium, i. 71 ; iii. 183. 

Beli, ii. 106, 107. 

Bell at Lindisfarne, i. 28. 

Bell, miraculous, iii. 354. 

Bells, ii. 497. 

Beltingham, iii. 59, 60, 304. 

Bemerside, iii. 5. 

Benedict, St., i. xxii, xxix, xl, xlii, 
175, 176, 178, 179, 181, 204, 258; 
iii. 340. 

Benedict ii., Saint and Pope, i. 
clxxxi ; ii. 198, 205, 209, 346-348. 

Benedict ix., Pope, iii. 162. 

Benedict Biscop, St., i. xxxii, xxxiii, 
xxxvi, Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, xciii, cxxvii, 
cxxviii, 156, 159-161, 163, 164, 
167, 168, 174, 182, 221, 251, 304, 
305, 308 ; ii. 2, 23, 31, 69, 103, 
153, 179, 248, 253-258, 272-280, 
285, 287-291, 293, 299-307, 322, 
323> 343, 507 ; i". 149, 266, 325, 
327, 328, 332, 357, 360, 364-366. 

Benedictine Order, i. xl, xli, Ivi ; iii. 
loi, 102, 360, 384. 

Benedictus Crispus, Archbishop of 
Milan, ii. 146. 

Beneventum, Duchy, i. 233. 

Bent grass, i. 99. 

Benwell, iii. 351. 

Beodrechworth, see Bury St. Ed- 
munds. 

Beorhtfrid (Beorhtferth, Berhtfrid), 
ealdorman, ii. 221-224, 226, 504, 
506 ; iii. 346. 

Beorhtgils, see Boniface. 

Beorhtsuith, see Bregusuid. 

Beorhtwald, Abbot, i. cli, clii ; ii. 
372. 

Beorhtwald (Beorwald, Bercuald, 
Berhtuald, Berhtwald, Berhwald, 
Berichtwald, Beroald, Berthuald, 
Brehtwald, Brihtwald), Archbishop 
of Canterbury, i. cxiv, cxxi, cxxvii, 
cxxx, cxxxvii, cxxxix, cxlviii, clii- 
cliv, clvi, clx, clxiv, clxvii, clxix, 
clxx, clxxii-clxxiv, clxxxiv, clxxxv; 
ii. 125, 126, 197, 204, 206, 211, 
216, 223-225, 358-364, 372, 394, 
420, 446, 451, 494, 501 ; iii- "212, 
348, 364, 367 ; see also Beorhtwald, 
nephew of ^thelred. 



Beorhtwald, nephew of ^thelred, i. 

cxlii ; ii. loi, 102, 360; see also 

Beorhtwald, Archbishop. 
Beornfrith, Abbot, i. civ. 
Beornstan, see Bertinus. 
Beorwald, see Beohrtwald. 
Berchann, St., iii. 353. 
Berchtgyth, iii. 191, 
Berchthun (Bercthun), Saint and 

Abbot, ii. 179 ; iii. 152, 1 54-156, 

161, 163, 204. 
Berchtsuith, see Bregusuid. 
Berchtyth, iii. 191. 
Beret (Berctus,Berctrid), ii. 104, 155. 
Bercthun, see Berchthun. 
Bercthun, Sussex chief, ii. 133. 
Berctrid, see Beret. 
Berctsuid, see Bregusuid. 
Bercuald, Bercuuald, see Beorhtwald. 
Berecingum, ii. 42. 
Bergues, i. 64. 
Berhferth, i. clxxi. 
Berhfrid, monk, ii. 449. 
Berhtfrid, see Beorhtfrid. 
Berhther (Bertared, Pectarit), Lom- 
bard king, ii. 58 ; iii. 362. 
Berhtuald, Berhtwald, Berhwald, 

Berichtwald, see Beorhtwald. 
Berin's Hill, i. 36. 
Berkshire, i. 40; ii. 119, 447, 491. 
Bermondsey, i. cxxx. 
Bernard the Sacrist, iii. 15. 
Bernard, St., i. xl, Ixxx. 
Bernardus, ii. 257. 
Bernguid (Bernguida), i. clxv, clxvi. 
Bernicia, i. 4, 5, 8, ii, 34, 75, 79, 

83, 94, 126, 184, 221 ; ii. 51, 53, 

228, 504; iii. 187, 303. 
Bernicia, Bishops of, i. clxxxvi. 
Bernicia, Kings of, i. clxxxii. 
Bernwin, nephew of Wilfrid, ii. 135. 
Beroald, see Beorhtwald. 
Berri, Due de, ii. 265, 
Bersuitha, see Bregusuid. 
Bertana, Abbess, i. clxv ; ii. 388. 
Bertared, see Berhther. 
Bertha (Byrhte), Queen of Kent, i. 

241, 243. 
Berther, priest, iii. 234. 
Berthgyth, Abbess, iii. 191. 
Bertinus (Beornstan, Byrnstan), 

Bishop of Winchester, i. 44. 
Berwald, Abbot of Glastonbury, ii. 

450. 
Berwick, i. 21 ; iii. 81. 
Besan9on, ii. 9. 
Besingahearh, i. clxvii. 
Bestlesford, i. cxlv, cxlvi ; iii. 348. 
Bethlehem, i. 170, 175. 



INDEX 



403 



Betti, i. 123. 

Beverley, iii. 155, 157, i6l, 162, 164- 
170, 204. 

Beverley, John of, see John of 
Beverley. 

Bevon Gamel, iii. 14. 

Bewcastle, i. 133, 336-347 ; "i- 59, 
60, 146, 209, 270, 304, 306, 310, 
311, 316, 317, 319, .320. 

Bible, Latin versions, i. xxxiv. 

Bible study, iii. 370. 

Bible, see also Codex. 

Bigamy, iii. 247. 

Bigotry, iii. 392, 393. 

Billfrith (Billfred, Billfrid), iii. 70, 
109, no, 118, 119. 

Bikon, iii. 155. 

Binchester, ii. 294. 

Birch (W. de G. ), Cartularium Saxon- 
iaifn, i. cxxi. 

Birching scholars, ii. 516. 

Birdei, see Bruidi. 

Birin (Birinus, Byrne), Saint, and 
Bishop of Dorchester, i. 35-46, 
321 ; ii. 441. 

Birnsale (Burnsall), iii. 58. 

Birtley, Richard de, iii. 87. 

Bischoffsheim, iii. 185, 237. 

Biscop, son of Beda, i. 160. 

Biscop Baducing, i. 160. 

Biscop, Benedict, see Benedict Biscop. 

Biscopsheim, see Bischofifsheim. 

Biscopstane, ii. 496. 

Bishop Burton, iii. 155. 

Bishop Hatfield, iii. 390. 

Bishops, advice to, i. xliv, xlv : con- 
secration, i. 209-213 : duties, iii. 
250, 251 : eight in Heptarchy, i. 
249 : foreign, to be content with 
hospitality, ii. 28 : increase of, ii. 
29 ; iii. 361 : monastic, i. 141 : 
not to disturb monasteries, ii. 27 : 
not to sleep at monasteries, i. cliv : 
not to intrude into other dioceses, 
ii. 26 : ordination at Rome, i. 288- 
293 : ordination by one bishop, i. 
289 ; ii. 54, 185 ; iii. 362 : powers, 
i. XX, xxi, cxxxix : precedence of, 
ii. 29 : reconsecration, i. 350-355 : 
regicide, ii. 90 : subordinate to 
abbots, i. xxviii, 23, 25, 31 ; ii. 
406 ; iii. 349. 

Bishopstowe, ii. 499. 

Bisi, Bishop of East Anglia, i. cv, 
309 ; ii. 22, 52, 419. 

Blachernse, ii. 79. 

Blackhill, iii. 351. 

Black Prince, i. 90. 

Blackwater, i. 142. 



Blackwell, iii. 221. 
Bladon, river, i. clvii ; iii. 348. 
Bledenhilhe, i. cliii ; ii. 501. 
Blindness prevented, i. 90. 
Blithman, Commissioner, iii. 93. 
Blood-eating, iii. 243. 
Blood-letting, ii. 179; iii. 204. 
Blood money, ii. 42. 
Blyborough, iii. 356. 
Boarhurst, i. 316. 
Bobon, Treasurer, ii. 264. 
Bodesham (Botdesham), i. cxxxv, 

cxxxvi. 
Bo-finne, i. 197. 
Bohemia, i. 72, 298. 
Boisil, see Bosel. 
Bolton Abbey, iii. 55. 
Boniface, Archdeacon, i. 164, 165 ; 

ii. 209, 252, 391 ; iii. 194. 
Boniface (Beorhtgils), Bishop of East 

Anglia, i. cv, clxxxiv, 210, 212, 

2I3» 307, 309- 

Boniface (Winfrith, Wynfrid, Wyn- 
frith), St., i. xxxviii, xliii, Ii, xcii, 
xcvi, xcix, cxiii, cxiv, cxlvi, 287 ; 
ii. 124, 356, 379, 391, 419, 435, 
444, 447, 449-451* 477, 485, 491, 
501, 504; iii. 39, 150, 160, 183, 
190, 201, 203, 204, 211, 229, 230, 
233, 235, 237, 340, 368, 383, 388. 

Bonosus, i. 351. 

Book-collecting, ii. 273, 322, 323. 

Book exchanged for lands, ii. 153, 

507. 
Books at Durham, iii. 385. 
Books destroyed by Danes, i. cxxiii. 
Books in monasteries, iii. 328. 
Books at Ripon, i. 380, 381. 
Books, and miracle, ii. 492, 493. 
Books, sacred, not to be sold, ii. 336. 
Books to be burnt, ii. 336. 
Bophin, i. 197. 
Bordeaux, ii. 8. 
Bosa, Bishop of York, i. clxxiv, 

clxxxvi ; ii. 53, 211, 223, 234, 506 ; 

iii. 140, 151, 152, 193, 362, 364. 
Bosanham (Bosham), ii. 115. 
Bosel (Basil, Boisil, Bosil, Boysil), 

Bishop of Worcester, i. clxv, clxvi, 

clxxxvi; ii. 186, 384, 385, 388; 

iii. 5. 
Bosel, Prior of Melrose, ii. 405 ; iii. 

5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 30, 31, 103. 
Bosham, ii. 115. 

Bosi, Bishop of Dunwich, i. clxxxiv. 
Bossuet, i. 204. 

Boston, i. 136 ; ii. 411 ; iii. 351. 
Bota, ii. 335. 
Botdesham, see Bodesham. 



404 



INDEX 



Bothelm, mason's boy, i. 370. 

Bothelm, monk of Hexham, i. 27. 

Botulf, see Botulph. 

Botulfeston, i. 136. 

Botulfstown, i. 136. 

Botulph (BotulO, St., i. 136, 137; ii. 

256, 411 ; iii. 347, 356. 
Botwine, Abbot, ii. 243. 
Boulogne, ii. 139. 
Bourges, ii. 8. 
Bowyer, Robert, iii. loS. 
Boyle, ii. 152. 
Boysil, see Bosel. 
Bracara, ii. 4. 

Bracklaeshamstede, ii. 449. 
Bradanafel, iii. 348. 
Bradanford, ii. 494. 
Bradansae, i. 332, 
Bradenfeld, i. cxlv, cxlvi. 
Bradford-on-Avon, i. cxliii ; ii. 294, 

465, 494, 496, 499- 
Bradwell, see Ythancaester. 
Braga, ii. 4. 
Brainshaugh, ii. 513. 
Brandesburton, iii. 165, 
Brechin, i. 36. 
Bregesne, ii. 513. 
Bregford, i. cxlii. 
Bregh, Magh, ii. 104. 
Breguntford, ii. 364, 494. 
Bregusuid (Bersuitha, Berctsuid, 

Beorhtsuith, Berchtsuith), iii. 187, 

190, 191. 
Bregwin, ii. 361. 
Brehtwald, see Beorhtwald. 
Brendan, St., iii. 353. 
Brent, East, i. cliii. cliv. 
Brentford, i. clxx ; ii. 364, 494. 
Brenzett, iii. 386. 
Bretons, Damnonian, i. 297. 
Bretwalda, i. 8, 35, 47, 74, I33> 240; 

ii. 138. 
Breviary with office for St. Chad, i. 

364- 
Brice, St., ii. 264. 
Bricklesworde, Bricklesworthe, see 

Brixworth. 
Bride Kirk, iii. 307. 
Brie, i. 121, 167 ; iii. 183, 223. 
Bright, John, ii. 251. 
Bright, Canon William, i. clxxvi. 
Brightefert of Ramsey, i. xcv. 
Brigid, St., i. 19. 
Brihtmaer, Bishop, i. clxxii. 
Brihtwald, see Beorhtwald. 
Brinkburn, ii. 513. 
Bristol, iii. 221. 
Brithred the butler, ii. 506 ; iii. 

161. 



Brithwald's Life of St. Ecgwin, iii. 

347. 
Britons, i. 77 ; iii. 173 : after Winwsed 
battle, i. 219: confined to Wales, 
i. 132 : hatred of English, i. 5 : 
lost Eastern England, i. 15 ; ii. 
408 ; iii. 368 : of Wales, iii. 366. 
Brittany, i. 21. 

Brives la Gaillarde, ii, 265, 267. 
Brixworth (Bricklesworde, Brickles- 
worthe), i. 334, 335 ; ii. 186-196, 
281. 
Broad, iii. 356. 
Broadway, ii. 499. 
Brooke, Rev. Stopford A., i. clxxvi. 
Brord, dux, i. clxvi. 
Brown, Anthony, iii, 98. 
Brown, Prof. G. Baldwin, i. clxxvii. 
Browne, Bishop G. Forrest, i. clxxvi. 
Bruidi (Birdei, Brude), King of Picts, 

ii. 106, 107 ; iii. 366. 
Brumalia, ii. 335. 
Brunanburgh, battle, ii. 98, 497. 
Brunichildis, Queen, i. 302. 
Bruny, Dukeof South Saxons, i. cxlix. 
Brussels, i. Ixxiii. 
Bruton, ii. 471. 
Bryn Hall, i. 53. 

Brythnoth, Abbot of Ely, iii, 222. 
Bubba, i. 160. 
Bucga, nun, i. clxi. 
Budecalech, i. cliv. 
Budinhaam, i. clxviii. 
Bugga (Bugge), daughter of Centwine, 
i. cxiv; ii. 123, 124, 134,435, 462, 
463 ; in. 370, 373. 
Bugga (Heaburg), i. cxiv; iii. 203, 

204, 233. 
Bugga, see also Bega. 
Bulcred, "King," i. cxxiv ; iii. 208. 
Bulgaria, ii. 340, 
Bulgarians, i. 299 ; ii. 61-63. 
Bulla?, ii. 252 ; iii. 194. 
Bull-baiting, iii. 37, 161. 
Burch, ii. 33. 

Burgh, Bishop de, iii. 216, 
Burgh Castle (Cnobheresburg), i. 114, 

120; iii. 352. 
Burghelm, ii. 115. 
Burgred, King of Mercia, ii. 439 ; 

iii. 221. 
Burgundofaro, Bishop of Meaux, i. 

306. 
Burgundy, i. xix, 165, 166, 294, 300, 

301. 
Burial of unbaptized, iii. 261. 
Burials at Lindisfarne, i. 29. 
Burials in church, iii. 249, 250, 261. 
Burne, battle of, i. 53. 



INDEX 



405 



Burngitha, ii. 477. 

Burns, Robert, iii. 262. 

Burnsall, iii. 58. 

Burrigida, nun, iii. 232. 

Bury, Prof. Jolin B., i. clxxvii. 

Bury St. Edmunds, i. 115, 121, 137, 

Byrhte, see Bertha. 

Byrne, see Birin. 

Byrnstan, see Bertinus. 

Byzantine Empire, ii. 59-64. 

Byzantine vice and virility, i. xii, xiii. 

Byzantium, see Constantinople. 

Cadafael (Cadavoel), King of Gwynedd, 
see Catgabail. 

Cadvan, i. 11 ; iii. 348. 

Cadwallon, see Caedwalla. 

Cxdmon, poet, i. xxxv, cvi, clxxvi, 
clxxviii ; iii. 193, 262-301. 

Caedwalader, son of Caedwalla, i. 15. 

Caedwalla, King of Gwynedd, i. 4, 6, 
7, II, 13-15, 42, 48, 50, 51, 74, 
75; 11. 131, 132; iii. 3, 303, 348. 

Caedwalla (Ceadual, Ceadwala), King 
of Wessex, i. Iviii, cxlii-cxliv, 
cxlviii, cli, clxvii, clxviii, clxxii, 
clxxiii, clxxxiii ; ii. 124, 125, 130- 
148, 167, 356, 374, 426, 428, 429, 

439, 469 ; iii. 362, 373- 
Coelin (Celin), i. 94, 141, 153 ; ii. 

232. 
Caer Dauri, see Dorchester. 
Ccer Eyddyn, i. 129. 
Caer Wise, ii. 443. 
Csesarea, i. 254, 255, 260, 263. 
Ca;sarius, St., IBishop of Aries, i. 175 ; 

iii. 176, 181, 182. 
Caetlgevum, i. 379. 
Cahors, i. 100, 295, 296. 
Cairo (Fostat), i. 232. 
Caistor (Castor, Dormundcaster), i. 

223, 330, 348; ii. 425; iii. 209. 
Calabria, i. 234. 
Calcaria, see Tadcaster. 
Caldey Island, iii. 318. 
Caliphate, i. 230. 
Callinicus, ii. 60. 
Cam, ii. 409. 
Camboise, ii. 307. 
Cambrey, i. 116. 
Cambridge, ii. 409. 
Cambusnethan, iii. 351. 
Camel to carry an altar, ii. 471. 
Camin of Iniskeltra, i. 321. 
Campania, ii. 58, 90. 
Candida Casa, see Whitherne. 
Candlestick called Jesse, iii. 227. 
Canonisation, i. Ixxvi ; iii. 339, 340. 
Canons, Book of, ii. 25. ^ 



Canons discussed at Uerutford, ii. 

26-30. 
Cantcaul, battle, i. 11, 15. 
Canterbury, i. xxviii, cxii, cxxiii- 
cxxvi, cxxxiv, cxxxvi, cxxxix, clxxii, 
39, 45, 117, 142, 147, 149, 160- 
163, 216, 247, 249, 319, 366, 374 ; 
ii. 51, 129, 157, 160, 167, 175, 185, 
193, 216, 243-245, 253, 256, 362, 
454-457,492; iii. 210, 219, 227- 
229, 236, 315, 360, 375, 391. 

Canterbury, Abbots, ii. 365-372. 

Canterbury, Archbishop of, position 
in Heptarchy, i. 249-251 : reason 
why Englishmen not appointed, 
iii. 360 : use of title, ii. Ii. 

Canterbury, Archbishops of, i. 
clxxxiv, clxxxv : first seven all 
monks, iii. 364. 

Canterbury, Archbishops, primacy of, 
i. 220, 250 ; ii. I, 24, 52, 175, 185, 
243. 362. 

Canterbury, Archbishops, second 
dynasty, i. 249. 

Canterbury, See vacancy, i. 216; ii. 
184. 

Canterbury school, i. xxxi, Ixxxiv ; 
ii. 175, 365-368, 454, 456, 467; 
iii. 359, 360. 

Cantucuudu, i. cli. 

Canute, see Cnut. 

Cappadocia, i. 174, 259, 261. 

Care, river, ii. 506. 

Carham (Carram, Carrum), iii. 57, 

59- 
Carilef, Bishop, iii. 18, 64. 

Carinthia, i. 298. 

Carlisle (Luel, Lugubalia), i. clxxiv, 

70, 133; ii. 109; iii. 32-34, 41, 

54, 56, 59, 91, 184, 208. 
Carniola, i. 72, 298. 
Carram, see Carham. 
Carron, river, ii. 506. 
Carrum, see Carham. 
Carthage, i. 231, 233, 235; ii. 339. 
Carthagena, ii. 3. 
Carthagh, St., i. 321. 
Cartmel, i. 379 ; iii. 56. 
C as ail, i. 27. 
Cassian, Saint and Bishop, i. 170-182, 

278 ; iii. 176 : Rule of, i. 173-181. 
Cassiodorus, i. xxxiv, 175; iii. 325, 

326, 330-337. 
Castor, see Caistor. 
Castor, Bishop of Apt, i. 173. 
Cataracta, see Catterick. 
Catgabail (Cadafael, Cadavasl), King 

of Gwynedd, i. 15, 126, 131. 
Catgublaun, i, 11, 



4o6 



INDEX 



Catguollaun, i. ii. 

Catgus, i. II. 

Cath ys gwaul, i. 15. 

Cathair Fursa, iii. 355. 

Cation, i. II. 

Catreht, see Catterick. 

Catscaul, battle of, i. ii, 15. 

Catterick (Cataracta, Catreht), i. 79, 

154- 

Ceadda (Chad), St., i. Ixxxiv, cxxv, 
clxxiv, clxxxv, 30, 94, 98, 141, 206, 
212-214, 216, 217, 225, 307, 323, 
324, 349-366; ii. 35, 50, 93. 173, 
381, 405, 490; iii. 17, 194, 218, 
219. 357, 359. 

Ceadual, Ceadwala, see Caedwalla, 
King of Wessex. 

Ceaulin, ii. 428. 

Cedde, St., Bishop of London, i. cv, 
cxlvi, clxxiv, clxxxiv, 30, 94, 98, 
123, 140-142, 150-154, 187, 199, 
206, 207, 212, 213, 223, 307, 363; 
ii. 50 ; iii. 357. 

Celibacy of monks at Lindisfarne, i. 
26. 

Celin, see Caelin. 

Cellan, Abbot, ii. 453, 467, 468, 474, 

475-. 
Celta, i. clxxii. 

Celtic clergy not recognised, i. 352. 
Celtic rites, difference from Roman 

i-55- 

Cemele, see Kemble. 

Cementarii, ii. 258 ; iii. 365. 

Cenferth, ii. 32. 

Cenfrith (Kenfrith), ealdorman, i. cxl, 
cxli. 

Cenfus, ii. 32. 

Cengisl, see Hemgils. 

Cenred, see Coenred. 

Centwal, King, i. clxvii. 

Centwine (Centwyn, Chentwini, 
Kenten, Kentwine), King of 
Wessex, i. cxlii, cxliii, cli, clii, 
cliv, clxxxiii ; ii. 38, 50, 102, 118, 
119, 123-125, 134, 148,453. 462; 
iii. 233. 

Cenwalch, see Coinwalch. 

Cenwulf, see Cynewulf. 

Ceode, Bishop of lona, iii. 138. 

Ceodwala, see Caedwalla. 

Ceolfrid, Abbot, i. xxxii, xxxiii, 
Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, xc, cix, cxxviii, 
cxxix, 29, 137; ii. 153, 156, 196, 
255-258, 276, 277, 287, 298-301, 
304, 306-312, 315-324, 403, 507; 
iii. 138, 148, 150, 197, 321-323, 
325, 327-330, 332, 333. 336, 337, 
339, 360, 365-367- 



Ceolfrid, King of Mercia, ii. 430 ; 

iii. 212, 345. 
Ceolla, iii. 230. 
Ceollach, Bishop of Mercia, i. clxxxv, 

135, 136, 218. 
Ceolred (Ciolred), King of Mercia, i. 

clxx, clxxxiii ; ii. 232, 378-380, 

414, 504 ; iii. 221. 
Ceolswitha, see Cilia. 
Ceolwald, ii. 428. 
Ceolwulf, Bishop, i. clxvi. 
Ceolwulf (Echdach, Eochaid), St., 

King of Northumbria, i. xlvii, Iviii, 

civ; ii. 510-517 ; iii. 40, 57, 70, 

142, 384. 
Ceolwulf, son of Cynric (Wessex), 

ii. 32, 50. 
Cerdic, ii. 32, 428. 
Cerdic, chief of Elmet, iii. i87' 
Cerotaesei, see Chertsey. 
Certeseye, see Chertsey. 
Cerwelle, see Cherwell. 
Cester, see Chester-le-Street. 
Chad, St., see Ceadda. 
Chadkirk, iii. 359. 
Chadstowe, i. 357. 
Chadwell Heath, iii. 359. 
Chadwick, iii. 359. 
Chceremon, Abbot, i. 1 71. 
Chair, Bede's, ii. 293. 
Chalcedon, ii. 333. 
Chamar, i. 299. 
Champagne, i. 169; ii. 58, 90. 
Channel Kirk, iii. 36. 
Chanting, i, ex; ii. 201. 
Chares of Lindos, i. 230. 
Charibert, i. 293, 295. 
Charinus, Deacon, ii. 73. 
Charles the Great, i. xxxix, cxii ; ii. 

259, 261, 438. 
Charles the Simple, iii. 355- 
Charms, iii. 10. 

Charters, Anglo-Saxon, i. cxx-clxxv. 
Chastity, i. 1, liii, liv ; ii. 373, 374 ; 

iii. 178, 180. 
Chasuble, i. 27. 
Chatelac, ii. 265. 
Chateriz, iii. 387. 
Cheker, William de, iii. 81. 
Chelles, i. 167, 303 ; ii. 266; iii. 183, 

188, 226, 232, 354. 

Chelsea (Ethcealchy), i. clviii ; ii. 385. 
Chenewalch, see Coinwalch. 
Chentwini, see Centwine. 
Cherleton, i. cxli. 
Cherson, ii. 340. 

Chert sev (Cerotaesei, Certeseye), i. 
cxxvii, cxxx, cxlvi, cxlvii ; ii. 33, 
42-46, 421, 



INDEX 



407 



Cherwell (Cerwelle), river, i. clxvi. 
Chester, i. 71 ; ii. 295 ; iii. 220, 221, 

391- 

Chester-Ie-Street (Cester, Concaces- 

tre, Cunungaceastre), i. xcii, 60; 

iii. 62, 63, 131, 340. 
Chesters, i. 12. 

Chichele, Archbishop, iii. 166. 
Chichester, i. cxlvii ; ii. 115 ; iii. 367. 
Chick, iii. 392. 

Childebert, King of Austrasia, i. 302. 
Childebert iii., King of the Franks, 

i. clxxxi, clxxxii. 
Childeric, King of the Franks, i. 

clxxxi. 
Childeswicwon, i. clxiii. 
ChilHngton, ii. J 33. 
Chihnark, ii. 121. 
Chilperic ii.. King of the Franks, i. 

clxxxii ; ii. 321. 
Chilswell, ii. 120. 
Chiltern, Forest of, ii. 133. 
Chilterns, i. 36. 
Chilton, i. 40 ; ii. 121. 
Chintila, ii. 16. 
Chlothaire I., King of the Franks, 

iii. 362. 
Chlothaire il.. King of Neustria, i. 

clxxxi, 294 ; ii. 264, 266, 268. 
Chlothaire ill., King of the Franks, 

i. 166, 302, 303. 
Chlothaire iv., King of Austrasia, i. 

clxxxii. 
Chlothaire (Hlothaire, Leutherius, 

Lothaire), Bishop of Wessex, i. 

cxl, clxv, clxxi, clxxxiv, 366 ; ii. 

22, 31, 50, 440, 454, 461 ; iii. 348. 
Chlothaire, King of Kent, see 

Hlothaire. 
Chlovis II., King of Neustria, i. Il6, 

166, 300, 302. 
Chlovis III., King of the Franks, i. 

clxxxi. 
Chollerton, i. 71. 
Chon, i. II. 

Chrism, iii. 252, 253, 256. 
Chrismal robes, ii. 141 ; iii. 363. 
Chrismarium, ii. 92. 
Christ represented as a man, ii. 337. 
Christ, two vi'ills or one, ii. 64. 
Christendom, Western, reunion, i. xx. 
Christening_ gift, i. 335, 336; ii. 113. 
Christmas, ii. 445. 
Christmas fast at Lindisfarne, i. 29. 
Christopher, St., relics, i. 67. 
Chrodegang, Bishop of Metz, ii. 261, 

362. 
Chronology, Biblical, interest in, ii. 

329, 230, 



Church, British, schismatical, i. 209, 

337- 

Church, Eastern, ii. 327-338. 

Church, Egyptian, i. 231. 

Church, English, administration, ii. 

9' ^°- . . 

Church, English, in Theodore's time, 

i. 306. 
Church, English, origin, i. xi. 
Church, English, second birth, i, 254. 
Church, Gaul, administration, ii. 3, 

7-9- 
Church, German, origin, i. xi. • 

Church, Irish, i. xxvi-xxix. 

Church, Spanish, ii. 2-7, 344-347. 

Church, Welsh, i. xxviii. 

Church, Western, government, ii. 2. 

Churches built, i. 21, 22, 32, 43. 

Churches desecrated by burials, iii. 
261. 

Churches, English, improvement, i. 
xxxvi. 

Churches, monastic, construction, i.25. 

Churches, removal, iii. 249. 

Churches, Saxon, at Bradford-on- 
Avon, ii. 465 : Brixworth, ii. 186- 
196 : Corbridge, iii. 387 : Escomb, 
ii. 293-297 : Jarrow, ii. 287-293 : 
Peterborough, i. 334, 335 : Re- 
culver, i. 317-319 : Repton, iii. 
386: South Elmham, i. 310-316: 
Wearmouth, ii. 280-286 : Ythan- 
CKster, i. 142-150. 

Churn Knot, i. 40. 

Cicero, i. 58. 

Cilbury Hill, ii. I2I. 

Cilia (Ceolswitha, Cillan), i. cxlv, 
cxlvi ; ii. 1 19-122. 

Ciltine, ii. 132. 

Ciolred, see Ceolred. 

Cissa (Cyssa), i. cxlv; ii. 119-121, 
123, 413, 414, 428. _ 

Cistercian Order, i. Ivi. 

Clan system in Irish monasteries, iii. 
183. 

Classic authors known to mediaeval 
writers, i. Ixxxviii ; iii. 341, 383. 

Cleburn, see Cliburne. 

Clement, St., ii. 396. 

Clement, St. (of Rome), iii. 370. 

Clement viii., ii. 332. 

Clement xiii., iii. 339. 

Clergy, forbidden to teach, iii. 359: 
garb of, ii. 333 : ignorance, i. xx, 
xxii, xxxi : inferior, at synods, ii. 
23 : marriage of, i. 26 : morals, i. 
xx-xxii, xliii-xlv: not to wander, 
ii. 27 : secular, absent from Lindis- 
farne, iii. 351. 



4o8 



INDEX 



Cleveland, iii. 59. 

Cliburne, iii. 59, 61. 

Cliffe at Hoe (Hoo), ii. 20, 29 ; sec 

also Aet Hoe. 
Clive, i. 332. 

Clofeshoch,'5(f(? Cloveshoe. 
Clonard, i. 322. 
Clothes of nuns, iii. 179-181, 184, 

Cloveshoe (Clofeshoch), i. li, cxxxix, 
cxl ; ii. 28, 29, 402 ; iii. 361. 

Cluniac Order, i. Ivi, 

Clyde, i. 15; iii. 34. 

Cneuburga, see Cuenburga. 

Cnobheresburg, see Burgh Castle. 

Cnobher's Town, i. 114. 

Cnut (Canute), King, iii. 227, 310, 
386. 

Cocboy, battle, i. 53. 

Cockedge, i. 53. 

Codex Amialinus, i. xxxiii, clxxviii ; 
iii. 321-337. 

Codex Grandior, iii. 325-328, 331- 

333. 

Coenburg, Abbess, see Cuthburga. 

Coenbyrht (Coenbright), ii, 428. 

Coengils, see Hemgils. 

Coenred (Kenred), King of Mercia, i. 
Iviii, cxlv, cxlviii-cl, clxiii, clxiv, 
clxix-clxxi, clxxxiii ; ii. 217, 218, 

232, 365, 374, 375. 377, 378, 394, 
412, 425, 428, 494, 495 ; iii. 212. 

Coenred, King of Northumbria, i. 
• clxxxiii; ii. 508-51 1. 

Coenthrytha, see Kenedritha. 

Coffin, Cuthberht's voyage in, iii, 62 : 
miracle, ii. 423 : prepared in life- 
time, iii. 157 : royal, iii. 368. 

Coins made by St. Eloi, ii. 268. 

Coinwalch (Cenwalch, Chenewalch, 
Kenwalch, Kenwald), King of 
Wessex, i. cliv, clxvi, clxxi, clxxii, 
clxxxii, clxxxiii, 42, 46, 120, 183, 
185, 320-326, 335, 365 ; ii. 30, 
31, 118, 130, 254, 440, 442; iii. 
361. 

Colam, i. 158. 

Colana, iii. 205. 

Coldebur Chesheved, iii. 213. 

Coldingham, i. xliii, Ixii ; ii. 99, loo, 
254 ; iii. 12, 14, 184, 204-208, 213, 

389. 
Colerne, ii. 496, 499. 
Colla Fursa, iii. 352. 
CoUingham, i. 80, 91, 92, 155, 219, 

378 ; ii. 103, 256, 403. 
Colman, numerous saints of the 

name, i. 158, 159. 
Colman, St., Bishop of Northumbria, 



i. Ixxxvi, ciii, clxxxv, 94, 158, 159, 
186-189, 191-199, 204, 205, 220, 
222 ; ii. 403 ; iii. 352, 357. 

Colodaesburg, see Coldingham. 

Cologne, i. 71, 300; ii. 260, 261. 

Colossus of Rhodes, i. 230. 

Columba, St., i. xxvi, 10, 19, 24, 29, 
188, 194, 195; ii. 171, 257, 308; 
iii. 137, 362. 

Columbanus, i. xxvi ; iii. 183. 

Cohimbus, ii. 264. 

Columcille, i. 188. 

Comb, ivory, iii. 66, 67, 'Jl. 

Come's Well, iii. 352. 

Cotnes, meaning, i. 80; iii. 351, 

Comet, ii. 35, 36. 

Communion, i. 280, 281 ; iii. 246. 

Compendium, i, 210. 

Compiegne, i. 210. 

Compline, i. 27, 277. 

Conall, St., iii. 353. 

Conall Gulban, iii. 137. 

Conan, Abbot of Abingdon, ii. 122. 

Concacestre, see Chester-le-Street. 

Concubinage, iii. 183, 244. 

Conemora, ii. 121. 

Confession, i. 29, 279, 280; iii. 261. 

Confession of Faith, ii. 74. 

Confirmation, iii. 252. 

Cong, iii. 353. 

Conmael, Abbot, iii. 137. 

Connar, iii. 355. 

Connaught, ii. 152. 

Conon, Pope, i. clxxxi ; ii. 348. 

Conrad, iii. 190. 

Consanguinity, ii. 166. 

Constance, i. 71. 

Constans ii., Emperor, i. xiv, clxxxi, 
228-239, 254, 287, 305 ; ii. 59, 64, 

75- 
Constantine I., Emperor, iii. 313, 

370. 
Constantine IV. (Pogonotas), Emperor, 

i. clxxxi; ii. 59-67, 69, 82, 325, 

326, 347- 
Constantine I., Pope, i. cxxx, clxxxii, 

353-355, 390, 394; ii- 377; iii- 

367- 
Constantine, King of Scotland, iii. 63. 
Constantine, see also Constans. 
Constantinople, i. xii, xiv, 173, 233, 

234, 236, 254 ; ii. 16, 59-61, 68, 

70, 75, 76, 328, 330, 331, 333, 

334, 343. 349, 353;.. iii- 3^3, 367- 
Conversion of monks, ii. 27. 
Conway, Sir Martin, i. clxxvii. 
Copeland, iii. 196. 
Coptic influence on Northumbrian art, 

iii. 316, 317. 



INDEX 



409 



Copts, iii. 314. 

Co(|uet Island, i. 89 ; iii. 198. 

Coquet, river, ii. 513. 

Corbican, iii. 352. 

Corbie Abbey, i. 303 ; iii. 352. 

Corbridge, ii. 193 ; iii. 387. 

Corby Church, ii. 295. 

Corf, river, miraculous rising, iii. 210. 

Corfe Castle, ii. 464. 

Corhampton, i. 202. 

Corinth, ii. 79. 

Corkaguiny, iii. 354. 

Corman, Bishop, i. 17, 31. 

Cornelius, catechumen, iii. 252. 

Cornu Vallis, ii. 320. 

Cornwall, ii. 430, 458, 487 ; iii. 357. 

Corpses, incorrupt, ii. 415 ; iii. 50- 

54, 69-71, 75-77, 93, 215-217, 

219, 220, 222-224. 
Corstopitum, i. 370. 
Corven, iii. 35. 

Cotta, Abbot, i. clxix, clxx, clxxii. 
Cotton, Sir Robert, iii. 309. 
Couches forbidden in churches, ii. 

337- 

Councils: Agde, iii. 183: Baccan- 
helde, see Synod : Cloveshoe, i. Ii, 
cxxxix, cxl ; ii. 29, 402 ; iii. 361 : 
Third, Constantinople, ii. 16, 68, 
76, 78-82: Sixth, ii. 342, 344, 
354, 355 •• Quinisect, ii. 327-338, 
349, 351; iii. 367: London, ii. 
391: Nicene, i. 188; iii. 241 : 
Nidd, see Synod : Orleans, i. 351 : 
Toledo, i. xxxiv ; ii. 12-20, 345, 
346 : Wessex, ii. 486, 487 : Whitby, 
see Synod. 

Courthope, History of English Poetry, 
i. clxxvi. 

Cow, white, enchanted, i. 197. 

Cowton, iii. 62. 

Cradendene, iii. 214, 387. 

Craike (Craik, Crayke, Creca), i. 
clxxiv ; ii. 406, 505 ; iii. 54, 56, 
59, 131-136. 

Cratendune, see Cradendene. 

Cravat, ii. 260. 

Creca, see Craike. 

Crediton, ii. 444, 501. 

Crete, ii. 342. 

Crimes, iii. 242. 

Croats, i. 298. 

Cronuchomme, see Evesham. 

Cross, St., ii. 120, 121. 

Cross, True, i. Ixxii ; ii. 497 ; iii. 226. 

Cross, veneration, ii. 337. 

Cross, use of, at Lindisfarne, i. 29. 

Crosses: Acca's, iii. 144-147, 312: 
Aldhelm's, ii. 496 : Cuthberht's, 



iii. 59, 99, 104, 105, 122 : Oswald's, 
i. 10, II, 51, 53 : at Abercorn, ii. 
Ill ; iii, 311, 320: at Abingdon, ii. 
121 ; iii. 363 : at Aycliffe, iii. 316 : at 
Bellingham, iii. 304 : at Bewcastle, 

i- 336, 337; iii- 304, 306, 3"» 3i6i 
319, 320 : at Bishop's Stones, ii. 
496 : at Bradford-on-Avon, ii. 465 : 
at Collingham, i. 91, 92 : at Dews- 
bury, iii. 304 : at Escomb, ii. 296 : 
at Gainford, iii. 316: at Hadden- 
ham, iii. 218, 388: at Hartlepool, 
i. 92; iii. 189, 303, 317: at 
Heavenfield, i. 10, 27 ; iii. 303 : 
at Ilkley, iii, 316 : at Mayo, iii, 
353 : at Norham, iii. 385 : at Roth- 
bury, iii. 316, 319 : at Ruth well, 
i. 340; iii. 269-271, 277, 278, 
280,295, 304, 306, 309, 311, 316, 
317, 319, 320 : atWhalley, iii. 303 : 
at Winwick, i. 53. 

Crosses made by St. Eloi, ii. 265 : 
memorial, in Northumbria, i. 
clxxviii ; iii. 302-320 : stone, i. 
xxxvi. 

Crosthwaite, iii. 41. 

Crotairec, Lombard King, i. 297. 

Crouch, i. 142. 

Crowland (Croyland, Crudeland, Cru- 
land), i. cxi, clxxiv ; ii. 409, 410, 
413-416. 

Cruindmelus, i. Ixxxviii. 

Cuana, iii. 190. 

Cuanna, St., iii. 354. 

Cuckbamsley, i. 41. 

Cuda (Cutta), ii. 428. 

Cudda, Abbot of Lindisfarne, i. 161 ; 
iii. 42, 47, 357. 

Cudsuida, i. clxiii. 

Cuenburga (Cneuburga, Quenburga), 
Abbess of Wimborne, ii. 439 ; iii. 
208, 235, 236. 

Cuggedic, i. 332. 

Cuichelm, see Cwichelm. 

Cuicuin, iii. 134. 

Cuidin, see Cuthwine. 

Culdees, iii. 265. 

Cumberland, i. 132, 222, 336, 338 ; 
ii. 241 ; iii. 303 : dialect, iii. 91. 

Cumbrae, iii. 196. 

Cumbria, i, 8, 34, 132, 133. 

Cummian, St,, Abbot of lona, i. 
cxvii, 321. 

Cumnor, i. 41. 

Cunibert, Abbot, i. clxxi ; iii. 348. 

Cunibert, Bishop of Cologne, i. 300. 

Cunibert (Cunincpert, Cunuberhtus), 
King of Lombards, ii. 140 ; iii. 362. 

Cunungaceastre, see Chester-le-Street. 



410 



INDEX 



Cuoemlicu, iii. 202. 

Cures for fever, iii. 249. 

Curses, potent, ii. iio. 

Cutha, ii. 510, 511 ; iii. 190. 

Cuthbald, Abbot of Oundle, ii. 235. 

Cuthbald, Abbot of Peterborough, i. 
334 ; iii. 358. 

Cuthberht, Abbot of Jarrow and 
Wearmouth, i. Ixxxvii ; iii. 365. 

Cuthberht, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
i. Ii, clxi ; ii. 435 ; iii. 227. 

Cuthberht, St., Bishop of Lindisfarne, 
i. xcvii, cxv, clxxxvi, 98, 184, 221, 
222; ii. 54, 106, 181, 400; iii. I- 
174, 192, 364 : appears in visions, 
i. Ixv, Ixvi : asceticism, iii. 19-31, 
205, 206 : banner, iii. 79-82 : be- 
comes bishop, i. clxxiv ; ii. 105, 
160 ; iii. 31, 32, 199 : body buried, 
iii. 93, 94 : body not corrupted, 
iii. 50, 51, 69-71, 75-77, 93: 
coffin, iii. 67-70, 72, 85-99, 309, 
385 : contemporaries, friends, and 
pupils, i. Ixxxvii, Ixxxviii : iii. 106- 
174 : death, i. xciii ; iii. 42-47 : dedi- 
cations, i. 71 ; ii- 516 ; iii. 36, 54, 
55> 59- depicted with St. Oswald, 
i. 60, 61, 68 : dread of women, iii. 
13-16, 35, 36 : dress, iii. 20 : feast, 
iii. 83, 84, 384, 385 : feretory, iii. 
82-87 • gloves, iii. 87 : Gospels, iii. 
61, 98, 102, 329 : grants to, i. 379 ; 
ii. 513 ; iii. 55-57 : grave opened, 
i. 60, 95 : literary work, iii. loi, 
102 : lives, i. xci-xciii, cvii-cix : 
miracles, i. Ixxxiv ; ii. 240, 241 ; 
iii. 11-13, 16-18, 21-23, 28, 34-37, 
44, 48, 49, 56, 198, 199, 385 : mis- 
sionary labours, iii. IO-12, 33-37, 
40, 41 : monk, iii. 4: monuments, 
iii, 90, 91 : oratory, iii. 12 1 : pec- 
toral cross, iii. 99 : portable altar, 
iii. 100, loi : preaching, iii. 19 : 
Prior of Lindisfarne, iii. 18-20 : 
prophesies Aldfrid's accession, ii. 
149 : and Ecgfrid's death, ii. 107- 
109: relics, i. 60; iii. 45, 51-54, 
57-105, 108, 207 : ring, iii. 98, 99 : 
St. John's Gospel, iii. 102-104 : 
saintship doubted, iii. 89, 340 : 
shrine, i. 67 ; iii. 63-65, 78, 79, 
82 : stone cross, iii. 104, 105, 122 : 
table, iii. 385 ; tames animals, ii. 
413 ; iii. 22-29, 205, 206 : travels 
after death, i. 59 ; iii. 57-64, 107, 
200 : window in York Minsterj iii. 
92. 

Cuthberht, comes Hwicciorum, i, 
clxiii. 



Cuthburga (Coenburg), Queen, Ab- 
bess of Wimborne, i. cxliv ; ii. 
220, 439, 477, 494, 504 ; iii. 232- 

236, 347. .., 
Cutherston, iii. 61. 
Cuthgils, ii. 32. 
Cuthred, i. cxlv, clxvii, 42. 
Cuthwine, ancestor of Ini, ii. 428. 
Cuthwine, Bishop of Dunwich, ii. 

419. 
Cuthwine, King, ii. 508, 510-512. 
Cuthwulf, iii. 190. 
Cutta, see Cuda. ^ 
Cwantawic, see Etaples. 
Cwichelm, Bishop of Rochester, i. 

clxxxiv ; ii. 49. 
Cwichelm, son of Cynegils, i. 41, 42, 

49. 
Cwichelm's hlaew, see Cuckhamsley. 
Cyneberht (Kinbert), Bishop of Lind- 

sey, i. cv, clxxxvi ; ii. 402. 
Cyneburga (Cyniburga, Kineburga, 

Kyneburga), Saint and Queen, i. 

40, 74, 122, 183, 223, 331, 348; 

ii. 387 ; iii. 209, 349, 388. 
Cyneburga, see also Kineburga, Kuni- 

burga. 
Cynefrid, Abbot of Collingham, i. 

378 ; ii. 256, 403. 
Cynegils, King of Wessex, i. clxxxii, 

39-42, 49, 74 ; ii. 50. 
Cynehard, Bishop of Winchester, ii. 

447. 
Cynehard, brother of Sigeberht, iii. 

386. 
Cynemund (Cynimund), i. 77 ; iii. 

49- . 
Cynesuitha (Cyneswitha), St., i. 126, 

223, 331. 348; ii. 425 ; iii- 209. 
Cynewalch, see Coinwalch. 
Cynewulf the ^Etheling, ii. 430. 
Cynewulf, Bishop of Lindisfarne, iii. 

276. 
Cynewulf, King of Wessex, i. clxxi ; 

ii. 121, 431. 
Cynewulf, poet. iii. 266. 
Cynfedw, i. 15, 131. 
Cyniberht, Abbot, ii. 136. 
Cyniburga, see Cyneburga. 
Cynibill, i. 141, 154. 
Cynifrid, physician, iii. 215. 
Cynred, i. clxxi. 
Cynric, ii. 32, 428. 
Cynuise, wife of Penda, i. 126, 127. 
Cyprian, St., i. 276; ii. 339. 
Cyprus, i. 229, 232 ; ii. 327, 340. 
Cyril of Alexandria, ii, 315. 
Cyrus, Patriarch of Constantinople, 

ji- 342, 353- 



INDEX 



411 



Cyssa, see Cissa. 
Cyssebui, ii. 119. 

Dacre, i. 133 ; ii. 108 ; iii. 209. 
Daeccanhaam, i. clxviii. 
Daegberht, see Dagobert. 
Daeglesford, see Daylesford. 
Daglingworth, i. 316. 
Dagobert i., King of the Franks, i. 

100, 293-300 ; ii. 265, 268 ; iii. 186. 
Dagobert ii., King of Austrasia, i. 

clxxxi, 302 ; ii. 57, 90; iii. 201. 
Dagobert ill., King of the Franks, i. 

clxxxii. 
Daldun (Dalton-le-Dale), iii. 150. 
Dalfinus, Count of Lyons, i. 163, 

164. 
Daheudini, i. Ixxxvi. 
Dalriada, iii. 205. 
Dalton, O. M., i. clxxvii. 
Dalton, Yorks, iii. 157. 
Dalton-le-Dale, iii. 150. 
Daltun, see Dalton-le-Dale. 
Damasus, Pope, i. 264 ; ii. 141. 
Damian, Bishop of Pavia, ii. 76. 
Damian, Bishop of Rochester, i. 

cxxxiii, clxxxiv, 251, 317- 
Damnonia, ii. 443. 
Dances, public, ii. 335. 
Dancing on a grave, iii. 236. 
Dandie Dinmont, i. 338. 
Danes, i. cxxiii, cxxxi, cxxxii, 369 ; 

iii. 309, 310. 
Daniel (Danihel), Bishop of Win- 
chester, i. cv, cxiv, cxliv, cxlv, 

cliii-clv, clxi, clxvii, clxxxv ; ii. 

137, 427, 441, 447-45 1 > 494. 495» 

502 ; iii. 348, 373. 
Dante, i. Ixxxv ; iii. 289, 352. 
Danube, ii. 61. 

Darent (Tarent), river, i. cl ; ii. 449. 
Darlington, iii. 55. 
Dartmoor, ii. 458. 
Dating methods, i. cxxii, cxxiii ; see 

also Anno Domini. 
David, King of Scotland, iii. 15. 
David, St., i. 20. 
Daylesford (Daeglesford), i. clvii. 
Deacons, duties, iii. 250, 251. 
Deaf and dumb cured, iii. 153, 1 54, 

166, 167. 
Dealwin, i. cxiii. 
Deaniton, i. cxlix. 
Debin, river, i. 152. 
Deda, Abbot, i. cv. 
Dedications : y^bbe, iii. 389 : 

.^thelburga, iii. 232, 391 : ^^thel- 

drytha, iii. 390 : Aidan, i. 98 ; iii. 

351: Aldhelm, ii. 499: Botulf, i. 



137; iii. 356: Chad, i. 357; iii. 
359: Cross, ii. 120: Cuthberht, 
iii. 36, 54, 55, 59: Eanswitha, 
iii. 186, 386: Eata, iii. 384: F'ur- 
sey, iii. 355 : Hilda, iii. 388 : Mil- 
burga, iii. 211, 389: Mildred, iii. 
227, 390, 391 : Oswald, i. 50, 70- 
73, 80; iii. 351 : Oswin, i. 87; 
iii. 351 : Peter, ii. 472 : Sexburga, 
iii. 390 : Virgin Mary, iii. 387 : 
Werburgh, iii. 221, 390, 391. 

Dedications changed, iii. 306. 

Deerhurst (Deorhurst), i. 202 ; ii. 
294, 389. 

Deira, i. 8, 34, 75, 76, 79, 83, 93, 
125, I33» 134, 183, 214, 221 ; ii. 
51, 53, 228, 229, 504; iii. 303. 

Deira, Bishops of, i. clxxxvi. 

Deira, Kings of, i. clxxxii, clxxxiii. 

Deirewald (Beverley), iii. 155. 

Deheubarth, ii. 488. 

De la Mare, Prior, i. 90. 

Deluge, iii. 283-285. 

Demon thrashes a queen, ii. 100, lOl. 

Demoniacs, ii. 335. 

Demons, sacrifice to, iii. 249. 

Dene, i. cl ; ii. 448. 

Denesmor, iii. 36. 

Denewald, iii. 234. 

Denisesburn, i. 14. 

Denmark, i. 30 ; iii. 228. 

Deodato, Bishop, ii. 58 ; iii. 362. 

Deorhurst, see Deerhurst. 

Deprivation of bishops, alleged synod, 
ii. 82. 

Derawude, see Beverley. 

Derby, iii. 221. 

Derbyshire, i. 124, 125, 328. 

Dereham, i. 121 ; iii. 223. 

Derili, iii. 366. 

Dervishes, i. Ix. 

Derwentwater, iii. 40. 

Desiderius (Didier), Bishop of Cahors, 
i. 100, 296. 

Deusdedit (Frithonas), Archbishop of 
Canterbury, i. cxxiv, cxxxii, cxxxiv, 
clviii, clxxxiv, 212, 247-250, 308, 
322, 331.;."- 64; iii. 227. 

Deventer, iii. 229. 

Devil, vexed by, iii. 256. 

Devil worship destroyed in Mercia, 

ii- 35- 
Devon, i. 39 ; ii, 430, 447, 458, 487 ; 

iii. 358. 
Dewsbury, iii. 304. 
Dialect, Cumberland, iii. 91. 
Dialect, Northumbrian, iii. 109, 307. 
Dialects, English, iii. 266, 275, 276. 
Dianius, Bishop of Csesarea, i. 259. 



412 



INDEX 



Dictionary of Christian Biography, 

i. clxxvi. 
Dicul (Dicuil), priest, i. I15 ; ii. 1 14, 

115, 454; iii. 352. 
Diddlebury, ii. 262. 
Didier, see Desiderius. 
Dilington, i. clxxi. 
Dilston, iii. 145. 
Dimuldehale, iii. 192. 
Dioceses divided, i. xxx, clix, clxvi ; 

ii. 51-55, 103, 104, 174, 184, 419, 

.448. 
Dioceses, division, false decree, ii. 

127. 
Dionysius Exiguus, i. cxxii ; ii. 25, 

315- . 
Discussion, religious, prohibited, ii. 

Diuma, Bishop of Mercia, i. clxxxv, 

30, 123, 134, 13s. 
Divorce, ii. 30, 167 ; iii. 362. 
Documents in old walls, i. cxxxii. 
Doddington, iii. 3. 
Doddo, ii. 388, 389. 
Dofreceastre, ii. 392. 
Domna Ebba, iii. 210. 
Domnall Breac, iii. 205. 
Domneva, see Eormenburga. 
Domnonia, ii. 487. 
Domnus, see Donus. 
Don, river, iii. 366. 
Doncaster, ii. 128; iii. 349. 
Donus (Domnus), Pope, i. clxxxi ; 

ii. 65-68. 
Dorbeni, Abbot of lona, iii. 138. 
Dorchester (Dorceceastre, Dorcic, 

Dorocina), i. 40-46, 323, 328 ; ii. 

441. 
Dorchester, Bishops of, i. clxxxiv. 
Dorcic, see Dorchester. 
Dormundcaster, see Caistor. 
Dorocina, see Dorchester. 

Dorset, i. 39; ii. 447. 

Doulting (Duluting), i. clii ; ii. 450, 

494, 495, 499- 
Dover, i. cxxxix, 149 ; ii. 298, 357, 

392, 492, 496. 
Down, Cuthberht, iii. 88. 
Drave, i. 72. 
Dreams, iii. 187, 188, 219 ; see also 

Visions. 
Dress at Lindisfarne, i. 26, 27. 
Driffield, ii. 220; iii. 201. 
Drinking, iii. 383. 
Drinks at Lindisfarne, i. 29. 
Droitwich, i. clviii. 
Drought in Sussex, ii. 1 16. 
Drought in Yorkshire, iii. 168. 
Druids, i. 27. 



Drumalban, iii. 138, 139. 

Drummelzier, iii. 36. 

Drunkenness of clergy, iii. 238, 239. 

Drust, iii. 366. 

Dryhthelm and his visions, i. Ixii, 1 18 ; 

ii. 156, 403; iii. 122-130, 341. 
Drysdale, iii. 36. 
Dublin, ii. 152 ; iii. 221. 
Ducks, Cuthberht's, iii. 22, 23. 
Duddon, river, i. 379. 
Duddondale, i. 379. 
Dufgal, son of Sumerled, iii. 78. 
Dufton, iii. 59, 61. 
Dugdale, Monasticon, i. clxxvii. 
Duin Nectain, see Dun Nechtain. 
Duluting, see Doulting. 
Dumb, iii. 153, 154, 166, 167. 
Dumbarney, i. 36. 
Dumbarton, iii. 34. 
Dumfriesshire, iii. 36, 37. 
Dunbar, ii. 99 ; iii. 164, 196. 
Duncadh, Abbot, iii. 138, 139. 
Dundalk, iii. 354. 
Dunedin, i. 9. 
Dunfermline, iii. 88. 
Dungueirn, i. 9. 

Dun Nechtain, battle of, ii. 106-109. 
Dun Nechtan, see Dun Nechtain. 
Dunne, nun, i. clxi, clxii. 
Dunnechtyn, see Dun Nechtain. 
Dunnerdale, i. 379. 
Dunnichen, see Dun Nechtain. 
Dunstan, St., i. 95 ; ii. 370,497, 

498 ; iii. 20, 54, 384. 
Duntun, i. clxvi. 
Dunutinga, i. 379. 
Dunwich, i, 249 ; ii. 419 ; iii. 360. 
Dunwich, Bishops of, i. clxxxiv. 
Durham, i. xxxiii, Ixx, Ixxvii, Ixxix, 

8, 60, 70, 85-87, 89, 91, 98; ii. 

241, 279, 298 ; iii. 2, 9, 14-16, 31, 

55, 64, 79, 82, 91, 92, 95, IDS, 

207, 303, 309, 312, 319, 341- 
Durham Castle Chapel, iii. 59. 
Durham Cathedral, i. 59, 95 ; iii. 59, 

64, 65. 
Durham Liber Vitae, i. cxvi, cxvii. 
Durham monks, i. 21. 
Durham, relics at, i. (>(i, 67, 94, 95. 
Durham Tower injured by lightning, 

iii. 87. 
Dyfed, ii. 488. 

Dyfnaint, King of, see Geraint. 
Dykes, i. 41. 
Dynasties, Anglo-Saxon, i. clxxxii- 

clxxxiv. 
Dynbaer, ii. 99. 
Dynnc, iii. 237. 
Dysentery, iii. 256. 



INDEX 



413 



Eaba (Eafha), leader of the Mercians, 

i. 218. 
Eaba, wife of /Ethelwalch, i. 335 ; ii. 

Eahbe, see /Lbba. 
Eadbald, Bishop, i. clxxi, clxxiv. 
Eadbald (/Ethelbald), King of Kent, 
i. clxxxii, 240-244 ; iii. 186, 225, 

347- 
Eadberht, Abbot, i. clxvii, 
Eadberht, Bishop of Selsey, i, cxlviii, 

cl ; ii. 448. 
Eadberht (Eadberth), King of Kent, 

i. cxxxix ; ii. 358. 
Eadberht (^dbryht), King of North- 

umbria, i. Iviii, 58; ii. 503, 511. 
Eadberht, leader of the Mercians, i. 

218. 
Eadberht, St., Bishop of Lindisfarne, 

i. clxxxvi, 99 ; ii. 181 ; iii. 52, 70, 

106, 107. 
Eadbirht, i. clxxi. 
Eadburga, St., Abbess of Minster in 

Thanet, i. cxiv ; iii. 21 1, 227, 229, 

230, 233, 237, 388. 
Eadburga, Abbess of Repton, ii. 414, 

418 ; iii. 203, 212. 
Eadda, Bishop, see Hreddi. 
Eadfrid (Eadfrith), Bishop of Lindis- 
farne, i. xcii, cvii, clxxxvi ; ii. 223, 

407, 506 ; iii. 57, 70, 102, 108-III, 

119-122, 132. 
Eadfrid (Eadfrith), son of /Edwin, i. 

49 ; ii. 418. 
Eadfrith, iii. 354. 
Eadgar, Bishop of Lindsey, i. clxxxvi ; 

ii. 401. 
Eadgar, King, i. cxxi, cxxxiv, cxlvi, 

137 ; ii. 44, 194, 196, 396 ; iii. 

216, 222, 386, 391. 
Eadhaed (Eadhced), Bishop of Lindsey 

and Ripon, i. clxxxvi, 212 ; ii. 35, 

50, 182, 183, 200, 227, 401. 
Eadmer, i. cxii, 95. 
Eadmund, King of the English, i. 

94 ; ii- 499 ; "i- 63, 197. 
Eadred, Abbot of Carlisle, iii. 60, 62. 
Eadric, King of Kent, i. cxxxv, 

cxxxvi, clxvii, clxxxiii ; ii. 32, 126, 

129, 130, 137, 356, 361, 368. 
Eadric, son of Ida, ii. 51 1. 
Eadulf, King of East Anglia, see 

Aldwulf. 
Eadulfingaham, ii. 513. 
Eadwald, son of Wilfrid, iii. 364. 
Eadwulf, King of Northumbria, i. 

clxxxiii ; ii. 221, 222, 502-504. 
Eafha, see Eaba. 
Eahfrid, ii. 367, 407, 465 ; iii. 372. 



Eahlston, Bishop, see Wahlstod. 

Ealdberht, iii. 203. 

Ealdcyre, ii. 442. 

Ealdfrid, see Aldfrid. 

Ealdred (Aldred), Archbishop of 

York, i. cxii. 
Ealdulf, i. cxlviii. 
Ealdwine (Aldwin, Alwin, Elwin, 

Wor), Bishop of Lichfield, i. cxl, 

cliii, clxi, clxxv, clxxxvi, 70 ; ii. 

382, 401. 
Ealdwulf, see Aldwulf. 
Earner, son of Ongen, i. 48. 
Eanfleda (/lilonfleda). Queen, wife of 

Oswy, i. 76, 77, 157, 158, l6l, 

162, 168, 219, 226; iii. 198, 200, 

201. 
Eanfrid, King of Bernicia, i. clxxxii, 

5-7, 9, 75 ; iii- 349- 
Eanfrid, son of /Edwin, i. 55.' 
Eangyth (Eangytha), i. cxiv ; iii, 233. 
Eanmund, Abbot of Craike, ii. 505 ; 

iii. 132. 133, 136. 
Eanrid, King of Northumbria, i. cxvi. 
Eanswitha, Saint and Abbess, i. 244 ; 

iii. 186, 386. 
Eappa, head of Selsey Abbey, ii. 

115. 117. 
Earconberht, King of Kent, i. clxxxii, 

121, 160, 162, 243-246, 248, 320; 

iii. 215, 219, 220, 362. 
Earcongota, Abbess of Brie, i. 12 1 ; 

iii. 219, 223, 224. 
Earconwald (Ercnuwald, Erconwald, 

Erkenwald, Herconwald), Bishop 

of London, i. cvii, cxlvii, clxv, 

clxvii, clxviii, clxxii, clxxiii, clxxxiv ; 

ii- 42, 43, 45, 46, 157, 420-422, 

477 ; iii. 230, 232, 347, 391. 
Eardecanut, see Hardecanute. 
Eardred, Bishop of Dunwich, ii. 419. 
Eardulf, Bishop of Lindisfarne, iii. 

60, 62. 
Earhyth, i. clxxiii. 
Earle, Laiid Charters^ i. cxxi. 
Earmundeslea, i. cxiv. 
Earn, ii. 40. 
Easington, iii. 199. 
East Anglia, i. xxviii, cv, 48, 49, 100- 

122, 307, 357, 358 ; ii. I, 417-420 ; 

iii. 189, 213, 352. 
East Anglia, Bishopric divided, ii. 

52, 419- 
East Anglia, Bishops, i. 249 ; see also 

Dunwich. 
East Anglia, Kings of, i. clxxxii- 

clxxxiv. 
East Saxons, see Essex. 
Easter, i. xciv, cxxii, cxxv, 19, 28, 



414 



INDEX 



29, 95-97, 156-159, 164, 188-191, 

193, 199, 200, 205, 213, 220, 226, 
322, 352, 354; ii- 6, 26, 156, 159, 
201, 310, 312-316, 365, 403, 406, 
488-490; iii. 45, 137-139, 173, 

194, 241, 255, 256, 357, 363, 366. 
Easterige, see Eastry. 
Eastmeon, i. 336. 

Eastry (Easterige), i. 247. 
Eata, Bishop of Lindisfarne and 
Hexham, i. cvii, clxxiv, clxxxvi, 

30, 98, 184, 199, 205, 221, 222, 
367; ii. 53, 103, 105, 511, 515; 
iii. 5, 6, 8, 18, 20, 31, 57, 154, 

347, 384- 
Eatberht, see Eadberht. 
Eawa, ii. 380. 
Ebba, Abbot, ii. 232. 
Ebba, St., see ^bba. 
Ebba, mother of Leobgytha, iii. 237. 
Ebb's Nook, iii. 389. 
Ebbsfleet, iii. 226. 
Ebchester, iii. 204, 389. 
Eboriacum, iii. 223. 
Ebroin, Mayor of the Palace, i. 302, 

303, 305, 306; ii. I, 33, 55, 56, 

90 ; iii. 358. 
Eburleigh, see Everley. 
Ecburga, see Huaetburga. 
Ecca, i. cxxxvi. 
Ecce, see Acca. 
Eccles (Scotland), iii. 36. 
Ecgbald (Ecgbalt, Egbalt), Abbot, i. 

clxviii, clxxiii-clxxv. 
Ecgberht (Egbert), Archbishop of 

York, i. xliv, xlv, xlvii, Iii, xcvi, 

xcvii, xcix, cxviii, clxxv ; ii. 162, 

164, 511, 515, 516; iii. 142, 172, 

173, 266. 
Ecgberht, Bishop of Lindisfarne, ii. 

205 ; iii. 131, 346. 
Ecgberht, King of Kent, i. cxxiv, 

cxxxvi, cxlvii, clxii, clxxxiii, 146- 

148, 216, 251, 306, 317, 329; ii. 

32, 125; iii. 210, 219, 225, 361, 

362. 
Ecgberht (Egherte), King of West 

Saxons, i. cxvi, 131 ; ii. 387. 
Ecgberht, St., i. 97, 363; ii. 403- 

406, 413; iii. 132, 138, 139. 
Ecgfrid, Bishop, ii. 516. 
Ecgfrid (Ecgfrith), King of Northum- 

bria, i. clxxiv, clxxxiii, clxxxvi, 

126, 223, 225, 226, 337, 340, 348, 

350, 377, 379, 384 ; ii- 21, 34-38, 
40-42, 47, 49, 50, 55, 73, 99, 102- 
iio, 118, 119, 127, 147, 149, 153, 
155, 157, 158, 174, 225, 228, 254, 
277, 299, 301, 405, 502; iii. 31, 



33, 55, 131, 132, 151, 198, 199, 
206, 209, 213, 218, 225, 311, 312, 

349, 358, 359, 363, 366. 

Ecgred (Egred), Bishop of Lindis- 
farne, i. liv. 

Ecgric, King, see Egric. 

Ecgrid, son of Eaba, ii. 515. 

Ecgulf, ii. 511. 

Ecgwald, sub-regulus, i. clxviii ; see 
also Egwald. 

Ecgwine (Ecgwin, Ecgwyn, Egwin, 
Eggwin), Bishop of Worcester, i. 
cxiii, cxxx, cliii, civ, clvii, clxii- 
clxiv, clxxxvi ; ii. 378, 390-398, 

425, 495 ; iii- 347- 
Echdach, see Ceolwulf. 
Echfrith, Abbot of Glastonbury, ii. 

407. 
Ecwulfingham, ii. 513. 
Edburga, Queen of Mercia, ii. 387. 
Edelm, ii. 511. 
Edelwin (Edelwine, Ediluini, Edil- 

wini), Proefect, i. 80, 92, 93 ; iii. 

192. 
Edelwine (Ethelwine), brother of 

Coinwalch, iii. 361. 
Edenhall, iii. 59, 60. 
Edessa, i. 230. 
Edgar, King, see Eadgar. 
Edilred, see ^thelred. 
Edilric, see yEthelric. 
Ediluini, see Edelwin. 
Ediluuard, see ^Ethelweard. 
Edilwald, see Oidilwald, /Ethelwold. 
Edilwini, see Edelwin. 
Edinburgh, i. 9, 22, 129, 130 ; iii. 

3.6- 
Edith, sister of ^Ethelstan, i. 72. 

Edlingham, ii. 513. 

Edlu, iii. 236. 

Edmund, monk, iii. 58. 

Edmund, priest, i. 85. 

Edmund, Saint and King, iii. 54, 88, 

94, 352., 
Ednam, iii. 36. 
Edric, see /Ethelhere, Eadric. 
Education, ii. 365-368, see also 

Schools. 
Edward i., iii. 166, 228. 
Edward ii., i. Ixxvii. 
Edward iii., iii. 16, 81. 
Edward vi., i. cix. 
Edward the Black Prince, ii. 90. 
Edward the Confessor, i, 65. 
Edwine, see y4Ldwin. 
Edwinesburht, i. 130. 
Edwinstown, ii. 197. 
Eels caught in nets, ii. 116. 
Ega, see /Ega. 



INDEX 



415 



Egbalt, see Ecgbald. 

Egberht, Egbert, see Ecgberht. 

Egburga, see Huaetburga. 

Egelwin, Bishop of Durham, i. 85. 

Egelwine, Abbot, iii. 228. 

Egeria, ii. 173. 

Egghald, i. clxxiii. 

Eggo, Count of Lincoln, i. clxxv. 

Eggwin, see Ecgwin. 

Egherte, King, see Ecgberht. 

Egica, King of the Visigoths, i. 

clxxxi. 
Eginhard, ii. 195. 
Eglingham, ii. 513. 
Egmond, i. 74. 
Egred, see Ecgred. 
Egric (Ecgric), King of East Anglia, 

i. clxxxii, 49, 131. 
Egwald, Bishop, i. cxlviii. 
Egwald, see also Ecgwald. 
Egwin, see Ecgwin. 
Egypt, i. xxvii, 1 70-173, 180, 229- 

232, 255, 275, 276, 280, 287 ; iii. 

313, 314, 316. 
Ejusdensca, i. 129, 130. 
Elbe, i. 298, 302. 
Elfirge, iii. 70. 
Elfled, see /Elfleda. 
Elford, ii. 41. 
Elfrida, see /Elfthrytha. 
Elfthritha, see Elfthrytha. 
Elfwald, see Elfwold. 
Elge, see Ely, 
Eligius, see Eloi, St. 
Ellerton, i. 79. 
Ellesmere, i. 52. 
Ellysden in Ryddesdale, iii. 59. 
Elmet, iii. 187. 

Elmham, Bishops of, i. clxxxiv ; ii. 419. 
Elmham, North (Norfolk), i. 310. 
Elmham, South (Suffolk), i. 310-316. 
Elogius, see Eloi, St. 
Eloi (Eligius, Elogius), St., Bishop 

and jeweller, i. xxxvii, 116; ii. 

259, 264-268, 270, 296, 297 ; iii. 

354, 355- 
Elsdon, iii. 59. 

Elwin, see Ealdwine. 

Ely, i. 62, 121, 137 ; ii. 36, 39, 90, 

409, 419; iii. 184, 213-220, 223, 

387, 390. 
Embleton, iii. 59. 
Embrun, ii. 9. 
Emerita, ii. 4. 
Emme (Emma), wife of Eadbald, i. 

243- 
Emme (Emmo), Bishop of Sens, i. 

306. 
Emmelia, i. 255. 



Emmyldon (Embleton), iii. 59. 
Emperors of Byzantium, i. clxxxi, 

clxxxii. 
Empire, Eastern, ii. 325-34.3. 
Empire, Western, i. xiv, xviii. 
Enamelling, ii. 262, 266-268. 
Endowments, i. 378, 379, 384. 
England, Augustine's mission, i. 

xxiii-xxv. 
England, evangelised by Irish, i. 3. 
England, Northern, history, i. ix. 
English, stubborn and barbarous 

spirit, i. 16. 
Enigmas, Aldhelm's, iii. 378, 379. 
Eochaid, see Ccolwulf. 
Eoda, i. cxviii. 
Eoghenan (Noenan), King of the 

Picts, i. cxvi. 
Eolla, Bishop, i. cl ; ii. 448, 449. 
Eolwulf, King of the Mercians, i. 

cxlix. 
Eomer, ii. 500. 

Eormelind (Hermelinda), iii. 362. 
Eormenbeorga, i. 244. 
Eormenburga, Queen, wife of Ecgfrid, 

ii. 38, 41, 102, 107, 119; iii. 206, 

209, 225, 362. 
Eormenburga(Domneva,Iorminburga, 

Irmenburga, lurminburg), wife of 

Merwald, i. cxxxvii, 244, 248, 329 ; 

iii. 210, 225, 362. 
Eormengilda, see Ermenilda. 
Eormengitha, St., i. 244. 
Eormenred, son of Eadbald, i. 243, 

244 ; iii. 225, 362. 
Eorpwine, Abbot, iii. 136. 
Eosterwyn (Eosterwine), ii. 276, 299- 

301, 306; iii. 149, 366. 
Eoves, swineherd, ii. 393. 
Eowa, see Eva. 
Epiphanius (Epifanius), Bishop, i. 

264 ; ii. 68, 81. 
Epitaph, poetical, ii. 144, 145. 
Eppa, ii. 372, 502. 
Epternach, i. 60, 64, 71. 
Erchinwald (Archenwald, Erchinoald, 

Ercinwald), Mayor of the Palace, 

i. 116, 166, 301 ; iii. 354, 355. 
Ercnuwald, Erconwald, see Earcon- 

wald. 
Eremites, ii. 334. 
Erith, ii. 409. 

Erkenwald, see Earconwald. 
Ermenberga, see Eormenburga. 
Ermenilda (Eormengilda, Ermengilda, 

Ermingild, Herminhilda), Abbess 

of Ely, wife of Wulfhere, daughter 

of Earconberht, i. cxxxvii, I2i, 

320; iii. 219, 220, 223, 362, 391. 



4i6 



INDEX 



Ermynge, see Ixminge. 

Erneshaw, iii. 153, 154. 

Erwig (Erviga), King of the Visigoths, 

i. clxxxi ; ii. 16. 
Escesdun, i. cxlv. 
Escomb church, ii. 278, 293-297. 
Esendic, i. 332. 
Esi, Abbot, i. cv. 
Esk, river, i. 129. 
Essex, i. xxviii, cv, 138-155, 223, 

241, 307 ; ii. 170, 364, 420-426 ; 

iii. 357, 363- 
Essex, Bishops of, i, clxxxiv, clxxxv, 

249. 
Essex, Kings of, i. clxxxii-clxxxiv. 
Estrefeld, ii. 197. 
Etan, see Tetta. 
Staples (Cwantawic, Quantovic, 

Quentovic), i. 306 ; ii. 55, 56, 320. 
Etha the anchorite, iii. 135. 
Ethcealchy, see Chelsea. 
Ethel, see ^thel— , Albert, Oidil-. 
Etho (Etto), St., iii. 352. 
Eto, see Tetta. 
Eucharist, i. 27, 28 ; ii. 338 ; iii. 

264. 
Eucharist for the dead, ii. 337. 
Eugenius I., Pope, i. 165, 237. 
Eulalia, nun, ii. 477 ; iii. 232. 
Euphues, iii. 375. 
Europe, Central, ii. 297, 298. 
Eusebius, see Husetberht. 
Eusebius, Bishop of Csesarea, i. 260, 

261. 
Eusebius Scotigena, iii. 49. 
Eustathius of Sebaste, i. 259, 285. 
Eutropius, i. 187. 
Eutychians, ii. 336. 
Eva, Queen of Mercia, ii. 387. 
Eva (Eowa), son of Pubba, i. 48. 
Everley (Eburleagh), i. cxliii. 
Evesham (Cronuchomme), i. cxiii, 

cxv, cxxx, civ, clxii-clxiv, clxxiv ; 

ii. 278, 290, 390-397, 425 ; iii. 356, 

386. 
Ewes in Eskdale, iii. 36. 
Exaltation of the Cross, ii. 350. 
Exanford, iii. 56. 
Excommunication, i. 151. 
Excommunication of the Pope, i. 238. 
Exe, river, i. cliii ; ii. 501. 
Exeter, ii. 443, 444 ; iii. 368. 
Exmoor, ii. 491. 
Ejnre, Archbishop, i. clxxvi ; iii. 18, 

Faelan, see Fullan. 
Faelchu, Abbot, iii. 139. 
Faerpinga, i. 135. 
Fahren, i. 21. 



Failbhe, iii. 137. 
Fairway Strait, ii. 105. 
Faith, profession of, ii. 76. 
Fanaticism of ascetics, ii. 63. 
Fara, St., iii. 223. 
Faremoutier-en-Brie, i. 121, 167 ; iii. 

183, 223-225. 
Faricius, Abbot of Abingdon, i. cxi ; 

ii. 452. 
Fame, i. Ixv, clxxiv, 21 ; ii. 105 ; 

iii. I, 21, 22, 24, 26, 42, 70, 94, 

120, 123, 192, 351- 
Farnham, i. clxvii, 71. 
Faro, Bishop of Meaux, i. 306. 
Fasts and fasting, i. 18, 28, 29; iii. 

156, 243, 245, 246, 259, 260, 334, 

335- 
Faulda, i. cxxvii. 
Fearn, iii. 352. 

Feast, St. Cuthberht's, iii. 83, 84. 
Felgild, hermit of Fame, iii. 121, 

122. 
Felix, Bishop of Aries, ii. 72, 73 ; 

iii. 352. 
Felix, Bishop of East Anglia, i. cv, 

31, 320. 
Felix, monk of Crowland, i. cxi ; ii. 

407, 409. 
Fenelon, i. 204. 
Fens, i. 332 ; ii. 408 ; iii. 368. 
Fercanhamstede, i. clxxiii. 
Feretory, St. Cuthberht's, iii. 82-87. 
Ferns, iii. 187. 
Ferramere, i. cli ; ii. 443. 
Ferryhill, iii. 389. 
Fether muthe, i. 332. 
Ffolcburga, Abbess, i. clxvi. 
Field labour done by women, ii. 167. 
Fighting prohibited to servants of 

God, iii. 260. 
Filey, i. 70. 
Filioque, ii. 71. 
Fina, ii. 149, 150. 
Finan, St., Bishop of Northumbria, i. 

clxxxv, 94, 98, 99, 123, 135, 139, 

140, 158, 159; ii. 160; iii. 205. 
Finchale, i. 205 ; iii. 94. 
Finlog, regulus of South Munster, i. 

loi ; iii. 354. 
Finn, i. 98. | 
Fintan, son of Finlog, i. loi ; iii. 

.353- . 
Fires, i. cxxxi : at new moons, ii. 

336. ^ 
Firth of Tay, ii, 40, 109. 
Fiscesburna, i. cxlix. 
Fishing taught by Wilfrid, ii. 117. 
Fishlake, iii. 59. 
Flamborough, i. 70. 



INDEX 



4^7 



Fland Fiona, ii. 149, 150. 

Flanders, iii. 228. 

Flavochat, mayor of the palace, i. 

Fledanburgh, i. clvi ; ii. 390. 

Flemings, i. 297. 

Flesh of sacrifices, iii. 249. 

Flesh of unclean animals, iii. 261. 

Flesh, see also Food. 

Flesh-eating, iii. 257. 

Fleury, iii. 340. 

Flodden, iii. 82. 

Florence, iii. 322. 

Florence of Worcester's Chronicon^ 

i. cxiv. 
Fodder for king's horses, iii. 165. 
Foilan, Foillan, see Fullan. 
Folcard, Abbot of Thorney, i. cxii, 

137; iii. 347. 
Folies, i. 332. 
Folkestone, i. cxxxix, 244 ; iii. 186, 

386. 
Fontmell, river, i. clxx. 
Food, animals as, iii. 256, 257 : of 

nuns, iii. 182 : unclean, iii. 243. 
Forbes, Bishop A. P., Kalendars 

of Scottish Saints, i. clxxvi. 
Forceps, silver, iii. 66, 67, 71. 
Forcett (Forsete), iii. 59, 6r. 
Ford, Northumberland, ii. 98. 
Fordred, see Forthere. 
Fordstreta, ii. 129. 
Forgeries, i. cxx, cxxiii-clxxv, 97, 

243> 329-331 ; »• 31, 45» 65, 96, 

97, 126, 243, 343. 350, 358, 359, 

363, 374, 378, 381, 390, 391, 402, 

415, 431, 448, 450, 453, 470, 501 ; 

iii. 227, 228, 348, 367. 
Fornication, iii. 239, 244, 251. 
Forsete, see Forcett. 
Forsham, iii. 354. 
Forth, i. 15, 21, 128-130; ii. 40. 
Forthere (Fordred, Fortheri), Bishop 

of Sherborne, i. cxiv, cliii-clv, clxi, 

clxxxv ; ii. 372, 500-502. 
Fortheri, bodyguard of i^idwin, ii. 

500. 
Fortrenn, ii. 107. 
Fosse, i. 119, 120. 
Fosser, John, Prior of Durham, iii. 

79. 

Fostat, see Cairo. 

Fowler, Canon, i. clxxvi. 

Foxcombe Hill, i. 41. 

France, ii. 72 ; iii. 189, 312, 314, 

360- 
Francia, iii. 39. 

Francis of Assisi, St., ii. 413 ; iii. 29. 
Franco, monk, iii. 58. 

VOL. III. — 27 



Franconia, ii. 348. 

Franks, i. xxvi, 115, 116, 293, 294, 

305 ; ii. 90. 
Franks, Kings of the, i. clxxxi, clxxxii. 
Fredegar, i. clxxviii. 
Frederick Barbarossa, Emperor, ii. 

241. 
Freeman, E. A., i. ix. 
Freetha, iii. 196. 
Freis, see Friesland. 
Freithbyrg, ii, 58. 
Fresca, river, ii. 153, 507. 
Freshwell, river, i. 142. 
Fridberht, see Frithuberht. 
Fridegils, monk, iii. 134. 
Fridegod, see Frithegoth. 
Fridogitha, see Frithogith. 
Fridovald, see Frithuwald. 
Friesland, i. xxxviii, 65 ; ii. 56, 203, 

234, 406, 449 ; iii. 140. 
Frignualdus, Bishop, i. clxv. 
Frigyth, iii. 196. 
Frith, ii. 40. 

Frith stool at Hexham, i. 377. 
Frithegoth (Fridegod), poet, i. cxi ; 

ii. 243. 
Fritheston, Bishop of Winchester, 

iii. 64, 98. 
Frithogith (Fridogitha), Queen of 

Wessex, i. civ ; ii. 501 ; iii. 40. 
Frithonas, see Deusdedit. 
Frithuberht (Fridberht, Fruidberht), 

Bishop of Hexham, iii. 40, 142. 
Frithuwald (Frithowald), ealdorman, 

i. cxlvii ; ii. 44, 46, 424. 
Frithuwald, Bishop of Whitherne, 

iii. 34, 40. 
Frithuwald (Fridovald, Frithewald), 

monk, i. clix. 
Fritzlar, iii. 235. 
Frohens-le-Grand, iii. 354. 
Frome (Froom), i. cxxviii, cxliii ; ii. 

465, 494, 496. 
Fruidberht, see Frithuberht. 
Fulda, river, ii. 257. 
Fulgentius, St., ii. 347. 
Fullan (Faelan, Foilan, Foillan), St., 

i. 115, 116, 119, 120; iii. 352. 
Fullingadich, ii. 45. 
P'urness, iii. 58. 
Fursey (Fursa, Furseus), St., i. cvi, 

101-120; ii. 453, 475; iii. 341, 

352-356. 

Gadfred, i. clxv. 
Gaedyne, i. 378. 
Gaeta, ii. 354. 
Gai Campi, i. 128. 
Gainford, iii. 131, 316. 



4i8 



INDEX 



Gala Water, i. 130. 
Galicia, Spain, ii. 4. 
Gall, St.,ii. 38. 
Gallicanism, i. 204. 
Galloway, iii. 34. 
Galtres, iii. 131. 
Games, iii. 2, 91. 
Gammack, J., i. clxxvi. 
Gangulf, ii. 321, 322. 
Garionum, i. 120. 
Gariston, i. 80. 

Gateshead, i. 76, 123; iii. 351. 
Gaul, i. xvii, xix, xxi, clxxviii, 174, 
181, 183, 210, 293; iii. 39, 328, 

369- 
Gebmund (Gemund, Gemmund), 
Bishop of Rochester, i. cxxxvii, 
clx, clxxiii, clxxxiv ; ii. 49, 361, 

363. 
Geddawerda, i. 130. 
Geddinge, i. clxxii. 
Gelges, i. loi. 

Gemmund, Gemund, see Gebmund. 
Genevieve, ii. 264. 
Genoa, i. 35, 36. 
George i., i. c. 

George, Patriarch, ii. 78, 79, 81, 330. 
Geraint(Geruntius), KingofDyfnaint, 

ii. 430, 487. 
Gerald, Archbishop, iii. 166. 
Germain, St., Bishop of Paris, ii. 264. 
Germans, struggle with Slavs, i. 299. 
Germanus, i. 170. 

Germanus, Bishop (mythical), i. cxlvi. 
Germanus, Patriarch, ii, 342. 
Germanus, Prior, i, 90. 
Germanus, St., Bishop of Auxerre, i. 

122. 
Germany, i. xxxviii, xxxix, cxiii, cxiv ; 

ii. 403, 405, 450; iii. 230, 312. 
Germinus (Jurmanus), St., i. 122, 

137 ;. iii- .356., 
Gerontius, i. cxiv ; ii. 365. 
Geruntius, King, see Geraint. 
Geve, Abbot, iii. 62. 
Gewissi, i. 39 ; ii. 130, 131, 134 ; see 

also West Saxons. 
Gilbert, Bishop, iii. 347. 
Giles, J. A., i. clxxv, clxxvi. 
Gilling, i. 80, 378. 
Gilsland, i. 338; iii. ii. 
Girold, Abbot, ii. 273. 
Girvan, iii. 36. 
Gislbereswyrth, i. clxxii. 
Giude, Sea of, i. 130. 
Giudi, i. 129. 

Giudin, Sea of, i. 130 ; see Forth. 
Glass-makers and glass-making, ii. 

269, 272 ; iii. 365. 



Glass window in York Cathedral, i. 

382, 383 ; iii. 91, 92. 
Glastonbury (Avalon, Glastingaburg, 

Glastingoea), i. cxliii, cl-clv, 95 ; 

ii. 124, 321, 407, 432, 442-444, 

450, 501, 502 ; iii. 197, 236, 352, 

384.. 
Glencairn, iii. 36. 
Glendale, iii. 3. 
Glenholm, iii. 36. 
Gloucester, i. clviii, 63, 64, 70, 328 ; 

ii. 385-388; iii. 197, 218, 351, 

368. 
Gloucestershire, i. 328 ; ii. 185, 385, 

388, 401. 
Gloves of St. Cuthberht, iii. 87. 
Goatshead, see Gateshead. 
Gobban (Goban, Gobian), St., i. 1 15; 

iii. 352. 
Godefroy, Abbot, ii. 500. 
Godparents, i. 40 ; iii. 252. 
Godwin, Archbishop of Lyons, ii. 

361. 
Godwyn the Dean, iii. 228. 
Goldsmiths, social position, ii. 268. 
Gomatrude, i. 296. 
Good works, iii. 252. 
Gortyna in Crete, ii. *J%. 
Gospatric, dapifer^ iii. 385. 
Gospels in Cuthberht's coffin, iii. 68, 

102-104. 
Gospels presented by Athelstane, iii. 

Gospels, Lindisfarne, iii. 61, 102, 
108-118. 

Gossiping by nuns, iii. 178. 

Goxhill, i. 356. 

Graetecros, i. 332. 

Grandmont, ii. 263. 

Grange, iii. 36. 

Granta, ii. 409. 

Grantchester, ii. 409. 

Grasmere, i. 71. 

Gratz, i. 72. 

Gray, Walter de, Archbishop of York, 
ii. 245. 

Greek fire, ii. 60. 

Greek study, and influence, i. xiii, 
XV, xxvi, xxxi, xxxii ; ii. 160, 161, 
367; iii. 314, 315, 359-361, 368. 

Greenwell, Canon, i. iii. 

Greglade, ii. 161. 

Gregorian monks, i. xl. 

Gregorovius, F., i. clxxviii. 

Gregory, Exarch, i. 231. 

Gregory i. the Great, Saint and Pope, 
i. xi, XV, xvi, xviii, xix, xxxiv, 
xlvii, Ix-lxii, Ixxvi, Ixxxvi, cvi, 
cxix, cxxii, cxxix, i, 31, 102, 103, 



INDEX 



419 



163, 175. 179, 211, 253, 254, 265, 
278, 287-289, 308, 355 ; ii. 9, 10, 
^1, 93. 143, 165, 175, 201, 204, 
349, 371, 376; iii. 175. 340, 359, 
360, 362. 
Gregory 11., Saint and Pope, i. xvi, 
cxix, clxxxii; ii. 319, 353, 355, 

356, 432,437, 439; iii; 150- 
Gregory Nazianzen, St., i. 254, 256- 

262, 269, 282. 
Gregory of Nyssen, Saint and Bishop, 

i. 254, 275. 
Gregory of Tours, Saint and Bishop, 

i. xxi, cxxii, 42; ii. 61, 211, 265. 
Grimoald, Mayor of the Palace, i. 

302 ; ii. 57. 
Grimuald, Duke of Beneventum, i. 

Grisar, H., i. clxxviii. 

Guash, The, iii. 210. 

Guda, Abbot, i. clxviii, clxxiii. 

Gudfrid, Abbot of Lindisfarne, iii. 

120, 123. 
Gueith Linn Garam, ii. 107. 
Guerdmund (Wermund), i. 48 ; iii. 

192. 
Guest-house in monasteries, i. cliv ; 

iii. 384. 
Guinion, i. 130. 
Guledig, i. 8. 
Guthlac, St., i. Ix, cxi, clvi, 137 ; 

ii. 380, 381, 407-416; iii. 46, 171, 

202, 212. 
Guthlacings family, ii. 408. 
Guthred, iii. 62. 
Gwenedotia, i. 11. 
Gwynned, see Wales, North. 
Gyruy, iii. 365. 

Gyrvii, i. 333 ; ii. 36 ; iii. 366. 
Gyrvum, see Jarrow. 
Gyrwas, i. 330. 

Hackness (Hacanos), ii. 220, 418; 
iii. 195, 196, 201-204, 212. 

Haddan, Abbot, i. clxxiv. 

Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and 
Ecclesiastical Documents^ i. cxxi. 

Haddenham, iii. 218, 388. 

Haddi, i. clxxi. 

Hadrian (Adrian), Abbot, i. xxxi, 
Ixxxiv, cxxxv-cxxxvii, 252, 287, 
304-306, 309; ii. I, 2, 23, 159, 
175, 179, 253, 365-372, 453-455, 
457, 467, 492 ; iii. 360, 368. 

Hadstock, iii. 216. 

Hadulac, see Heatholac. 

Hadwine, see /Edwine. 

Hsedda, see Hseddi, Headda. 

Hseddi (Eadda, Haedde), Bishop of 



Winchester, i. cv, cxiv, cxviii, 
cxliii, cli, clii, clxiii, clxvii, clxviii, 
cixx-clxxiii, clxxxiv, clxxxv, 44, 
366 ;ii. 50, 381, 440-447, 451, 
461, 475, 491 ; iii- 39, 369- 

Haefe, river, ii, 506. 

Haeg, i. cxxxvii. 

Haemgils, ii. 403 ; iii. 128. 

Haethfield, battle, see Hemgils. 

Hagona (Haguna), Abbot, i. cxlviii, 
clxxii, clxxiii. 

Haigh, Father, i. clxxvii. 

Hailes, iii. 36. 

Hairdressing, iii. 309. 

Hair growing after death, iii. 66. 

Haldene, ii. 516. 

Haldwulf, see Aldwulf. 

Halgut, brook, i. 12. 

Halgutstad, i. 12. 

Hali eland, see Lindisfarne. 

Hallgarth, see Halgut. 

Hallington, i. 14. 

Halsall, iii. 58. 

Halydene (Heavenfield), battle, i. 
14. 

Hampshire, i. 43, 328, 336; ii. 113, 
136, 138, 447. 

Handbury (Hanbury, Heanbirig, 
Heanburg), i. clvi ; ii. 389; iii. 220, 
221. 

Hansley, ii. 513. 

Hardecanute (Eardecanut), King, ii. 

395- 
Hare, flesh of, iii. 256. 

Hare, Sir Thomas, iii. 98. 

Haripert (Herebercht), Lombard 

King, ii. 351. 
Harold Harefoot, i. 65. 
Plarold II., King, ii. 115. 
Harpham, iii. 152, 171. 
Harp-playing, iii. 262, 263. 
Harrington, iii. 351. 
Hartlepool (Heortesig, Heruteu), i. 

Ixxxvi, 92; ii. 185 ; iii. 186, 187, 

189-192, 197, 303, 317, 351, 389. 
Hatfield Chase, iii. 200, 349 ; see also 

Haethfield. 
Hathored, Bishop, i. clxvi. 
Hathufrith, priest, ii. 232. 
Hathuwald, shepherd, iii. 199. 
Hatton, i. 133. 
Hauster, iii. 36. 
Havykshead, iii. 58. 
Haxheved, iii. 58. 
Haydon Bridge, iii. 59, 60. 
Heaburg, see Bugga. 
Heacanas, see Hecanas. 
Headda (Haedde, Hedda), Abbot, I. 

cxxx, cxxxii ; iii. 348. 



420 



INDEX 



Headda (Hcedde, Hedda, Haeddi), 
Bishop of Lichfield and Leicester, 
i. cxl, clvi, clx, clxiii, clxv, clxix, 
clxxii, clxxxvi ; ii. i6i, 184, 381, 

389, 4I3» 440, 444- 

Healaugh, iii. 186, 187. 

Hean, i. cxlv, cxlvi ; ii. 1 19-123, 
431 ; iii. 348. 

Heanburg, see Handbury. 

Hearnbriht, i. clxxi. 

Heathfield, Synod, ii. 73-75. 127, 
169, 418 ; see also Haethfield, 

Heatholac (Hadulac), Bishop of Elm- 
ham, i. clxxxiv ; ii. 419, 420. 

Heavenfield, i. 12-15, 27, 47; iii. 

303. 
Hebrew, Aldhelm s knowledge, iii. 

369- 

Hebureahg, i. clxxiii. 

Hecanas, i. 329 ; ii. 398, 399, 401 ; 
iii. 210, 358. 

Hedburga, nun, iii. 232. 

Hedda, see Hseddi, Headda. 

Heddi, see ^ddi. 

Hedilburga, see ^thelburga. 

Heiu, St., and Abbess, i. 92, 98; 
iii. 186, 187, 189, 195, Z%(>\seealso 
Bega. 

Helen, St., iii. 389. 

Helenstow, ii. 120. 

Heliand, poem, iii. 274. 

Helias, St., i. Ixxiii. 

Helisend, iii. 15. 

Hell, i. XXXV ; iii. 281, 282, 288-291. 

Helmsley, L 70. 

Helmuald, i. xciii. 

Hemgils (Cengisl, Coengils, Hemgisl, 
Hengisl, Haemgils), Abbot of 
Glastonbury, i. cli-cliii, civ; ii. 
403, 443 ; "i- 200, 235. 

Hen's Well, iii. 352. 

Hendon, ii. 121. 

Hengisl, see Hemgils. 

Henley, Commissioner, iii. 92. 

Henry i., iii. 196. 

Henry iv., iii. 81, 166. 

Henry 'V., iii. 166. 

Henry vi., iii. 89. 

Henry vil., iii. 89. 

Henry Viil., ii. 39. 

Henwood, ii. 120, 121. 

Heortesig, see Hartlepool. 

Heortford, see Herutford. 

Heptarchy, ii. 373. 

Heraclius, Emperor, I. xIt, 228, 231, 

233. 299 ; ii. 341 ; iii. 313- 
Herbert, Bishop of Thetford, iii. 223. 
Herbert, St., see Hereberht, St. 
Herconwald, see Earconwald. 



Herculanus of Perugia, i. 287. 
Herebald, Abbot of Tynemouth, i. 

84; iii. 152, 158. 
Herebercht, see Haripert. 
Hereberht, ii. 286. 
Hereberht (Herbert), St., iii. 40, 41. 
Hereford, i. 328 ; ii. 382, 398-401 ; 

iii. 358. 
Herefordshire, ii. 293. 
Herefrid, Abbot of Lindisfarne, iii. 

42-46, 91. 
Hereric, ii. 418 ; iii. 187. 
Heresies, i. xr, xix, 259. 
Heresuitha (Hereswitha), Queen, i. 
121, 122, 125; ii. 418; iii. 187, 
188, 202, 356. 
Hereswythe, nun, i. cxxxix. 
Heretics, ii. 8 ; iii. 241, 242. 
Herewald (Herwald), Bishop, i. cliii, 

clxi. 
Herford in Westphalia, i. 64. 
Heriburga, Abbess, iii. 204. 
Hermelinda, see Eormelind. 
Hermits, Irish, iii. 352. 
Hernshaw(Herneshalg), iii, 153, 154. 
Herodham, ii. 21. 
Herotunum, ii. 449. 
Hersfeld, iii. 192. 
Hertford, see Herutford. 
Heruteu, see Hartlepool. 
Herutford (Heortford, Hertford), i. 
309; ii. 2, 12, 20, 174, 176, 178; 
iii. 361. 
Hestild, brook, i. 12, 
Hethto, ii. 393. 
Heversham, i. 133. 
Hewald the Black, ii. 403, 406. 
Hewald the White, ii. 403, 406. 
Hexham, i. 11, 12, 27, 70, 307, 367- 
378; ii. 39, 54, 103, 158, 183, 
206, 227-230, 238, 240, 290, 293, 
296; iii. 140, 144, 145, 154, 312, 

347. 
Hexham, Bishops of, i. clxxxvi. 
Hexham, William de, iii. 87. 
Hexhamshire, i. 367 ; ii. 36. 
Hextildesham (Hextoldesham), i. 12. 
Heysham, i. 384. 
Hickes, G., Thesaurus^ i. clxxvii. 
Hidaburn (Hydaburn), i. clxxii. 
Hidburga, ii. 477 ; iii. 233. 
Hiddila, ii. 135. 
Hierarchy, English, subordinate to 

Canterbury, ii. 12. 
Higebald, see Sigbald. 
Highley, i. cxlix. 
Hii, see lona. 

Hilary, Bishop of Aries, i. 170. 
Hild, goddess of war, iii. 190. 



INDEX 



421 



Hild, see also Hilda. 
Hilda, St., i. xxxv, cvi, 92, 98, 121, 
122, 125, 185-187; ii. 185, 210, 
321, 384, 418, 440; iii. 23, 151, 
152, 171, 186-195, 197, 198, 201, 
202, 232, 262, 263, 271, 364, 388. 
Hilddigyth, iii. 191. 
Hildelitha, Abbess of Barking, ii. 

439, 477 ; iii. 211, 229, 231-235. 
Hildiberht, iii. 190. 
Hildithryth, iii. 190, 191. 
Hildiwald, iii. 190. 
Hildkirk, iii. 388. 
Himeiius, i. 254. 
Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, i. 

xcvi, 213 ; iii. 264. 
Hincmar of Laon, i. 213. 
Hindamus, see Niridamus. 
Hinderwell (Hilderwell), iii. 388. 
Hirminhilda, see Erminilda. 
Hispalis, ii. 4. 
Histon, iii. 390. 

Hlothaire, Bishop, see Chlothaire. 
Hlothaire (Chlothaire, Llothaire), 
King of Kent, i. cxxxv, cxxxvi, 
clxvii, clxxxiii ; ii. 32, 48, 74, 125- 
129, ,137, 360, 398; iii. 219. 
Hludwig, ii. 222. 
Hodges, Mr., i. clxxvii. 
Hodilred (QEdilred), i. clxviii. 
Hoe, i. cxxxix. 
Holborn, iii. 3, 390. 
Hole, Mr., i. clxxvi. 
Holkham, iii. 222. 
Holland, i. 74. 
Hollenthal, i. 71. 
HoUum, i. 74. 
Holophernes, iii. 375. 
Holy Island, see Lindisfarne. 
Holy Spirit, double procession, i. 

xxxiv. 
Homelea, river, ii. 134. 
Homer, i. 256 ; iii. 364. 
Homicide, iii. 240, 261. 
Homme, ii. 393, 394. 
Honey, ii. 335 ; iii. 256. 
Honoratus(Honorat), St., i. 169, 170, 

182. 
Honorius, Archbishop of Canterbury, 
i. clxxxiv, 31, 37, 39, 160, 163, 
309 ; ii. 77. 
Honorius I., Emperor, ii. 143. 
Honorius i.. Pope, i. 35, 37, 38; ii. 

345-. 
Honorius II., Pope, i. 45. 
Plonouring father and mother, iii. 261. 
Hoo, i. clxxiii. 
Hoo St. Werburgh, iii. 221. 
Hooc (Hooi), Abbot, i. clxviii, clxxiii. 



Hooker, Judicious, i. 263. 

Hope, Sir W. H. St. John, i. clxxvii. 

Horley, iii. 390. 

Horn, Dean, i. cix. 

Horoscopes, ii. 445. 

Horseflesh, iii. 256. 

Horse-racing, iii. 159. 

Hospitality at Lindisfarne, i. 26. 

Hours, i. 27, 275-278, 281. 

Howard, Lord William, i. 338. 

Howburn, iii. 20. 

Howorth, Rupert, i. clxxix. 

Hoxne, i. 310. 

Hrcopadun (Hrepadun), see Repton. 

Hreutford, ii. 136. 

Hrofi, see Rochester. 

Hrothuar (Hrouuar, Hrounari), Ab- 
bess, i. clxi, clxii. 

Hruddingpool, ii. 392. 

Hruringham, iii. 3. 

Hrypis, iii. 364. 

Huretberht (Eusebius, Husetbercht, 
Hwastberht), Abbot, i. Ixxxvi, xc, 
xciv ; ii. 319; iii. 148-151, 221. 

Huaetburga (Ecgburga, Egburga), i. 
cxiv ; iii. 202-204 ; see also With- 
burga. 

Hugabeorg, i. cl ; ii. 448. 

Hugh, Abbot of Selby, iii. *]^. 

Hugh, Prankish King, ii. 497. 

Hugon, Abbot, i. clxvii. 

Hull, i. 22. 

Hull, river, iii. 155. 

Humber, ii. 320, 411 ; iii. 213. 

Humble, river, ii. 134. 

Humeratun, i. cxxxvii. 

Humfred, Bishop, i. cxlvii ; ii. 46. 

Humility of bishops and kings, i. 33, 

82. 
Humshaugh, i. 13. 
Huna, St., iii. 213, 214, 387. 
Huneya, iii. 215, 387. 
Hunred, monk, iii. 58, 61. 
Huns, ii. 62. 
Huntendune port, i. 332. 
Hunting, penalty for, ii. 167. 
Huntingdonshire, i. cxxxiii ; ii. 409. 
Hunwald, i. 80. 
Hwsetberht, see Huaetberht. 
Hwaetred, i. 347. 
Hwiccas, i. clviii, clix, 328, 329 ; ii. 

185, 382-387, 509, 510; iii- 225. 
Hwiccia, iii. 361. 
Hwittingaham, ii. 513. 
Hy, see lona. 
Hydaburn, see Hidaburn. 
Hygbald, Abbot, i. 363. 
Hygeberht, Bishop, i. clxvi. 
Hyglac, iii. 346. 



422 



INDEX 



Hymn, first English, iii. 267, 268. 
Hymn in praise of Fursey, i. 119. 
Hyssington, iii. 390. 

Iberia, ii. 326. 

Icanho (Ikanhoe), i. 136-138 ; ii. 
256. 

Iceland, iii. 314. 

"Ichtbricht Epscop," see Ecgberht, 
St. 

Iclings caln, ii. 408. 

Ida, King, i. 23 ; ii. 511 ; iii. 235. 

Idaberga, St., i. 71. 

Idle, river, i. xxvii. 

Idols to be destroyed, i. 244. 

Ilkley, iii. 316. 

Illuminator of books, iii. 133. 

Imma, ii. 127, 129. 

Immin, i. 218. 

Importunus, Bishop of Paris, i. 325. 

Ina, King, see Ini. 

Incantations, iii. 247. 

Incense, iii. 250. 

Incest, ii. 30. 

Inchiquin, i. 102 ; iii. 352. 

Inchkeith, i. 129. 

Indulgence, iii. 41. 

Infallibility of Pope, ii. 347. 

Infangtheof, ii. 239. 

Infeppingwm, i. 135. 

Infirm in monasteries, iii. 254, 384. 

Ingeld, Abbot, iii. 235, 236. 

Ingetlingum, i. 80, 155, 219, 378; 
ii. 103, 256. 

Inguald (Incguald, Incwald, Ingulf), 
Bishop of London, i. clxi, clxxv, 
clxxxv. 

Ingulph, priest, i. clxxv. 

Ingwald, iii. 12. 

Inhrypun, see Ripon. 

Ini (Ina), King of Wessex, i. Iviii, 
cxlii-cxlvi, cxlviii, cl, clii-clv, 
clxvii, clxxxiii, clxxxiv ; ii. 132, 
220, 356, 357, 364, 380, 427-439, 
448, 45o» 462, 471, 477, 494, 501 ; 
in. 235, 236, 348. 

Inisboufinde, i. Ixxxvi. 

Inisfail, ii. 151. 

Innocent, Pope, i. 173 ; iii. 241, 252. 

Inscriptions, Latin, iii. 317, 318. 

Introduction, i. Ixxxiii-clxxx. 

Inveresk, i. 129, 130. 

Invertig, iii. 36. 
lodeo, Sea of, i. 130. 
lona (Hii, Hy), i. xxvii, 10, 16,. 17, 
19, 20, 22-24, 31, 32, 97, 98, 135, 
141, 159, 196, 203 ; ii. 107, 149, 
154, 156, 181, 257, 308, 310, 316, 
502; iii. 137, 138. 



lona, end of primacy, iii. 139. 
lorminburga, see Eormenburga. 
lova, real name of lona, i. 16. 
Iplesfleot (Ebbsfleet), iii. 226. 
Ipsden, i. 36. 
Ipswich, iii. 227, 391. 
Irekirk (Hildkirk), iii. 388. 
Ireland, i. xxxvii, 5, 25, 104, 1 12, 

113, 115, 116, 302, 321, 324; ii. 

57, 90, 104, 149, 405, 407, 458, 

474; iii. 60, 315-317, 354, 372. 
Ireland, poem on, by King Aldfrid, 

ii. 151, 152. 
Ireland, schools, ii. 401-407, 466, 467. 
Iris, river, i. 256. 
Irish architecture in England, i. 200, 

201. 
Irish Church, see Church, Irish. 
Irish churches desolated by Ecgfrid, 

ii. 105. 
Irish hermits, iii. 352. 
Irish missionaries, i. 2, 3. 
Irminburga, see Eormenburga. 
Irton, i. 133. 
Isca, river, i. 129. 
Isidore, St., Bishop of Seville, i. 

Ixxxv, 175 ; ii. 5, 6, 13 ; iii. 234, 

340. 
Italy, i. xviii, xix, 232, 233, 235, 287, 

305; ii. 3, 452 ; iii. 312-315, 317, 

328, 330, 332, 360, 361. 
Itchen, river, ii. 136. 
Ithamar, Bishop of Rochester, i. 

cxxxiii, clxxxiv, 331. 
lurmenburga, see Eormenburga. 
lurminburg, see Eormenburga. 
Ivor, son of Alan of Armorica, ii. 427. 
Ixminge (Ermynge), iii. 213;. 

Jacobites, ii. 82. 

James, Deacon, i. 3, 158, 187 ; iii. 

Januarius, St., i. Ixxiii. 

Jarrow (Gyrvum), i. xxxii, xxxiv, 
Ixxxiii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxvii, xciii, cix, 
86, 87, 137 ; ii. 103, 153, 196, 273, 
276-280, 287-293, 298, 312 ; iii. 6, 
94, 121, 138, 148-151, 197, 266, 
304, 317, 321, 327, 332, 333, 341, 

365-367, 373- 
Jaruman, Bishop of Mercia, i. clxxxv, 

212, 213, 223, 224, 307, 331, 332, 

349 ; ii. 422. 
Jedburgh, i. 130. 
Jerome, i. Ixxx, 261, 264, 276, 325 ; 

iii. 234 : Galilean Psalter, i. 162. 
Jerusalem, ii. 80, 330, 334; iii. 315. 
Jew merchants, i. 230. 
Jewellery, Merovingian, ii. 264-272. 



INDEX 



423 



Jews and Christian slaves, ii. 8. 
Jews, persecution, i. 16, 299. 
Jews, times of prayer, i. 276. 
Jobianus, ii. 64. 

Jocelyn, monk, iii. 228, 346, 347. 
Johanna, widow of Black Prince, i. 

90. 
John I., Pope, ii. 213. 
John IV., Pope, i. cxxiv ; iii. 20S. 
John v., Pope, i. clxxxi ; ii. 348. 
John VI., Pope, i. cxxix, clxxxi ; ii. 

204, 209, 210, 351 ; iii. 152. 
John VII., Pope, i. clxxxi ; ii. 351- 

353- 
John XVI., Pope, iii. 339. 
John, Archbishop of Aries, i. 305. 
John, Bishop of Portus Romanus, ii. 

78, 84. 
John, Bishop of Reggio, ii. 79. 
John, Bishop of Thessalonica, ii. 

79- 

John, chanter, i. Ixxxiv ; ii. 69, 70, 
73, 274, 275. 

John Chrysostom, St., i. 173. 

John, Deacon, ii. 78. 

John, Notary, ii. 85. 

John of Beverley, St., Bishop of Hex- 
ham and York, i. Ixxxiii, cvi, cxii, 
clxxxvi ; ii. 161, 211, 223, 227, 
505, 506; iii. 152-171, 193, 200, 

204, 347, 364.. 
John of Biclaro, i. clxxviii ; ii. 61. 
John, Patriarch, ii. 342. 
John, Priest, i. xcii. 
Jouarre (Jouarra), i. 297 ; iii. 183. 
Jovianus, ii. 64. 
Judan-byrig, i. 130. 
Judenburg, i. 72. 
Judeu,i. 128-130; iii. 356. 
Judicail, i. 297. 
Judith, wife of Tostig, i. 86. 
Julian, ii. 264. 

Julian the Apostate, i. 254, 255, 286. 
Julian, Archbishop of Toledo, ii. i6, 

346. 
Jurmanus, see Germinus. 
Justina, nun, ii. 477 ; iii. 232. 
Justinian II., Emperor, i. xiii, clxxxi, 

clxxxii ; ii. 325-341, 349, 35 1, 354 ; 

111; 367. . 
Justiniapolis, ii. 327. 
Justus, Bishop, ii. il. 
Jutes, i. 37 ; ii. 134. 

Kaelcacaestir, iii. 186. 
Kairowan, ii. 339. 
Kalas, iii. 226. 
Kanegnub, iii. 192. 
Kanegut, iii. 192. 



Katharine, Queen, ii. 39. 

Keats, John, iii. 273. 

Kellett, iii. 59. 

Kemble (Cemele), i. cxliii. 

Kenedritha (Coenlhrytha), Queen, i. 
clxxii. 

Kenfrith, see Cenfrith. 

Kcnnemaren, i. 74. 

Kenred, see Coenred. 

Kensped, iii. 3. 

Kenswilh, iii. 3. 

Kent, i. xxviii, civ, ex, cxxxvii-cxxxix, 
Z7, 38, 16, 150,228, 239-254, 306, 
308, 315, 320, 327 ; n. 32, 43, 44, 
47, 48, 51, 112, 125-130, 137, 138, 
170, 216, 356-373, 424, 428, 429, 
455, 457; hi. 1^5, 225, 227, 357, 

Kent, Kings of, i. clxxxii-clxxxiv. 
Kent, East, Archbishops of, i. clxxxiv, 

clxxxv. 
Kent, West, Bishops of, i. clxxxiv, 

clxxxv. 
Kenten, Kentwine, see Centwin. 
Kenulf (Kenulph), Abbot, i. clxxiv ; 

ii. 416. 
Kenwalch, see Coinwalch. 
Kenwald, see Coinwalch. 
Ketel, William, i. cxii. 
Kettering, i. 154. 
Key, miracle, ii. 392, 393. 
Khazars, ii. 62, 340. 
Kilbagie, iii. 196. 
Kilbees, iii. 196. 
Kilbirnie, i. 36. 
Kilbucho, iii. 196. 
Kildale, iii. 59. 
Kilian, St., ii. 348. 
Kill-arsagh, iii. 352. 
Killfursa, i. 102 ; iii. 352, 353. 
Kinbert, see Cyneberht. 
Kineburga, Saint and Queen, see Cyne- 

burga. 
Kineburga, St., of Gloucester, ii. 386, 

387. 
Kings and the religious life, i. Iviii. 
Kingsley, Staffs, iii. 221. 
Kinship, spiritual, i. 40 ; iii. 349. 
Kirby Moorside, i. 154, 202. 
Kirkby Ireleth, iii. 58. 
Kirkby Stephen, i. 133. 
Kirkcudbright, iii. 36. 
Kirkdale, near Lastingham, i. 134, 

154, 202 ; iii. 308. 
Kirkedale (St. Bees), iii. 196. 
Kirklade, ii. 161. 
Kirkoswald, i. 70. 
Kirton, i. 136. 
Kiss at mass, iii. 260. 



424 



INDEX 



Kitchen in monasteries, i. 25. 
Kneeling at prayers forbidden, ii. 

338. 
Krusch, Bruno, i. clxxviii. 
Kuniburga, iii. 192. 
Kyneburga, see Cyneburga. 
Kynegitha, i. cxxxvii. 
Kynehardus, see Cynehard. 

Lactantius, iii. 37. 

L32stingaeu monastery, i. cv, 134, 

153,154, 206, 207, 212, 349, 350, 

357, 359, 367, see also Lastingham. 
Lagny, i. 116, 118; iii. 354, 355. 
Lancashire, i. 50, 132; iii. 303. 
Lancaster, i. 133. 
Landmylien, iii. 211. 
Landscape, Basil's appreciation of, i. 

256. 
Lanercost, i. 338. 
Lanfranc, Archbishop, i. cxii, cxxvi, 

87 ; ii, 244, 498 ; iii. 229. 
Langres, ii. 321 ; iii. 322. 
Langton in Merse, iii. 36. 
Langton, Stephen, Archbishop of 

Canterbury, i. 45. 
Lantocal, i. cli ; ii. 443. 
Laodicsea, i. 19. 
Laon, iii. 352. 
Lastingham, i. Ixxxiv, 134, 154; iii. 

218, 357 ; see also Lsestingaeu. 
Latchford, i. 53. 
Lateran Council, ii. 76. 
Latin, knowledge and study, i. xxxiii, 

183 ; ii. 479, 480 ; iii. 234, 235, 

367, 369, 370. 
Latineacum, see Lagny. 
Laud, William, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, ii. 251. 
Lauherne, iii. 318- 
Lavisse, M., i, clxxviii. 
Law, Roman, iii. 369. 
Lawrence, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

i. clxxi, 242. 
Lawrence, F., i. clxxix. 
Lawrence, St., i. 6^. 
Laybach, i. 72. 
Lazica, ii. 339. 
Leader, river, iii. 4, 5. 
Leander, iii. 176. 
"Leavings," ii. no. 
Lebanon, ii. 326. 
Lebeau's Byzantine Hisiory, i. 

clxxvii. 
Leclerc, V Espagne Chritienne^ i. 

clxxviii. 
Le Crotoy, iii. 354. 
Lee, iii. 227. 
Lee, Commissioner, iii. 92. 



Lee St. John, iii. 171. 

Leeds, i. 128 ; iii. 351. 

Leger, St., iii. 363. 

Leicester, i. clxxv ; ii. 231, 3S1. 

Leinster, ii. 152. 

Lekingfield, iii. 157. 

Leland, John, i. clxxvii. 

Lent, i. 29 ; ii. 405. 

Leo II., St., Pope, i. clxxxi ; ii. 13, 

72, 344-346. 
Leo III., Pope, ii. 438. 
Leo IV., Pope, ii. 438. 
Leo IX., Pope, i. cxxii. 
Leo III., the Isaurian, Emperor, i. 

clxxxii ; ii. 343, 356, 439. 
Leobgytha (Leoba, Leobgyth, Tryth- 

gifu), St., i. cxiv ; iii. 185, 190, 

230, 237. 
Leodulco, ii. 268. 
Leodwald, ii. 511. 
Leofric, Bishop, i. cii. 
Leofric, Earl, iii. 221. 
Leofwin, iii. 68. 
Leominster, iii. 225. 
Leontius, Bishop, ii. 81. 
Leontius, Bishop of Frejus, i. 169, 

170. 
Leontius i.. Emperor, i. clxxxi; ii. 

339> 340. 
L6rins (Lerinum), i. xxxii, 168-170, 

174, 182, 251 ; iii. 176. 
Lero, i. 169. 

Lethaby, Professor, i. clxxvii. 
Lethom (Cleveland), iii. 59. 
Lethom, see Lytham. 
Leutherius, see Chlothaire. 
Levicus, Count of Leicestre, i. clxxv. 
Libanius, i. 254, 255, 263. 
Libellus Scotorum, i. cxvii. 
Liber Pontijicalis , i. clxxviii. 
Libraries, i. xxxiii, Ixxxiv, cxxxi ; ii. 

253, 254 ; iii. 337, 360. 
Lichfield (Licitfelda), i. 323, 353, 356, 

.357> 364, 365 ; ii- 380. 381 ; iii. 219. 
Licinian, i. 187. 
Licitfelda, see Lichfield. 
Liege, iii. 103. 
Liguria, i. 35. 
Limoges, ii. 262-269. 
Lina, river, ii. 513. 
Lincoln, i. clxxv, 44 ; ii. 411. 
Lincolnshire, i. 35, 62, 320 ; ii. 35, 

41, 42, 49, SO. 401, 411, 502 ; iii. 

,213. 
Lindis, river, i. 20. 
Lindisfaras, i. 349. 
Lindisfarne, i. xxvii, Ixvi, Ixxxiv, 

Ixxxvii, xcii, c, cvii, cxvi, 20-31, 

58, 60, 76, 94, 98, 99, 156, 161, 



INDEX 



425 



196, 198, 203, 207, 220, 221, 249, 

382; ii. 54, 103, 105, 160, 181, 
228, 290, 505, 512, 513; iii. 3, 8, 
13, 14, 18, 20, 23, 30, 31, 42-45, 
47, 51, 57, 59, 94, 120, 121, 131, 
137, 139, 190, 192, 198, 276, 316, 
.340, 347, 351, 384. 

Lindisfarne, Bishops of, i. clxxxv, 
clxxxvi. 

Lindisfarne Gospels, iii. 61, 102, 108- 
118, 122, 317, 329, 385. 

Lindissi, i. 35, 63 ; ii. 50, 86, 401, 
402, 405 ; see also Lindsey. 

Lindsey, i. cv ; iii. 163, 167 ; see also 
Lindissi. 

Lindsey, Bishops of, i. clxxxvi. 

Linen stolen, i. 89, 90. 

Lingones, iii. 322. 

Linlithgow, ii. 506 ; iii. 36. 

Liodguald, ii. 511. 

"Lion of the English," i. 60. 

Lisbon, i. 64. 

Lismore, i. 321. 

Litany, Greater, i. loi. 

Littleborne, i. cxxxvii. 

Littleton, ii. 496. 

Liudhard, ii. 170. 

Liudprand, King of the Lombards, ii. 

321. 
Liverpool, iii. 351. 
Llairvello, iii. 390. 
Llanerch Panna, i. 52. 
Llothaire, see Hlothaire. 
Loidis (Leeds), iii. 351. 
Loidis (Lothian), i. 128. 
Lokington, iii. 165. 
Lombards, i. xviii, xix, 232, 297, 

305; ii. 3 ; iii. 313. 
London, i. cxxvii, cxlvii, 40, 150, 

151, 307, 308, 324; ii. 45, 50, 216, 

343, 391, 420 ; iii. 226, 356. 
London, Bishops of, i. clxxxiv, clxxxv. 
Longinianus, ii. 141. 
Lord's Day, see Sunday. 
Lord's Supper, i. 281. 
Lorraine, i. 169. 
Lorsch, ii. 261. 
Lorton, iii. 59. 
Lothaire, Duke, i. 301. 
Lothaire, Lotharius, see also Chlo- 

thaire, Hlothaire. 
Lothians, i. 8 ; ii. 516. 
Lough Corrib, i. 102 ; iii. 354. 
Lough Mask, iii. 352. 
Loughderg, i. 321. 
Louis, St., ii. 273, 274. 
Lourdes, ii, 435. 
Love-feasts forbidden, ii. 337. 
Lucian, Apostle of Beauvais, ii. 264. 



Luckcr, iii. 388. 

Luel, see Carlisle. 

Lugair, St., i. 19. 

Lugubalia, see Carlisle. 

Lulling, pra:fect, i. clxvi. 

Lullus, Archbishop of Mainz, i, 

Ixxxvii, xci, xcvii, xcviii, cxiii ; 

ii. 447 ; iii. 365, 388. 
Lupus, Abl)ot of Ferrara, i. xcviii. 
Lusitania, ii. 4. 
Lute playing, iii. 371. 
Luxury in monasteries, iii. 184, 185. 
Luxury of clergy, i. xlix. 
Lyccidfelth, i. 356. 
Lydesige, i. cxlviii. 
Lying, monastic, i. 95 ; see also 

Forgeries. 
Lyminge, i. cxxxix, clxix, 142, 149, 

374 ; ii. 358 ; iii. 185, 229. 
Lyons, i. clxxii, 163, 165--167 ; ii. 8, 

361. 
Lytham (Lethom), iii. 58, 94. 

Maban, Abbot of Gloucester, iii. 368. 
Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch, ii. 

68, 79, 81. 
Maceriae (Mazeroeles), in Ponthieu, 

i. 116. 
MacRimedo, Finan, see Finan, St. 
Macrina, i. 255 ; iii. 183. 
Madelgisilus, iii. 352. 
Madoc, St., iii. 187. 
Madrid, i. Ixxiii. 

Maedhog, Bishop of Ferns, iii. 187. 
Maelduib, Maelduin, see Maildulf. 
Maelgwyn, i. 16. 
Mageo, see Mayo. 
Magesaetes, i. 328 ; iii. 358. 
Magesetania, iii. 361. 
Magheo, see Mayo. 
Magic, i. Ixviii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, 215; ii. 

99, 172, I73-... 
Magna Groecia, iii. 337. 
Magnin, U^glise Wisigothique, i. 

clxxviii. 
Magyars, ii. 62, 63. 
Maiden Way, i. 133. 
Maildulf (Meldum, Meldun, Maelduib, 

Maelduin), Abbot, ii. 453-455, 

457, 461. 
Mailros, see Melrose. 
Main, i. 298. 
Mainz, i. 71. 
Makerfield, i. 53. 
Malata, see Sheppey. 
Malcolm of Scotland, ii. 240. 
Maldubesburg, Maldubia, see Mal- 

mesbury. 
Malmedy, i. 297. 



426 



INDEX 



Malmesbury, i. cxi, cxxviii, cxli- 

cxliii ; ii. 119, 125, 394, 442, 444, 

45 1 » 453, 454, 457, 460-462, 465, 

471, 472, 49I5 493-500; iii- 348, 

356, 370, 373- 
Malmes!)ury Abbey Annals^ i. cxv. 
Manau, i. 128, 129. 
Man-bot, i, 248. 
Manitius, Gesch. der Lat. Lit. des 

Alittelaliers, i. clxxv. 
Mannius, Abbot, ii. 396. 
Mansuetus, Archbishop of Milan, ii. 

76. 
Manuscript, iii. 328-330. 
Mardaites, ii. 326, 327. 
Margaret, daughter of Henry viii., 

iii. 89. 
Margaret, St., ii. 240; iii. 88. 
Marinus, Pope, ii. 439. 
Maronites, ii. 82. 
Marriage, ii. 29, 30, 177, 244, 245, 

247, 248 ; iii. 254, 257-260. 
Marriage of baptized and unbaptized, 

ii. 357 ; iii. 252. 
Marriage of clergy, i. 26 ; ii. 331- 

333 ; iii. 244. 
Marriage of sponsors, ii. 334. 
Marriage, spiritual, iii. 183. 
Marriage within prohibited degrees, 

i. 151. 
Marseilles, i. 1 70, 173, 305. 
Marske, iii. 59, 61. 
Martial, St., ii. 263. 
Martin, St., ii. 265 ; iii. 29, 340. 
Martin i.. Pope, i. xvi, xxxii, 231, 

237; ii. 70, 75, 76, 274. 
Martyrs and canonisation, iii. 340. 
Martyrs, histories, iii. 141. 
Martyrs, spurious lives, ii. 336. 
Mary, Queen, i. 351. 
Maserfield (Maserfelth), i. 50-54, 58, 

74, 76 ; iii. 349. 
Masham, Sir William de, iii. 81. 
Mass, i. Ixv, Ixvi ; iii. 249, 251-253, 

260. 
Mass celebrated in a vision, i. Ixviii. 
Mauchline, iii. 36. 
Maud, wife of King David, iii. 

Maurice, ii. 65. 

Maurice, Emperor, i. Ivii. 

Maurice, St., ii. 273. 

Maurus, Archbishop of Ravenna, i. 

238, 239. 
Maurus, moneyer, ii. 268. 
Maurus, monk, iii. 228. 
Maximinian, ii. 264. 
Maxton, iii. 36. 
Maybole, iii. 36. 



Mayo (Mageo, Magheo), i. Ixxxvi, 

196-198. 
Mayoc, iii. 354. 
Mayor of the Palace, functions, i. 

301. 
Mazeroeles, see Maceriae. 
Mazeroles, i. 157. 
Meath, ii. 104, no, 152. 
Meats offered to priests, ii. 338. 
Meaux, i. 306 ; ii. 214, 230. 
Medcaut, i. 20 ; iii. 351. 
Medeshamstede, see Peterborough. 
Medisevalism, ii. 149. 
Medicine, i. 284; ii. 178, 179. 
Mediterranei Angli, i. 100. 
Meican, see Haethfield. 
Meldanus (Meldan), Bishop, i. 102, 

109, 116. 
Meldulfesbirg, see Malmesbury. 
Meldum, Meldun, see Maildulf. 
Meldunesburg, see Malmesbury. 
Melescroft, iii. 164. 
Meletius, Bishop, i. 351. 
Melfont, ii. 404. 
Mellitus, Bishop of London, i. 138 ; 

ii. II, 34. 
Mellor (Meier), iii. 58. 
Melrose, i. cvii, 184, 221, 222 ; ii. 

54, 279, 405 ; iii. z-^, 12, 18, 36, 

46, 122, 124, 129-131. 
Menevia, i. 20. 

Menial duties of nuns, iii. 177, 
Menmuir, iii. 351. 
Meonsborow, i. 336. 
Meonwari, i. 336. 
Merchdorf, monk, iii. 135. 
Mercia, i. xxviii, xxx, cv, 30, 40, 43, 

47,48, 74, 75, 100, 121-132, 134, 

216-219, 223, 224, 248, 249, 306, 

3I9> 320, 326-336, 349-365 ; ii. 

34, 35, 41, 42, 47-50, loi, 171, 

184, 198-200, 216, 217, 227, 233, 

373-416; iii. 367. 
Mercia, Bishops of, i. clxxxv, clxxxvi ; 

iii.. 356. 
Mercia, Kings of, i. clxxxii-clxxxiv. 
Merewald (Merwald), King, i. 331, 

335 ; iii. 210, 225, 362. 
Merewin, iii. 225. 
Merida, ii. 4. 
Merin lodeo, i. 130. 
Merlinch, i. cliv. 
Merton, iii, 59. 
Merwald, see Merewald. 
Mesopotamia, i. 255. 
Metgoit, i. 20. 
Methley, i. 70, 316. 
Metropolitans, i. cxxxix ; ii. 6, 7j 10, 

11,24. 



INDEX 



427 



Metropolitans, French, ii. 8, 9. 
Metropolitans, Spanish, ii. 4. 
Metropolitans with papal authority, 

ii. 10, II, 362. 
Metropolitans, see also Canterbury, 

York. 
Metz, ii. 261, 362. 
Mexico, i. Ixxiii. 
Michael, St., ii. 214, 230. 
Michelstadt, ii. 191, 262. 
Micklethwaite, Mr., i. clxxvii. 
Middelangli, i. lOO. 
Middlesbrough, iii. 388. 
Middleton, near Manchester, iii. 54, 

59- 
Middleton, Yorks, iii. 155. 
Middlezoy (Soweie, Sowy), i. cliv, 

civ. 
Migne, Patrologia, i. clxxv. 
Milan, i. 238, 377 ; ii. 76. 
Milbourne, iii. 55. 
Milburga (Milburgh), St., ii. 379; 

iii. 210, 211, 225, 389. 
Mildred, St., Abbess of Minster, i. 

cxiii, cxxxvii, cxxxix, 249 ; iii. 225- 

229, 346, 390, 391. 
Milgith, iii. 225. 
Miller, Dr., i. clxxv. 
Milred, Bishop of Worcester, i. clxii. 
Milton, John, i. xxxv ; iii. 272. 
Minster in Thanet, iii. 225-230, 233, 

390, 391. .,. 

Minuscules, iii. 307. 

Miracle play at Beverley, iii. 169. 

Miracles, i. Ixxviii, Ixxxiv, Ixxxv, cvii, 
cix, 27, 34, 37, 38, 45, 46, 55-57, 
61, 63, 68-70, 73, 76-78, 87-90, 
113, 126, 172, 207, 247, 248, 364; 
ii. 98-100, 116, 117, 121, 127, 128, 
179, 195, 203, 214, 222, 234, 238- 
242, 247, 369, 370, 392, 394-398, 
402, 406, 420, 421, 423, 434, 445, 
468, 469, 471, 492, 493, 495, 496, 
498-500, 506, 516, 517 ; iii. 11-13, 
16-18, 21-23, 28, 34-37, 39, 44, 
48, 49, 56-58, 62, 65-67, 72, 79, 
88, 89, 107, 108, 119-121, 133, 
147, 153-158, 161, 163, 166-171, 
186, 196-198, 204-206, 208, 210, 
213, 2x6, 217, 221-232, 350, 352, 

355, 370, 385-387, 392. 
Mirafield, i. cxxxvi. 
Missionary labours of English priests, 

1. xxxviii, xxxix. 
Missionary methods, i. 16, 17 ; ii. 

450- 
Modestus, i. 262. 
Moesia, ii. 62, 327. 
Mohammedans, iii. 313, 315. 



Moinan, iii. 354. 

Mol, see Mul. 

Molescroft, iii. 164. 

Molesworth, J. E. N., i. 257 ; ii. 251. 

Monachism, Rule of St. Basil, i. 267- 
286. 

Monasteries, i. xxii-xxiv. 

Monasteries and episcopal jurisdic- 
tion, ii. 27. 

Monasteries, double, iii. 1S2-185, 
214, 254. 

Monasteries, first, in Western Europe, 

i. 173- 
Monasteries, Irish, i. xxviii. 
Monasteries, Kentish, i. cxxxix. 
Monasteries, northern, restoration, ii. 

279. . 
Monasti c s robbed, ii. 378. 
Monastic life, age for entering, ii. 

334- . 
Monastic privileges, see also 

Forgeries, Privileges. 
Monasticism, i. xl-xliii, xlix-lxiv, 

258, 259, 265-267. 
Monk, first to be Pope, ii. 64. 
Monks, i. xxiv, xxv ; iii. 253, 254 ; 

see also Rule. 
Monks, clothing of, i. 285, 286. 
Monks not to forsake their monastery, 

ii. 27. 
Monkwearmouth, see Wearmouth. 
Monothelite controversy, i. xvi ; ii. 

65, 69, 70, 78, 81, 82, 326, 342, 

344, 354. 
Mons, i. 120. 

Mont St. Michel, i. 20, 21 ; ii. 435. 
Montacute, Anthony, Lord, iii. 98. 
Montalembert, Monks of the JVesl, 

i. clxxiii. 
Monte Casino, i. 160, 253; ii. 352; 

iii. 349. 
Montgomery, i. 52. 
Moon, new, ii. 336. 
Moore, John, Bishop of Ely, i. c. 
Mopsuestia, ii. 326. 
Morals, English, ii. 162. 
Morals at Coldingham, iii. 206, 207. 
M orison. Si. Basil, i. clxxvi. 
Morocco, ii. 339. 
Moulsey, i. cxlvii ; ii. 46. 
Mount Cignes (Mont des Cignes), i. 

116 ; iii. 354. ^ _ 
Mouse in liquid, iii. 243. 
Mowbray, Robert de, i. 86, Sj. 
Muawiah, i. 230 ; ii. 60. 
Much Wenlock, iii. 21 1. 
Mudpieraleges, iii. 35. 
Muhammedanism, i. 229-236. 
Muigeo, i. 197. 



428 



INDEX 



Muir n-Giudan, i. 130. 

Mul (Mol, Mulus), i. cxxxv ; ii. 132, 

137, 138, 357, 428, 429. 
Mulluc, St., i. cviii. 
Mundham, iii. 390. 
Munecaceastre, ii. 278. 
Munich, i. Ixxiii. 

Munster, i. 71, loi, 102; ii. 151. 
Murrisk, i. 197. 
Music, i. 317; ii. 48, 398, 456 ; iii. 

140. 
Muspell, iii. 288. 
Myldryde, see Mildred. 
Myredah, ii. 222. 
Mythology, Teutonic, iii. 281, 282. 

Naitan, Naiton, see Nechtan. 
Names, Saxon, spelling, i. clxxix : 

variable terminations, iii. 135. 
Nantechildis, wife of Dagobert, i. 

296, 300. 
Naples, i. Ixxiii, 234, 253. 
"Natural" daughter, iii. 224. 
Nechtan (Naitan, Naiton, Nectan), 

King of the Picts, ii. 107, 311, 

316; iii. 138, 366. 
Necromancy, i. Ixviii. 
Nectanesmore, ii. 107. 
Nectan's ford, battle, ii. 502. 
Nectan's Fort, ii. 107. 
Needle, St. Wilfrid's, i. 376. 
Nene, ii. 410. 

Nerienda, Abbess, i. cxxxvii. 
Nestorians, ii. 65, 82, 336. 
Netheravon, ii. 193. 
Neustria, i. 166, 294, 300; ii. 33. 
Neustria, Kings of, i. clxxxi. 
Neville of Raby, John, Lord, iii. 82. 
Neville's Cross battle won by relics, 

iii. 79. 
New Rome, see Constantinople. 
Newbiggin, iii. 351. 
Newcastle-on-Tyne, i. 86, 89, 99 ; ii. 

278 ; iii. 22, 82, 332. 
Newman, J. H., ii. 149. 
Nicaea, i. 351. 

Nicene Council, i. 188; iii. 241. 
Nicomedia, ii. 354. 
Nidd, Synod at, ii. 223-226, 506 ; 

iii. 151. 
Niduarii, iii. 34-38. 
" Nifleheimer," iii. 281, 288. 
Nigel, Bishop, iii. 216. 
Nile, i. 171. 

Niridamus (Hindamus), i. 252. 
Nithard, i. cxiv. 
Niuentum, i. cxli, 
N odder (Nodz, Noodr), river, i. cxliv ; 

ii. 494. 



Noenan, see Eoghenan. 

Nones at Lindisfarne, i. 29. 

Norfolk, ii. 52. 

Norham, ii. 516, 517; iii. 59, 131, 

385- 
Norman Conquest, effect, iii. 305, 

306. 

Norsemen, iii. 309. 

Northbald, Abbot, ii. 372. 

Northbert, Bishop of Elmham, ii. 
419. 

North-burh, i. 332. 

North Burton, iii. 157. 

North Elmham, see Elmham. 

Northumberland, iii. 266, 303. 

Northumbria, i. xxv, xxvii, xxviii, 
XXX, xxxvii, cv, cxv, i-ioo, 123, 
125-159, 164, 174, 182-196, 199, 
204-214, 219-227, 249, 307, 319, 
336-349; ii- ii» 35-42, 49» 51, 
69, 91, 97, loi, 102, 105-112, 132, 
147-156, 171, 181, 184, 199-201, 
219-229, 233, 248, 253, 254, 279, 
360, 364, 373, 502-517 ; iii. 1-174, 
189, 266, 303, 310, 318, 328-330, 

337, 356, 358, 360. 
Northumbria, Bishops of, i. clxxxv, 

clxxxvi. 
Northumbria, Kings of, i. clxxxii- 

clxxxiv. 
North wold. Bishop, iii. 216. 
Norway, iii. 314. 
Norwich, iii. 390. 
Nostell Priory, i. 70. 
Nothelm, Archbishop of Canterbury, 

i. Ixxxvii, xcvi, civ, cv, clxi. 
Nothelm, King, see Nunna. 
Nothelm, priest, i. ciii, cxix; ii. 371. 
Nothgith, i. cxlviii, cxlix. 
Noyon, i. 116 ; ii. 264, 265. 
Nulluc, St., i. cviii. 
Numerals, allegorical interpretation, 

iii. 344. 
Nun, first English, iii. 185. 
Nuneaton, iii. 184. 
Nunna (Nothelm, Nun, Numa), King, 

i. cxlviii-cl ; ii. 430, 448. 
Nunneries, i. xliii : Celtic, iii. 182 : 

discipline, iii. 176. 
Nuns, clothing, ii. 485. 
Nuns, royal and high-born, i. xxix, 

clxxviii ; iii. 175-237. 
Nursling, ii. 444. 
Nursted, iii. 227, 391. 
Nuthurst, i. clvii. 
Nutshell, iii. 203. 

Oat cakes, iii. 385. 
Oaths respected, ii. 59. 



INDEX 



429 



Oberlonon, i. 71. 

Obodriti, i. 298. 

Occ, ii. 511. 

Occam, Nicholas of, I. Ixxr. 

Oddo, founder of Tewkesbury Abbey, 

ii. 388, 389. 
Odin, iii. 367. 

Odo, Abbot of Battle, iii. 210. 
Odo, Archbishop of Canterbury, ii. 

243; iii. 172. 
Odo, Cardinal of Ostia, iii. 210. 
O'Donnell clan, iii. 133. 
Odulf, St., ii. 396. 
Oedilburga, see ^thelburga. 
OEdilred (Hodilred), i. clxviii. 
Offa, ancestor of Mercian Kings, i. 

48. 
Offa, King of Essex, 1. Iviii, clxxxiii ; 

ii. 377, 394, 424, 425, 43^; iii. 

209, 367. 
Offa, King of Mercia, i. cxlix, clvii, 

clxiv, 51, 63 ; ii. 121. 
Offa, King (fictitious), i. clxxi ; ii. 34. 
Offenham, iii. 21 1. 
Oftfor, Bishop of Worcester, i. clvi, 

clx, clxxxvi ; ii. 161, 185, 186, 384, 

389, 390. 
Oiddi, ii. 115. 
Oidilwald (^thelwald, Edilwald, 

Ethelwold), Bishop of Lindisfarne, 

i. clxxxvi; ii. 515; iii. 109, no, 

118, 120-122, 129. 
Oidilwald, King of Deira, i. clxxxiii, 

74, 75, 93, 94, 125-127, i33, i34, 
141, 153, 205, 207 ; 111. 351. 

Oidilwald, priest, hermit of Fame, 
iii. 57, 120, 121. 

Oidilwald, see also ^Ethelwald. 

Oisen, see Oswin. 

Olwfwolthu, i. 347. 

Omolincq, Abbot, i. clxiv. 

Ondred, ii. 132. 

Ongen, son of Offa, i. 48. 

Onna, see Anna. 

Onswini, see Oswin. 

Opide, river, iii. 13. 

Ordericus Vitalis, iii. 384. 

Orders, iii. 250, 251. 

Orders, Celtic, validity of, i. 350-356. 

Ordination of bishops, i. 140, 350, 

351- . 
Ordination by heretics, iii. 241. 

Ordinations, iii. 251. 

Organs, ii. 497 ; iii. 370, 371. 

Origen, i. 163, 258. 

Orleans, i. 211. 

Orleans, Council of, i. 351. 

Ormisby, iii. 59. 

Ornamentation, iii. 312-316. 



Osa, "Bishop," i. cl. 

Osburga, nun, ii. 477 ; iii. 232. 

Osfrid, i. cxxxvi. 

Osfrith, Prefect, ii. 98, lOO. 

Osgitha (Osgith), St., ii. 484, 485 ; 

iii.. 373- 
Osguid, see Oswy. 
Oshelm, i. cxliii. 
Oshere, sub-King of the Hwiccii, i. 

clviii-clxiv ; ii. 385, 391 ; iii. 203. 
Osingadum, see Easington. 
Oslawa (Oslava), wife of Eormenred, 

i. 244 ; iii. 225. 
Osmund, King (fictitious), i. cl. 
Osmund, St., Bishop of Salisbury, ii. 

498, 499. 
Osred (Osrith), King of Northumbria, 

1. clxxxiii; ii. 221, 222, 378, 425, 

444, 504-508, 510; iii. 131, 154, 

157, 161. 
Osric, i. cl. 
Osric, King of Deira, i. clxxxii, 5-7, 

75. 
Osric, King of Northumbria and 
sub-regulus of the Hwiccas, i. 
cxlvii, cxlviii, clxv, clxvi, clxxxiii, 
clxxxiv, 186 ; ii. 384-388, 508-510; 
iii. 368. 

Osrith, see Osred. 

Ossa, see Oswy. 

Ossory, ii. 152. 

Ossu, see Oswy. 

Osthryth (Osthryda, Osthrytha), 
Queen of Mercia, i. clvi, 62, 70, 
227 ; ii. 42, 47, 49, 382, 390. 

Ostrogoths, i. 298. 

Osu, Osuio, Osuiu, see Oswy. 

Osvald's saga, i. 72. 

Oswald, brother of Osric, i. clviii ; ii. 
385, 386, 388. 

Oswald, St., King of Northumbria, 
i. cv, clxxxii, 1-75, 80, 93, 100, 
125, 127, 131, 141, 153; ii. 37; 
iii. 97, 205, 348 : Aidan's influence, 
i' 32, 33 : wins battle of Heaven- 
field, i. 11-14 ; iii. 303: ascends 
throne, i. 16 : birth, i. 9 : Bret- 
walda, i. 34, 35, 50 : character, i. 
54, 55 : children, i. 74 : dedications, 
i. 50, 70-73, 80 ; iii. 351 : depicted 
with Cuthberht, i. 60, 61, 67 ; iii. 
92 : exile, i. 5, 9, 10 : humility, i, 
33, 34 '' killed at Maserfield, i. 50- 
54 : miracles, i. 55-57, 65, 68-70, 
73; ii. 117, 203, 234, 402 : relics, 
i.. 55, 58-70, 73 ; ii- 203, 234 ; 
iii. 57, 70, 71, 350: saint and 
martyr, i. 54 : sends for Scottish 
bishop, i. 16, 17: vision of 



430 



INDEX 



Columba, i. lo: Life of St. 
Os7vaid, iii. 346. 

Oswald, St., Archbishop of York, ii. 
242, 243 ; iii. 172. 

Oswald's tree, i. 56. 

Oswald's well, i. 53. 

Oswaldkirk, i. 70, 

Oswestry, i. 50, 51, 54, 70. 

Oswid (Oswido, Oswud), i. clx, clxiv. 

Oswin, King of Deira, i. clxxxii, 
clxxxiii, 7, 75, 79-92, 97, 125, I54, 
155, 219, 378; ii. 100: Cross at 
Collingham, i. 91, 92: miracles, i. 
88, 89 : relics and shrine, i. 83-89. 

Oswini (Oswyn), fictitious King of 
Kent, i. cxxxv, cxxxvi ; ii. 126. 

Oswin's thorpe, iii. 351. 

Oswy (Ossa, Ossu, Osu, Osuic), 
King of Northumbria, i. cxxiv, 
cxxv, clxxxii, 5, 6, 58, 74-^1, 9i> 
93, 94, 122, 123, 125-134, 136, 
138, 139, 155, 156, 160, 168, 183- 
187, 194, 195, 199, 205, 208, 211, 
212, 214, 216-219, 221-227, 251, 
252, 306, 307, 319, 330, 331, 337, 

347, 348, 350, 353, 378 ; ii. 34, 37, 
40, 50, 149, 150, 221, 387, 507, 
509; iii. 61, 189, 193, 197, 201, 
204-206, 265, 346, 350, 364: at 
synod of Whitby, i. 186, 187, 194, 
195: Bretwalda, i. 132, 133, 183: 
children, i. 226, 227 : later days 
and character, i. 225, 226 : patron 
of Aidan, i. 76 : quarrel with 
Alchfrid, i. 221-223 : struggle with 
Penda, i. 125-132; iii. 356: visits 
Maserfield, i. 76. 

Oswyn, see Oswin. 

Osyth, St., ii. 44; iii. 391, 392. 

Othman, i. 230. 

Otho I., i. 72. 

Otho II., ii. 143. 

Othon, mayor of the palace, i. 301, 
302. 

Othona, i. 142. 

Otton, see Othon. 

Ouen (Audoenus), St., Bishop of 
Rouen, i. 296, 297 ; ii. 259, 264. 

Ouestraefelda, ii, 197. 

Ouini, see Wini. 

Oundle, i. 330 ; ii. 233, 235, 238. 

Ouse, ii. 409. 

Overton, iii, 59. 

Ower Park, iii. 353. 

Owin, see Wini. 

Oxford, i. 40, 41 ; ii, 397 ; iii. 227, 
364, 389, 391. 

Oxford University, first M.A., iii. 152. 

Oxfordshire, i. 40, 328; ii. 120. 



Pachomius, St., i. 275, 281, 282; iii. 

183. 
Padda, ii. 115. 
Paddlesworth, i. 70. 
Padduwel, ii. 516. 
Paegnalaech, i. 205. 
Paeogthath (Peogthah, Peohthal), i. 

clxix, clxx ; ii. 424. 
Pagan customs forbidden, ii. 335, 

336.. 
Paganism, i, xxv. 
Paganism, East Saxons revert to, i. 

138. . .. 

Paganism in Christianity, 11. 173. 
Paganism in England, i. 132. 
Paganism, victory of, at Maserfield, i. 

74. 
Paintings, ii. 275 ; iii. 365. 
Paisley, iii. 390. 
Palatiolum, iii. 201. 
Palermo, ii. 78. 
Palestine, i. xxvii, ex, 169, 177, 255, 

304; ii. 156. 
Palgrave's English Commonwealth, 

i. clxxvii. 
Pall, conferred on Berhtwald, ii. 362. 
Pall, doubtful if received by Paulinus, 

ii. 24, 93. 
Pall sent to Augustine, ii. 10, 11. 
Panna, Panta, see Penda. 
Pante, river, i. 142. 
Pantesberie, see Pontesbury. 
Pantha, see Penda. 
Papacy, i. clxxvii. 
Papal documents, i. cxix. 
Papal letters, i. cxxiv. 
Paris, i, 294, 305, 366 ; ii. 72, 265 ; 

iii. 358. 
Parochial system, i. xxxi, 33, 141 ; 

ii. 29, 177, 178. 
Partesbury, see Pontesbury. 
Partney, abbey of, ii. 383, 401, 411. 
Paternus, iii. 50. 
Patriarchates destroyed, ii. 339. 
Patriarchs, i. xxi. 
Patriarchs deposed by Emperor, ii. 

79-81. 
Patrick, St., i. 28, 168 ; ii. 311. 
Patrington, iii. 155. 
Paul, Abbot, i. 180. 
Paul, Deacon, i. cxviii. 
Paul, Patriarch of Constantinople, ii. 

330- 
Paul, St., i. 97, 102. 
Paulinus, Bishop of York, i. xxvii, 

cv, 3, 5, 22, 32, 55, 76, 157, 186, 

207, 289, 382 ; ii. 24, 93, 170 ; 

iii. 188, 303. 
Paulinus, Eastern Bishop, i. 164. 



INDEX 



431 



Pavia, i. 233 ; ii. 58, 140, 349. 
Peada, King of Mercia, i. 99, 100, 
122, 123, 134, 136, 140, 218, 227, 

330, 331- 
Peak, The, i. 124. 
Peakirk (Peykirk), ii. 416. 
Peanfahel, i. Ixxxvi ; ii, 104. 
Peasant kings of Britain, i. 16. 
Pecganham, i. clxviii. 
Pecland, i. 124. 
Pecsxtas, i. 124. 
Pectarit, King, see Berhther. 
Pecthelm (Pehthelm), Bishop of Whit- 
herne, i. cxiv ; ii. 377, 444, 515; 
iii. 34, 38-40. 
Pectwine (Pehtwine), Bishop of Whit- 

herne, iii. 34, 40. 
Peddle, ii. 516. 
Pedivel, ii. 516. 
Peers, C, i. clxxvii. 
Pega, St., i. 137 ; ii. 414-416. 
Pegeland, ii. 416. 
Pehthelm, see Pecthelm. 
Pehtwine, see Pectwine. 
Pelagius, i. 182. 
Pembrokeshire, ii. 488. 
Penance, ii. 405 ; iii. 251, 261. 
Penda (Banna, Panna, Panta, 
Pantha), King of Mercia, i. clxxxii, 
clxxxiii, 4, 15, 35, 42, 43, 47-52, 
55, 58, 62, 74, 75, 77, 93, 94, 99, 
100, 115, 120, 122, 124-128, 131- 
133, 182, 183, 217, 218, 223, 226, 
319-321, 327, 348; ii. 44, 373, 
418, 425; iii. 3, 189, 209, 210, 
214, 225, 227, 356, 387. 
Pengerd, see Pen ward. 
Penitential^ Theodore's, i. clxxviii ; 

ii. 161-167. 
Pennard, see Penward. 
Penneltun, i. Ixxxvi ; ii. 104. 
Pennine range, i. 15. 
Penrith, ii. 108. 
Penta, river, i. 142. 
Penthecton, ii. 329. 
Penwald, ii. 408. 
Penward (Pengerd, Pennard), i. cxliii, 

cli. 
Peogthath, Peohthal, see Pceogthath. 
Pepin, mayor of the palace of 

Austrasia, i. 294, 301, 302. 
Perigueux, i. 295. 
Perjury, iii. 242, 363, 385. 
Peronne, i. 116-119; ii. 453; iii. 

354, 355. 
Perrona Scotorum, i. 117. 
Pershore, ii. 385, 386. 
Pesholme, iii. 59. 
Peter, Abbot, iii. 322. 



Peter, baptismal name of Caedwalla, 

ii. 141. 
Peter, Bishop, i. 254. 
Peter, Patriarch of Alexandria, ii. 

330. 
Peter, St., dedication, ii. 472. 
Peter's pence, ii. 437, 438. 
Peterborough, cxxvii, cxxx, cxxxii-- 

cxxxiv, clxxiii, clxxiv, 62, 136, 

223, 330-334; ii- 33» 187, 343, 

410, 411, 416 ; iii. 210, 358, 387. 
Pfazel, iii. 201. 
Philippa, Queen, iii. 15, 16. 
Philippicus Bardanes, Emperor, i. 

clxxxii ; ii. 341, 354, 355. 
Phocas, i. 231. 

Phonology, Aldhelm's views, iii. 377. 
Piaton, priest and martyr, ii. 264. 
Picardy, iii. 354. 
Pickering Hills, i. 154. 
Picts, i. 35, 75; ii. 40, 106, no, 

112, 506; iii. 173. 
Pictures, see Paintings. 
Pilgrimage of Grace, iii. 82, 92. 
Pilgrimages, i. Ivi-lviii, 58, 90, 116, 

117, 332; ii. 384, 434, 435; iii- 

.31.5- 
Pilkington, James, Bishop of Durham, 

i- 351' 
Pillows, Cuthberht's, iii. 88. 
Piltun, i. cliv. 

Piperings (Piperinges), i. cl ; ii. 449. 
Placidia, ii. 79. 
Plague, i. XXV, Ixxxiv, cxlvi, 56, 205- 

207, 224, 250, 252, 307, 358 ; ii. 

117, 155, 172, 256, 301, 307, 308, 

344, 403, 404, 422 ; iii. 8, 10, 185, 

214, 231, 255, 350, 364, 368. 
Planasia, i. 169. 
Pleghelmestun, i. clxix. 
Plegwin, ii. 229. 
Plumbland, iii. 59, 60. 
Plummer, Rev. C, i. v, clxxv. 
Poelt, see Pouelt. 
Poetry, Anglo-Saxon, iii. 266. 
Pogonatos, see Constantine iv. 
Poictiers, ii. 260, 266; iii. 183. 
Pole, Reginald, ii. 244. 
Polychronius, ii. 81. 
Pontefract, i. Ixxvii, Ixxix. 
Pontesbury (Pantesberie, Partesbury, 

Posentesbyrg, Posentesbyrig), i. 52, 

326, 327- 
Pontus, i. 174, 257, 259, 260, 262. 
Poole, ii. 464 ; iii. 36. 
Pope, a foreigner, ii. 201. 
Pope and the Quinisext Council, ii. 

330, 351. 
Pope, first monk to become, ii. 64. 



432 



INDEX 



Pope, position of, ii. 2, 4, 7, 8, 10, 

13, 25, 264. 
Pope, title, i. 187. 
Pope, visit to Constantinople, ii. 341, 

353-355- 
Popes of Rome, i. clxxxi, clxxxii. 
Popes, Greek, ii. 348-353- 
Popes, history of, ii. 64-72, 343-356. 
Popes, unlearned, i. xvi. 
Porchester, i. 39. 
Portus, ii. 78. 
Posentesbyrg, Posentesbyrig, see 

Pontesbury. 
Pouelt (Poelt, Pouholt), i. clii-clv ; 

ii. 450. 
Poverty at Lindisfarne, i. 25. 
Prague, i. 71. 

Prayer for impenitent, iii. 393. 
Prayer for Wilfrid's recovery, ii. 230. 
Prayer of monks, i. 272-275 ; see also 

Hours. 
Prayer, mutual, iii. 235. 
Prayer restores life, i. 370. 
Prayer to be offered standing, iii. 261. 
Prayer under a veil, iii. 260. 
Prayer-book of Alfred the Great, iii. 

385. 
Precedence of English saints, iii. 88. 
Preface, i. ix-lxxxii. 
Pre- sanctified, Mass of the, ii. 334. 
Preston, iii. 227, 391. 
Prestoune Kirk, iii. 119. 
Prestvi^ick, iii. 36. 
Priest's duties, iii. 250, 251. 
Priests, resident, increased, i. xxxi. 
Primacy of all England, spurious 

documents, i. cxxvii, cxxviii. 
Prime, i. 278. 
Privileges, monastic, i. Ivi, cxxiii-cxxx, 

cxxxiii, cxxxvii, cxxxviii, cxl, cliv, 

clxii, clxxii ; ii. 178, 470 ; iii. 348 ; 

see also Forgeries. 
Prohaeresius, i. 254. 
Property, private, forbidden to nuns, 

iii. 178. 
Prophecy, ii. 54, 55, 107-109, 149, 

414; iii. 8, 9. 
Propontis, ii. 327. 
Prostitution by pilgrims, ii. 435. 
Prov. Auxitana, ii. 9. 
Provence, i. 169, 300. 
Prufening, i. 64. 
Prufling, i. 64. 
Psalter learned by Wilfrid, i. 162, 

163. 
Psalter, Oswin's, i. 90. 
Pubba, see Pybba. 
Puch, iii. 155-157. 
Pucklechurch, ii. 499. 



Pudsey, Bishop, i. Ixvi ; iii. 16, 88, 

341- 
Purgatory, i. Ixiii, Ixv ; ii. 129 ; iii. 

339. 
Putstone, ii. 399. 
Putta, Bishop of Rochester, i. clxv, 

clxvi, clxxxiv, 217, 317 ; ii. 22, 

47-49. 398, 399- 
Pybba (Pubba), i. 48 ; ii. 380. 
Pyrenees, i. 295. 
Pyx, Cuthberht's, iii. 89. 

Quantock Wood, i. cli. 

Qu^ntovic, see Etaples. 

Quarrelling among nuns, iii. 178, 179. 

Quartodecimans, i. 209, 355. 

Queensferry, ii. 103. 

Quenburga, see Cuenburga. 

Quentavic, see Etaples. 

Queongyth, iii. 236. 

Quinisext Council, ii. 327-338, 349, 

351 ; iii. 367. 
Quintin, ii. 264. 

Quintus Lucius Sabinianus, i. 129. 
Quiricus, Archbishop of Toledo, ii. 4. 
Quoenguyda, i. clxxiii. 

Raculf, see Reculver. 
Radegunda, St., iii. 183, 362. 
Radulf (Rodulf), Duke of Thuringia, 

i. 299, 301. 
Raedfrid, i. 306. 
Raegremaeld, see Riemmelth. 
Raggewalh, i. 332. 
Ragnetrude, wife of Dagobert, i. 296. 
Raimund, iii. 211. 
Raine, James, i. clxxvi. 
Ramshofen, i. 64. 
Ransom, iii. 167, 243. 
Ranulf, Archbishop of Canterbury, iii. 

76. 
Rape, iii. 261. 

Ratherius, Bishop of Verona, iii. 264. 
Rathmat, i. 102. 
Rathmelsige, ii. 404. 
Ratisbon, i. 71. 
Ravenglas, i. 133 ; iii. 316. 
Ravenna, ii. 76, 78, 348 ; iii. 308, 

313- 
Ravenna, Archbishop declines to go 

to Rome, i. 238, 239. 
Ravenna, Exarchate of, i. xvii. 
Reading by nuns, iii. 178. 
Rebaise, i. 297. 
Rebaptism, ii. 165, 166. 
Recceswintha, King of the Visigoths, 

i. clxxxi. 
Reconciliation, iii. 246, 247. 
Reconsecration, i. 355 ; iii. 359. 



INDEX 



433 



Reculver (RaculO, i. cxxxix, clxvii, 
198, 317-319; ii- 189, 190, 359. 

Redbridge, ii, 136. 

Redeford, ii. 136. 

Redel, Bishop, iii. 216. 

Redmersell, iii. 59. 

Redwald, King of East Anglia, ii. 
418. 

Reedford, ii. 136. 

Reeves, Dr., i. clxxvi. 

Refectory in monasteries, i. 25. 

Reggio, i. 234 ; ii. 79. 

Reginald of Durham, Libelhis, i. 
cxv, cxvi : Works, iii. 346. 

Reinfred, ii. 278. 

Relics, i. Ixix-lxxiii, Ixxix, 34, 44- 
46, 57-68, 73, 83-88, 90, 91, 94, 
95, 99, 116, 117, 137, 154, 165, 
198, 371. 380; ii. 89,92, loi, 120, 
203, 213, 238, 241-245, 255, 263, 
273, 274, 396, 397, 416, 421, 470, 
498, 499» 516, 517; iii. 9, 57, 69- 
71, 79, 86, 87, 98, 99, 108, 120, 
121, 133, 140, 148, 149, 162, 163, 
172, 207, 209, 210, 227-229, 250, 

339, 340, 352, 355, 390. 
Reliquaries, ii. 263, 271, 272. 
Remigius of Auxerre, i. Ixxxviii. 
Remiremont, i. 297 ; iii. 183. 
Rendelsham, Rendlaesham, i. 152 ; 

ii. 418. 
Renired, Bishop, i. cxlix. 
Repton, i. 135, 356 ; ii. 408, 413, 

414, 418; iii. 184, 203, 212, 220, 

221, 368, 386. 
Rheims, ii. 8. 
Rhine, i. 302. 
Rhodes, i. 230, 232. 
Rhone valley, i. xvii. 
Rhun, i. 75. 

Rhythm, Aldhelm's views, iii. 380. 
Ribble, i. 378. 
Ricbod, Archbishop of Treves, i. 

xcvii. 
Richard, Abbot of Ely, iii. 216, 220, 

223. 
Richard, Abbot of St. Albans, iii. 'jS. 
Richard, Bishop, iii. 392. 
Richard, Prior, History of the Church 

of Hexham, i. cxv. 
Richard i., i. cxxxiv. 
Richard ii., iii, 88. 
Richmond Archdeaconry, i. 379, 

.380. 
Richmondshire, i. 3 ; iii. 59- 
Ricinghaam (Ricingahaam), i. clxviii, 

clxxii. 
Riddles, iii. 377, 378. 
Ridinges, iii. 155. 

VOL. III. — 28 



Riemmelth (Raegremaeld), wife of 

Oswy, i. 75, 226. 
Rimid, i. 98. 
Ring, episcopal, ofCuthberht, iii. 98, 

.99- 
Ripon, i. ex, 60, 184, 221, 307, 367, 

370-381 ; ii. 39, 54, 158, 182, 183, 

2CX), 202, 206, 221, 223, 227, 230, 

232, 235, 236, 242, 247, 256-258 ; 
iii. 6, 18, 64, 120, 357, 364. 

Rippel, see Ribble. 
Rippell, i. clviii, clix. 
Rochdale, i. 357 ; ii. 251 ; iii. 359. 
Rochester, i. cxxxiii, cxxxvii, 76, 142, 
148, 249, 260, 316, 317, 331 ; ii. I, 

47, 51. 364,. 398; iii. 361. 

Rochester, Bishops of, i. clxxxiv, 
clxxxv. 

Rodalgus, iii. 352. 

Roderic, King of the Visigoths, i. 
clxxxii. 

Rodulf, see Radulf. 

Roeulx, i. 120. 

Rois faineants, i. 246. 

Roman influence on Northumbrian 
Church, i. 157.! 

Roman provincial synod, ii. 68-79, 
82. 

Roman rites and Celtic rites, differ- 
ences, i. 55. 

Roman supremacy disputed, i. 264. 

Roman use, iii. 8, 18. 

Romanus, see Ronan. 

Rome, i. xvi-xviii, xl, liv, Ivi, Iviii, 
Ixxxiv, cxxviii, 147, 157, 160, 162, 
164, 165, 168, 225, 233, 234, 238, 
287, 304; ii. 55, 59, 65, 89, 139- 
141, 185, 201, 202, 213, 231, 232, 
253, 254, 274, 275, 300, 301, 317, 
349, 355, 356, 384, 392, 394, 416, 
425, 448, 468, 470, 497, 501, 515 ; 
iii. 140, 167, 209, 227, 309, 315, 
321, 322, 337, 358, 365 : English 
school at, ii. 436-438. 

Romney Marsh, ii. 113. 

Romscot, ii. 437, 438. 

Romuald, Duke of Beneventum, i. 

233, 235. 

Ronan (Romanus), i. 157, 158, 187. 

Roric, Bishop of Limoges, ii. 269. 

Rosnat, see Whitherne. 

Rothbury, iii. 316, 319. 

Rouen, i. 296 ; ii. 8. 

Rowley water, i. 14. 

Royth, i. 75, 226. 

Rufinianus, i. 237. 

Rule of St. Basil, i. 267-286. 

Rule of St. Caesarius, iii. 176-182, 

Rule of Lindisfarne, i. 25. 



434 



INDEX 



Rum, i. 75, 226. 

Runes, iii. 269-271, 307, 310, 31 1, 

318-320. 
Ruringaham, iii. 3. 
Rushworth, see Ruthwell. 
Russia, i. 299. 
Ruthwell, i. 133, 340; iii. 37, 146, 

269, 304, 306, 308, 309, 316-320. 
Rutlandshire, iii. 210. 
Ryal, iii. 210. 

Saale, i. 298. 

Sabercht, King of Essex, i. clxxxii, 

clxxxiii, 138, 241. 
Sacrifice, ii. 333. 
Sacrilege, iii. 239, 240. 
Saelred, see Selred. 
Saethryth (Ssethryd), Abbess of Brie, 

i. 121 ; iii. 225. 
Sseward, King of Essex, i. clxxxii, 

138, 224. 
Ssexred, King of Essex, i. clxxxii, 

138. 
St. Abb's Head, iii. 205. 
St. Alban's, i. 87, 88 ; ii. 298. 
St. Alban's Head, ii. 464. 
St. Aldhelm's Head, ii. 464. 
St. Algise, iii. 352. 
St. Andrews, iii. 141. 
St. Bees in Copeland, iii. 196. 
St. Bonnet d'Avalouze, ii. 272. 
St. Boswell's, iii. 5. 
St. Denis, i. 297, 303. 
St. Gallen, i. 100 ; iii. 49. 
St. Honorat, St. Honore, i. 169, 170. 
St. John's Lee, iii. 154. 
St. Keyne, iii. 197. 
St. Marguerite, Provence, i. 169. 
St. Maurice d'Agaune, ii. 270, 273, 

275- 
St. Michael's Mount, i. 21. 
St. Oswald's, i. 12, 14, 70. 
Saintes, i. 295. 
Saints, canonisation of, i. Ixxvi ; iii. 

339, 340. 
Saints, English, not recognised, iii. 

340- 
Saints, hereditary, i. Ixxvii. 

Saints, Lives of, as authorities, iii. 346. 

Saints' bodies uncorrupted, see 

Corpses. 
Saints' days, observance at Lindis- 

farne, i. 27. 
Salic laws, i. 299. 
Salkeld, iii. 59, 60. 
Salton, iii. 171. 
Saltworks, i. clvii. 
Salvin, i. 170.3 
Salwerpe, river, i. clvi, clvii. 



Salzburg, i. 71. 

Sambuce, ii. 307, 507. 

Samer, ii. 139. 

Samo, ruler of the Tscheques, i. 298, 

299. 
Sanctuary, i. 377 ; ii. 336 ; iii. 62, 

164, 166, 167. 
Sanday Island, iii. 133. 
Sandoe, ii. 307. 
Sandwich, i. 215, 247. 
Sandwich, Juliana de, iii. 186. 
Sapwic, i. cliv. 
Saracens, i. 229-231, 287 ; ii. 60, 61, 

79, 326, 339-341. 
Sardinia, i. 234. 
Saturnus, ii. 268. 
Sauris, i. 64. 
Savenieres, ii. 260. 

Saxon churches, see Churches, Saxon. 
Saxonia, i. 113, 116. 
*' Saxons," applied to Northumbrians, 

ii. 319; iii. 366. 
Saxony, ii. 85. 

Saxulf, Abbot, see Saxwulf, Bishop. 
Saxulph, son of Saxulf the Count, i. 

clxxv. 
Saxwulf (Saxulf), Bishop of Lichfield, 

i. clviii, clxxiv, clxxxvi, 330-333 ; 

». 33, 35, 48-50, 184, 187, 381, 

385, 398 ; iii. 358. 
Scaelfremere, i. 332. 
Scarrington, iii. 171. 
Scent of saints' bodies, iii. 69, 210. 
Scethis, i. 171. 

Schism, i. xx, xxix, xxxii ; ii. 349. 
Scholastica, nun, ii. 477 ; iii. 232. 
School, Canterbury, see Canterbury. 
School, English, at Rome, see Rome. 
School founded by Aidan, i. 30. 
Schoolmasters, i. Ixxxv. 
Schools in Ireland, see Ireland. 
Schools in nunneries forbidden, iii. 

Scorburgh, iii. 157. 

Scotland, i. xxvii, 5, 22, 36, 89, 112, 
136, 204; ii. 57, 149, 310, 405, 
506; iii. 15, 37, 63, 173, 205. 

Scotland, Abbot, iii. 228. 

Scots language used by Aidan, i. 32. 

Scott, Sir Walter, i. 338. 

Scottarit, see Shottery. 

Scottia (Scotland), i. 136. 

Scriptorium at Scyllacium, iii. 337. 

Scripture to be obeyed, i. 279. 

Scyllacium, iii. 331, 337.^ 

Sea-fret, ii. 241. 

Seal of Durham Monastery, i. 60, 61. 

Seal of Tynemouth Abbey, i. 90. 

Sebastopolis, ii. 327. 



INDEX 



435 



Sebbi (Sebbe), King of Essex, i. Iviii, 
cvii, cxxxv, clxviii, clxxiii, clxxxiii, 
152, 223 ; ii. 125, 126, 420-424. 

Seckington (Secceswald), iii. 386. 

Sedulius, ii. 146. 

Sees, Anglo-Saxon, i. clxxxiv- 
clxxxvi. 

Segbrok^ Richard de, i. 67 ; iii. 86. 

Seghine (Segeni), Abbot of Hii, i. 

17, 33, 321. 
Segrave, John de, iii. 186. 
Selaeseu, see Selsey. 
Self-abuse, iii. 261. 
Seligenstadt, ii. 195. 
Selred (Saelred), King of Essex, i. 

clxxxiii, clxxxiv ; ii. 426. 
Selsey (Selaeseu, Selsea, Seolesia), i. 

civ, cxlvii-cxlix, 56; ii. 117, I18, 

448, 454. 

Sempad, ii. 327. 

Sens, i. 306 ; ii. 8. 

Seolesia, see Selsey. 

Septimania, i. 295 ; ii. 340. 

Serapion, i. 172. 

Serbandus (Servandus), iii. 336. 

Serenus, i. 172. 

Sergius i., St., Pope, i.lxxxiv, cxxxvii- 
cxxxix, clxxxi ; ii. 139, 144, 145, 
196, 198, 205, 209, 319, 339, 345, 

349-351, 355, 362, 469, 470; iii- 

148, 367. 
Servandus, see Serbandus. 
Sesoald, i. 233. 
Sevekesham, see Sheovesham. 
Seven, number, iii. 376. 
Severin, Abbot of Agaune, ii. 264. 
Severn, river, iii. 351. 
Seville, i. xvii, xxxii ; ii. 4, 13. 
Seville, Bishops of, precedence, ii. 

4. 
Sewara, wife of Anna, i. 121, 138. 
Seward, see Sseward. 
Sewenna, iii. 213. 
Sewera, iii. 213. 
Sexbald, i. 138, 152. 
Sexburga, Queen of Wessex, i. 

clxxxiii ; ii. 31, 118; iii. 219. 
Sexburga, Queen of Kent and Saint, 

i. 121, 244, 246 ; ii. 160; iii. 215, 

219, 220, 222, 223, 347, 390. 
Sexburga, Queen, wife of Ini, see 

^thelburga. 
Sexred, see Saexred. 
Seythlecester, i. 71. 
Shaftesbury, i. clxx, clxxi. 
Sheep-shearing, ii. 167. 
Shelswell, iii. 389. 
Sheovesham (Sevekesham), ii. 121 ; 

iii. 363. 



Shepishee, ii. 410. 

Sheppey, i. cxxxix ; ii. 160 ; iii. 219, 

220, 388, 390. 
Sherborne, i. clxxi ; ii. 447, 491, 

493. 
Sherborne, Bishops of, i. clxxxv. 
Sherwood Forest, iii. 349. 
Shottery (Scottarit), i. clvii. 
Shrewsbury, i. 52 ; iii. 349. 
Shropshire, i. 50, 51, 328. 
Sibba, iii. 13. 
Sicily, i. xviii, Ixxiii, 232, 234 ; ii. 

60,349. 
Sideleshamstede, ii. 449. 
Sidlaw Hills, ii. 107. 
Sidnaceaster, ii. 401. 
Siegfrid, see Sigfrid. 
Siesta of the monks, iii. 19, 384. 
Sigebald (Sigbald), i. 138; ii. 430. 
Sigeberht (the Learned), King of 

East Anglia, i. Iviii, cv, clxxxii, 49, 

100, loi, 113-115, 120, 131. 
Sigeberht (the Good), St., King of 

Essex, i. clxxxiii, 99, 100, 138, 

139, 151, 152, 224; ii. 426. 
Sigeberht (the Little), King of Essex, 

i. clxxxii, clxxxiii, 138. 
Sigeberht, King of Wessex, iii. 386. 
Sigebert, King of Austrasia, i. 100, 

296, 300-302; ii. 38. 
Sigebrand, Bishop of Paris, i. 166. 
Sigegytha, i. cxiv. 
Sigfrid (Siegfrid, Sigred), Abbot of 

Wearmouth, ii. 243, 276, 301, 303, 

304, 306; iii. 5, 6, 149, 152, 352, 

366. 
Sighard (Sigeheard), King of Essex, 

i. clxviii, clxxii, clxxxiii ; ii. 423, 

.424. 
Sighere (Sigheri), King of Essex, i. 

clxxiii, clxxxiii, 152, 223 ; ii. 377, 

420-422, 424 ; iii. 209. 
Sigred, see Sigfrid. 
Silchester, ii. 297. 
Silvester, St., Pope, iii. 340, 370. 
Simeon, i. 67. 
Simon Magus, ii. 309, 311, 315, 316, 

487. 
Simony, i. xxi, 224, 324 ; ii. 25, 349. 
Singing, ii. 69, 70, 298, 307, 308, 

456, 463 ; iii. 178, 263, 329. 
Sinodum, i. 41. 

Sisinand, Visigothic King, i. 197. 
Sisinnus, Pope, i. clxxxi ; ii. 353. 
Siwara, see Sewara. 
Sizentius, ii. 209. 
Slaepi, i. clxv. 
Slaves and slavery, ii. 118, 272, 372 ; 

iii. 250, 255, 257, 259, 261. 



436 



INDEX 



Slavs, i. 232, 298, 299 ; ii. 61-63, 

327- 
Slovenes, i. 298. 
Smith, G., i. clxxv. 
Smith, Richard, Bishop of Chalce- 

don, iii. 99. 
Smith who sang psalms while work- 
ing, iii. 134, 135- 
Socrates, i. 279. 

Soissons, i, 64, 210, 211 ; iii. 183. 
Solent, ii. 134. 

Solignac, i. 297 ; ii. 259, 264, 268. 
Solvente, ii. 134. 
Solway Firth, ii. 155; iii. 34, 36, 

102, 316. 
Somerset, i. cxliii ; ii. 431, 447, 487, 

494. 
Somerton, ii. 427. 
Song, heavenly, i. 359-361. 
Soothsayers, ii. 335. 
Sorabians, i. 298. 
Sotevagina, Archdeacon of York, 

iii. 166. 
South Angles, i. cv, 35, 49, lOO, 

134-136, 140, 223, 330, 349. 
South Burton, iii. 155. 
South Elmham, see Elmham. 
South Minster, i. cxxxix. 
South Saxons, i. cv, 214 ; ii. 429- 

431- 
South Shields, iii. 351, 389. 
Southcouton, iii. 59. 
Southee, ii. 410. 
Southwyke, i. cii. 
Soweie, Sowy, see Middlezoy. 
Spain, i. xviii, xix, clxxviii, 297 ; ii. 

2-20, 72, 340 ; iii. 360, 369. 
Spalis, ii. 4. 

Spencer, Lord Hugh, i. Ixxix. 
Spires, i. 72. 
Spondon, iii. 221, 390. 
Sponsors, ii. 334 ; iii. 39. 
Staffordshire, i. 328, 357; ii. 41. 
Stainmoor, i. 133. 
Stallington, ii. 34. 
Stamford, i. 183 ; iii. 94. 
Stamford Bridge, i. 184. 
Standard, Battle of the, ii. 241. 
Stanford, i. 332. 
Stapulford, i. cxxxvi. 
Stavelot, i. 297. 
Stephanus, eunuch, ii. 325. 
Stephen, see /liddi. 
Stephen, Abbot of St. Mary, York, 

iii. 76. 
Stephen, Bishop of Corinth, ii. 79, 

81. 
Stephen, chaplain, iii. 78. 
Stephen 11., Pope, ii. 362. 



Stephen, St., i. 67. 
Stephens, George, Runic Monu- 
ments, i. clxxvi. 
Stepmother marriage, i. 241. 
Stevenson, J., Church Historians^ 

i. clxxv. 
Stirling, ii. 40. 
Stitheard, monk, iii. 58. 
Stoches, iii. 210. 
Stodmarsh (Stodmersch), i. cxxxvi ; 

ii. 129. 
Stoke St. Milburgh, iii. 211. 
Stokes, Miss, Three Months in the 

Forests of France, i. clxxvi. 
Stoneham, ii. 136. 
Stonyhurst College, iii. 103. 
Stour, river, i. cxxxvi ; ii, 129. 
Stow, Lincoln, ii. 401. 
Stow, Wedale, i. 130. 
Stowe, i. 357 ; iii. 388. 
Strages Gai, i. 128. 
Straiton in Carrick, iii. 36. 
Strassburg, ii. 58. 
Strathclyde, iii. 34. 
Strathearn, i. 36. 
Streaneshealh, Streonaeshalch, 
Strenaeshalh, Streoneshalch, 
Streuneshalae, see Whitby. 
Strensall, iii. 192. 
Stret, i. cliv. 

Stretlea (Stretlee), i. cxlvi ; iii. 348. 
Stronglic, dux, i. clxiv. 
Strymon, i. 256. 
Stubbs, Bishop, i. clxxvi. 
Sturia, ii. 361. 

Sturige (Sturregia), i. cxxxv, cxxxvi. 
Sturmi, St., ii. 257. 
Styria, i. 72, 298. 

Suaebhard (Suebbaerd, Suebred, 
Swaebhard, Swefred), King of 
Kent, i. cxxxv, cxxxvi, clxviii- 
clxx, clxxiii; ii. 125, 126, 357, 
361, 423, 424; see also Swaefred. 
Succession, Royal, among Anglo- 
Saxons, i. 245, 246. 
Succession through females, ii. 106. 
Sudaneie (Sudanie), i. cxxxv ; ii. 

126. 
Suebbaerd, Suebred, see Suaebhard. 
Suella, ii. 397. 
Suevres, ii. 260. 
Suffolk, ii. 52 ; iii. 355. 
Suicide, iii. 256. 
Suidberht, Abbot, iii. 209. 
Suidberht, Bishop, i. xxxviii ; ii. 185, 

186. 
Suidfrid, King, i. clxxii. 
Suidhelm, King of Essex, i. 152, 
224 ; ii. 418. 



INDEX 



437 



Suinthila, Visigothic King, i. 297. 

Suilhred, see Swaefrcd. 

Sulpicius Severus, ii. 488. 

Sumerford, i. cxlii, 

Sumerled, iii. 78. 

Sunday, i. 27, 28 ; ii. 167 ; iii, 245, 

246, 255. 
Sunday marriages, iii. 248. 
Sundial, iii. 308. 
Sungeova, iii. 14. 
Sunninghall, ii. 120. 
Surrey, i. cxlvii, 306 ; ii. 42-44, 

357, 424, 431, 447- 

Sussex, i. 306, 327, 335 ; ii. 102, 
112-118, 132-134, 138, 147, 148, 
170, 431, 447, 448; iii. 363. 

Suthgedluit, iii. 56. 

Suwika, i. cii. 

Swaebhard, see Suaebhard. 

Swaefred (Swefred), King of Essex, i. 
clxxxiii ; ii. 125, 423, 424, 426; 
see also Suaebhard. 

Swaledale, i. 79. 

Swanage, ii. 464. 

Swanescamp, i. clxxiii. 

Swartebrand, monk, i. 62. 

Swearing, ii. 338 ; iii. 176. 

Swefred, see Suaebhard, Swaefred. 

Swilton, iii. 186. 

Swinburn, i. 13. 

Swinescar, ii. 197. 

Swithelm, King of Kent, i. clxxxiii. 

Switzerland, i. xxvi. 

Sylviacus, ii. 139. 

Symeon of Durham, Works ^ i. cxv. 

Symeon Styhtcs, St. 1. Ix. 

Synod, Austerfield, i. ex ; ii. 196-202, 
207, 225: Baccanchelde, i. cxxxviii- 
cxl ; ii. 363 : Clovesho, i. cxxxix, 
cxl : Ethcealchy, ii. 385 : Heath- 
field, ii. 73-75, 418: Herutford, i. 
309, 325; ii- 2, 12, 20-30, 52, 
103: lona, i. 16, 17: Milan, ii. 
76 : Nidd, ii. 223-226, 364 : 
Roman, ii. 68-79, 82 ; iii. 363 : 
Twyford, i. clxxiv : West Saxon, 
ii. 365 : Whitby, i. cxxxiv, 98, 
185-196, 204, 210, 219, 323-325* 
370, 371; ii. ^T, iii. 17, 194,357, 
358. 

Synods, i. xx, xxi, xxxi, xlviii. 

Synods to be summoned twice yearly, 
ii. 28. 

Syracuse, i. 234, 235. 

Syria, i. 232, 255, 287, 313, 314. 

Tabenna, i. 177. 
Tadcaster, iii. 186. 
Tai, i. 64. 



Talbot, Robert, iii. 349. 

Talorcan (Talarcain, Tolarcain), King 

of the I'icts, i. 6, 75, 219; ii. 40, 

41, 106. 
Tamu, ii. 46. 

Tamworlh, i. cxlvii ; ii. 46. 
Tan, river, i. cli, clii ; ii. 450. 
Tangier, ii. 339. 
Tangmere, i. clxviii. 
Tanionilo, ii. 268. 
Tapers, iii. 25